Sangamon County, Illinois - City of Springfield 563, 1881 (part 11 of 25)
From History of Sangamon County, Illinois; Together with Sketches of Its Cities, Villages and Townships ... Portraits of Prominent Persons, and Biographies of Representative Citizens. History of Illinois, published 1881. 15,845 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.
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15,845 wordsMachine-read from scans of History of Sangamon County, Illinois; Together with Sketches of Its Cities, Villages and Townships ... Portraits of Prominent Persons, and Biographies of Representative Citizens. History of Illinois, published 1881. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.
"A preliminary test of the strength of the guy ropes attached to the derrick mast was made early in the morning, and under the strain the east guy rope broke twice, but the breaks were spliced, and the derrick caused to lean slightly to the east, thus throwing the strain on the west rope. A hitch occurred in the block at the top of the derrick, and Mr. Brodie went aloft to adjust it. Mr. William S. Conant, eldest son of Mr. Sullivan Conant, then an active lad of eighteen, went up to assist Mr. Brodie, and to carry up a rope sling, which had fallen from aloft, striking Mr. Charles Fisher, hurting him slightly. An immense throng of people had gathered from the city and surrounding country, and a company of Whig lads were just passing through Johnson's stone-yard from the Journal office, when a cry of horror went up from the crowd, ' the derrick is falling,' and the stentorian voice of ' Old Rube Red ford ' was heard: 'Jump for your lives.' The writer of this was with the procession of lads and witnessed with horror which left a lasting impression upon his mind. Young Conant ran down the cleats a few feet, and then sprang into the air from a height fully sixty feet, in a northwesterly diiection, falling with a sickening thud near the west sidewalk. Poor Brodie appeared paralyzed, and clung to the derrick, which in its fall crushed him to the earth a shapeless corpse. Young Conant was tenderly borne to the house of his father, on South Fifth street, accompanied by hundreds of sympathizing friends. Every physician in town was promptly on hand. Drs. Merriman, Cabanis, Todd, Helm, Wallace, Jayne, McNeil, Henry, Shields and Frazer were particularly prominent in the tender of their services. On examination it was found that the unfortunate youth had sustained the fracture of several ribs and a compound fracture of the right ankle, the bones piercing the flesh, and had actually been driven deep into the ground. Mr. Conant was confined to his bed for more than two months, but finally recovered with a lame ankle, which kept him on crutches for more than two years, and he is to this day lame in that foot, and at times suffers some pain. At one time it was thought necessary to amputate the foot, but by the skill of Drs. Merriman and Cabanis the member was saved. After the accident the cry went up that the Democrats had but honest men scouted the idea as atrocions. Then it was said that Mr. Brodie had accidentally cut the rope with a hatchet, but he had neither hatchet or knife with him. The facts were that the dense throng had crowded on to the west guy rope and had drawn the derrick from a perpendicular, and the strain was two much for the east guy rope, which had been already twice broken, and it again parted, causing the derrick to fall. The clubs of both political parties passed resolutions of sympathy for the unfortunate young man, Mr. E. B. Herndon, President of the Young Men's Democratic Club, exerted himself to render the patient every assistance possible. Mr. Lincoln was almost constantly by the sick bed, whilst such men as Colonel E. D. Baker, John C. Calhoun, Caleb Birchall, Robert Irwin, James H. Matheny, B. S. Edwards, W. P. Grimsley and many other prominent citizens of both parties cheerfully attended to the wants of the sick man. As soon as he was able to leave the house, Mr. Lincoln took young Conant to a Whig demonstration in Jacksonville, making the journey by easy stages in a carriage.
In 1849, Mr. Conant removed to Petersburg - entering into the furniture business. He still resides in that thriving suburban village, and devotes his time to his lovely Rose Hill Cemetery.
The Beautiful Ash-Pole
was safely erected soon after the accident, and remained until after the election in November, when it was taken down, as fears of its safety from winter storms were entertained. A flag and a streamer 150 feet long floated from the staff. They were made by the ladies of the city and presented to the Whigs. The streamer, on which was inscribed the word 'Union,' was subsequently presented to Mr. Conant, and it is still in his possession, in a good state of preservation. An admirable campaign glee club, under the leadership of Mr. Robert Irwin, afforded the vocal music for the Whigs in that campaigh, whilst ' Jack ' Hough was the leader of a brass band, in opposition to ' Old Ballings.'
1846. - T. M. Kilpatrick received the Whig nomination for Governor, and A. C. French was honored by the Democratic party for the same office. Before the people Mr. French was successful. Abraham Lincoln was placed in nomination for Congress by the Whigs of the Seventh District, and Peter Cartwright was his Democratic opponent. The Free Soil party, which was trying to force itself into notice, honored E. Wolcott with their votes. Lincoln and Cartwright made a thorough canvass of the district, which resulted in the election of Mr. Lincoln. Sangamon county, as usual, gave its vote to the Whig party, th# entire county ticket being elected by an average majority of 500.
1848. - The first measure before the people was a vote on the new Constitution, which had been prepared by a convention elected for that purpose the previous year. The vote in this county was, for the Constitution, 1,817; against, 200. Zachary Taylor, the hero of Buena Vista, was placed in nomination for the Presidency, by the Whigs; Lewis Cass, the eminent Statesman of Michigan, by the Democrats; and Martin Van Buren, by the Free Soil party. For Congress, Stephen T. Logan, of Springfield, and Thomas L. Harris, of Petersburg, were the nominees of the Whig and Democratic parties, respectively. Mr. Harris, was elected, but Mr. Logan carried this county by a majority of 263 votes. John T. Stuart was the Whig, and J. W. Barrett, the Democratic candidate for State Senator, Mr. Stuart received a majority of SS*/. But little interest was manifesced in the campaign, comparatively, except for Congress, and the vote was less than in 1844, being less than 3,200. The Whig county ticket was again successful.
1850. - T. L. Harris, of Petersburg, was nominated by the Democrats for re-election to Congress, and was opposed by Richard Yates, the nominee of the Whigs. In this county but little interest was manifested, there being but a few county officers to be elected. Scarcely more than three-fourths of the votes -was polled, the Whigs being again triumphant, electing all their officers, and giving Yates 336 majority for Congress.
1852. - The Whigs again placed in the field as their chief nominee for the Presidency, a military chieftain, one who in the War of 1812, and in the Mexican war, distinguished himself in a manner as to win the praise of the whole country - General W^infield Scott. He was confronted by Franklin Pierce, who, though ranking as General, w^as not considered the military hero as was General Scott. The Free Soil party, though having no hopes of electing their ticket, placed John P. Hale in the field as a candidate for the same office. For Governor, Joel A. Matteson was the Democratic candidate, and Edwin B. Webb the Whig, and Mr. Knowlton the Free Soil. The Whigs of the Nation, though having an excellent man as their standard-bearer, were discouraged, and in this campaign fought as though they had no hopes of success. In this county is found an exception to this fact. Here the canvass was quite spirited, each party placing their most popular men in the field for local offices. Richard Yates was reno'tninated by his party for Congress, and was opposed by John Calhoun on the part of the Democrats. Mr. Yates was successful in the district, carrying Sangamon county by a majority of 780. The entire Whig county ticket was successful by increased majorities over 1850.
1853. - There were neither State or National offices to be tilled this year, and but few county offices. The Democracy, for the first time in many years, succeeded in obtaining control of some of the county offices, electing their candidate for County Judge by a majority of 143, and the Treasurer by 65 votes. Noah W. Matheny, the Whig candidate for County Clerk, had 614 majority. The vote polled was very light, being only 2,244, against 3,723 in 1852. Notwithstanding the general unconcern of the peeple, there were evidences of the coming storm in the political world, and some uneasiness was shown by those having a true appreciation of the state of affairs. The secession leaven was already at work in the Southern States, and wise men were seeking to avert the calamity which was likely to overtake the Government.
1854. - New questions now arose growing out of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. The Whig party, unable to recover from its defeat in 1852, had been slowly disintegrating and had almost ceased to exist. The Democratic party was divided on the new issues. For some years a new party had been struggling for an existence, based on questions of nationality, and known as the American or Know-Nothing party. In the Southern States it had made corsiderable progress, absorbing the greater number of members of the Whig party. In the North it had also quite a large membership, and if the issues attending the repeal of the Missouri Compromise had not been suddenly thrust upon the people, the new party would have become a very important factor in the politics of the country, if it had not obtained control of the Government. Early in the year, Judge Douglas introduced a bill into Congress and supported it on the ground that it was simply an assertion of the great principle of the right of the people to govern themselves. This bill is known as the Kansas-Nebraska bill. In 1820, on the admission of the State of Missouri into the Union, a bill was passed by Congress known as the Missouri Compromise, and which prohibited slavery in any Territory north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, north latitude, permitting its existence south of that line. By the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, this compromise measure would be repealed and the Territories north of the line mentioned would be thrown open to slavery. The question was thoroughly agitated in and out of Congress, those favoring the bill claiming it was an act of justice to the people, and would forever settle the question of slavery by relegating it to the people of the other Territories, who alone were directly interested in it. If they desired slavery, they could have it; if not, they could prohibit it by law. The opponents of this bill contended its provisions were alone favorable to friends of slavery, that as long as any part of the country had territorial existence, or under territorial government, it could not prohibit slavery; it was only on its admission as a State that it could say whether or not it would have slavery.
The bill was passed, but the agitation did not cease, but rather increased. As representing the views of the opponents of the bill, the following preamble and resolvtions, passed at a meetj ing in Alton, are given;
"Whereas, A great wrong has been done to the people of the free States of the Union, by the recent action of Congress in the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, thereby repealing so much of the Missouri Compromise act of March 3, 1820, as forever prohibits 'slavery and in- voluntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, in all that territory ceded to the United States by France, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, not included in the limits of the State of Missouri;' and by such repeal opening all that vast region of country, long consecrated to freedom, to the admission of human slavery, in disregard of a solemn compact entered into upwards of thirty-four years ago, between the free and slave-holding States, and during all that time quietly acquiesced in and sacredly observed by the parties to the same; therefore, be it
That negro slavery, as existing in any of the States of the Union, is not a domestic institution only, but is a political institution, in which, as sucli, the free and slaveholding States are alike interested; and this must ever be the case so long as the slaves are counted as they now are, in the apportionment of the representatives in Congress - the loss of power in the former being in the same ratio with the gain to the latter.
That the Kansas-Nebraska bill, now the organic law of these Territories, permits the introduction of slavery into them, but gives the people no power to exclude it during the existence of the territorial form of government, and instead of favoring popular sovereignty, virtually denies its exercise; and thus the rejection of the amendment offered in its passage, distinctly conferring the right on the people to admit or exclude slavery, abundantly proves, and the doctrine of non-intervention, so loudly proclaimed in its advocacy, has been studiously excluded, and this law is praised for what it does not contain.
That fidelity to the cause of African slavery, at this time regarded in certain quarters as an indispensable test of Democracy, is not so held by us; that free America is unworthily employed in forging shackles for the unoffending inmates of the house of bondage.
That Stephen A. Douglas and James Shields, our Senators in Congress, have, by voting for the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, betrayed the trusts reposed in them, acted in total disregard of the interests of this State and of the whole Union, forfeited the confidence of the people, and deserve, as they doubtless will receive, the condemnation of all upright and fair-minded men. Their course on this subject has been taken on their own responsibility, and can receive no palliation
That in this matter we will know no party other than the one opposed to the great wrong which has been perpetrated upon us in the passage of this bill; and will vote at the ensuing election for no person to represent us in the General Assembly, who is not known to be opposed to this measure, and opposed to the appointment to office of those who have voted in its favor.
That we hail as the truest and most efficient effort to secure the privileges of 'life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' to the people of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, the movement to people those Territories with free men; and further,
Re&olved^ That we will co-operate with the friends of freedom at a distance, for the purpose of facilitating the transit of emigrants to those Territories."
Although there was but a single State officer to be elected this year, the canvass was spirited in consequence of the excitement attending the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. The Democratic State Convention endorsed the action of their representatives in the passage of this bill, and endorsed the measure as a righteous and just one. The opposition rallied under the banner of "Anti-Nebraska," the conventions being usually called of those opposed to the bill, though sometimes they took the name of "People's Conventions."
On the adjournment of Congress, Judge Douglas eame home and at once took the stump in advocacy of the measure. He was opposed by Abraham Lincoln, who even then was recognized as the leader of the opposition. Joint debates were held by these men in several places, and their power was generally conceded. A legislature was to be elected that should choose a United States Senator in place of James Shields, whose term would expire March, 1855. The issues were sharply defined. The doctrine affirmed in the Kansas-Nebraska bill was to be approved or condemned. The Whigs almost unanimously took ground against the bill and formed the nucleus of the new party, being reinforced by many Anti-Slavery or Free-Soil Democrats. Still there was no real union formed. In places where the Whigs were in the majority, or formed a powerful minority, they nominated a Whig candidate for the legislature, who was generally supported by the Anti-Nebraska Democrats. Where the Free-Soil Democrats were numerous enough they nominated a candidate, who was acceptable to and received the general support of the Whigs. The result of the election was the success of the opposition to the regular Democracy.
Abraham Lincoln and Stephen T. Logan were elected members of the legislature. The Assembly was pretty evenly divided; a few Anti-Nebraska Democrats holding the balance of power. Mr. Lincoln was a prominent candidate for the United States Senate. Believing his chance of election good, with the aid of the Anti-Nebraska Democrats, and thinking he could work to a better advantage among these if not himself a member of the Assembly, he refused to qualify, and a special election was called to fill the vacancy. Norman M. Broadwell was nominated by the opposition to the regular Democracy, and they having a large majority in the county, it was intimated that no ticket would be run by the latter. The day of the election came round. In the meantime, the Democratic leaders conferred together, and agreed to place in nomination Jonathan McDaniel, an estimable farmer, living in the northeast part of the county, and provided themselves with tickets, which they distributed quietly among the faithful, with instructions to as quietly vote it. The Whigs, Americans and Anti-Nebraska Democrats knew nothing whatever of this matter until about three o'clock in the afternoon - too late to be of benefit to them. The Democrats polled almost their full vote, while that of the opposition was light, as they imagined they had a clear field. Mr. McDaniel was elected.
This was a severe blow to the opposition endangering their ascendency in the coming legislature, and subjecting the local leaders to a deal of joke and ridicule, on the part of their Democratic opponents, who had been so successful in the adoption of "know-nothing" tactics. Considering the genial, amiable character of Mr. Lincoln, who was the chief sufferer by the "fusion" defeat, on the morning following the election, he met Mr. Lanphier, of the State Register, on the street, and with that peculiar wriggle of the body when he had a joke to recount, he called out: "Charlie, do you remember Montecue Morris?" "Ob, yes, very well," said Lanphier. "Well," said Mr. Lincoln, "Montecue was a private in Mr. Baker's regiment in the Mexican war. The regiment was lying on the Rio Grande, Governor Moore in command, Baker having gone to Washington to get the boys some new clothes. By some means a few of the boys had got possession of a barrel of cider, and setting it up in their tent, were selling it out at twenty cents a drink, and were doing a land office business, when Morris applied to Governor Moore for permission to move his tent, which was granted, and the tent was backed up against the one which had been improvised as a ' grocery,' whereupon Mortis tapped the other end of the cider barrel, and peddled the liquor from his tent for ten cents a drink, and got away with a good deal of it before detected. That is the way you fellows served us yesterday. You beat our 'know-nothing' allies at their own game." Turning away, he remarked, with a wriggle: "It is very funny, is this election result, but, Charlie, it hurts."
1855. - The opposition this year gfnerally assumed the name Rejjublican, a name adopted in a few States the year previous. The first great fight of the year was in the General Assembly on the election of United States Senator. James Shields was the candidate of the regular Democracy, Abraham Lincoln of the Whigs, and Lyman Trumbull of the Anti- Nebraska Democrats. While the Whigs were Anti-Nebraska in their views, Mr. Lincoln could not rally to his support the Anti-Nebraska Democrats. The two houses of the Assembly met in joint session Thursday, February 8, and proceeded to ballot. The first ballot resulted as follows: James Shields, 41; Abraham Lincoln, 44; Lyman Trumbull, 5; William Kellogg, 2; G. A. Koerner, 2; Cyrus Edwards, Joel A. Matteson, O. B. Ficklin, William H. Ogden and William A. Deming, one each. The second ballot resulted the same as the first. Nine ballots were taken without a choice, the Anti-Nebraska Democrats holding the balance of power and voting regularly for Lyman Trumbull. Mr. Lincoln, realizing the hoi^elessness of the contest, urged his friends to vote for Trumbull. The tenth ballot w^as then taken, resulting in the election of Trumbull by the following vote: Lyman Trumbull, 50; Joel A. Matteson, 47; Archibald Williams, 1. The last vote was cast by Louis H. Waters, of McDonough county.
The only election held this year was in May, for a Judge of tte Supreme Court. In this contest politics were not taken into consideration. Stephen T. Logan and O. C. Skinner were the candidates. The vote in this county stood as follows: Skinner, 2,518; Logan, 1,420. At the same time an election was held on the question of a "Maine LaAv," resulting as follows: For the law, 1,745; against, 2,349.
During the year there was trouble in Kansas growing out of the slavery question, there being an immense emigration to the State from the North and from the South. Emigrants from the South were intent on fastening slavery upon the territory, which effort was furiously resisted by the free State men. Blood was spilt upon many occasions, and the excitement was kept at fever heat for many long months. Nor was the excitement contined to the territory, but the question was taken up and discussed in every State in the Union. By its opponents, the trouble was all charged to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the passage of the now celebrated Kansas-Nebraska bill. The trouble did not cease with the expiration of the year.
1856. - Former issues dividing the jDolitical parties had disappeared, and new issues Avere being rapidly formed. The Whig party had ceased to exist, and on its ruins had been erected two other parties, one having for its central truth opposition to the further extension of slavery, and the other that American-born citizens must rule America. These parties had, of course, absorbed many of the members of the old Democratic party. The American party, not being opposed to slavery, or, at least, making no opposition to it, either in the States in which it existed, or the newly formed Territories, where it had been made subject to admission by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, had become a numerous body in the South, with many adherents in the North. The Republican party, basing its claims for popular suffrage upon its advocacy of freedom in the Territories, was not permitted an existence in the Southern States, and of necessity was confined to the North.
Early in the year, the American party met in National Convention at Philadelphia, and placed in nomination for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, Millard Fillmore, of New York, and Audrew Jackson Donelson, of Tennessee. Subsequently, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, and John J. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, were placed in nomination by the Democracy for the same offices. The Republicans gave to the people John C. bremont, of California, and William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, as their candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. The campaign throughout the State and Nation was an exciting one, the three parties being represented in all the Northern States by electoral tickets, and the Republican in two or three Southern, in addition to the Northern ones. In the State campaign Wil- liam H. Bissell was placed in nomination by the Republicans, William A.Richardson by the Democrats, and Buckner S.Morris by the Americans, for the office of Governor. In Sangamon county, the Republicans and Americans united on county officers, electing all their nominees but one - the Circuit Clerk.
The citizens of Sangamon county, being largely from the Southern States, did not spontaneously enter into the Republican movement. Many old Whigs at once drifted into the Demoocratic party, making up the loss of its members who had, on account of the slavery question and the foreign element, united with the newly-organized Republican and American parties.
1857. - The year following a Presidential election is generally a dull one, politically; the people being disposed to give the new administration fair play, and waiting to see its policy developed.
Only county officers were to be elected; consequently the campaign was more personal than political. It now seemed to be conceded the political fight was hereafter to be between the Republicans and the Democrats. The nominee of the former party for the Presidency the previous year receiving a majority of the popular vote, though not elected, inspired the party to new zeal, and caused the latter to direct all its efforts against it. The American party, especially in the North, was daily losing ground; its members forsaking it for the Democratic or Republican parties, as their views of public policy inspired them. In Sangamon county, so far as political action could be said to enter into the campaign this year, was between the Republicans and Democrats; the latter electing their entire ticket, save County Clerk, the personal popularity of Noah W. Matheny enabling him to be successful by a large majority.
1858. - The attempt to fasten upon the people of Kansas, a Consitution known as the Lecompton Constitution, by the Pro-Slavery men of that State, assisted by the Buchanan administration, caused a division in the ranks of the Democratic party, throughout the Union. Especially was this great wrong resisted by the great majority of the party in this State, led by Stephen A. Douglas. The senatorial term of Mr. Douglas would expire March, 1859, and a legislature was to be elected who should choose his successor. Mr. Douglas was a candidate for re-election. By general consent, Abraham Lincoln was chosen by the Republicans as his opponent. Sidney Breese was likewise announced as a candidate by that portion of the
On the 21st of April, pursuant to a call issued by Alexander Starne, of Springfield, Chairman of the Democratic State General Committee, representatives of the Democratic party met in convention at the State House in Springfield, for the purpose of nominating candidates for State officers, to be elected the following November. The Buchanan wing of tlie party met in the Senate chamber and was called to order by John Dougherty, of Union county, who read the call of the General Committee. Dr. Le Roy, of Grundy, was made Chairman. Returning thanks for the honor conferred, the Doctor then said:
" The enthusiasm you manifest is satisfactory evidence that the National Democratic party ' still lives' in Illinois, and although a few may falter, still the hard-fisted Democracy are sound to the core; and in November next they will speak in thunder tones to the factionists and disorganizers, who would ruthlessly divide and defeat us, to please man worshipers at home or abroad. As to him who has heretofore led us to victory, but for ambitious aims, now sides with the enemy, all we have to say for him is -
Colonel Dougherty being called upon for a speech said that for the first time in many years the party was called upon to face division in its own ranks, but they must not swerve from their principles even if opposed by those who should be their proudest defenders. The principles of the Democratic party were the same as for thirty years, and one of the cardinal of these was the rights of each and any State or any Territory to mould the institution under which they are to live. He ridiculed the idea that the Lecompton Constitution was the result of fraud and charged the Douglas Democrats with having asserted there was no foundation for any such claims.
The committee on resolutions I'eported a platform embracing substantially the following points: 1. Adherence to the Cincinnati platform and the principles enunciated therein. 2. The Territories being common property, every citizen of the Union had a right to dwell therein, and have with him any property he may possess, including slaves. 3. A Territory applying for admission to tlie Union, having the requisite number of inhabitants, and having adopted a I
Constitution, Republican in form, should be admitted, with or without slavery, as the people of the Territory may determine. 4. Endorsement of a portion of a speech of Senator Douglas, de daring that if any citizens of Kansas should refrain from voting for Constitutional delegates, and a Constitution should be adopted repugnant to their feelings, they alone should be to blame. 5. Resolution condemning the course of Senator Douglas in opposing the National Administration and apparently affiliating with the Republican party. 6. Laudatory of President Buchanan in his course with reference to Kansas affairs. 7. Greeting to Democratic Conventions in other States. 8. Thanking that portion of the Press of the State that had sustained the President's course.
The Douglas wing of the party met in the Representatives Hall of the State House, and was called to order by A. Starne, Chairman of the General State Committee. This convention was more numerously attended, having delegates from every county in the State. John Moore was made Chairman. The committee on resolutions subsequently appointed, made the following report, which was unanimously adopted:
That the Democratic party of the State of Illinois, through their delegates in general convention assembled, do re-assert and declare the principles avowed by them when, on former occasions they have presented their candidates for popular suffrage.
That they are unalterably attached to, and will maintain inviolate, the principles maintained by the National Convention at Cincinnati, in June, 1856.
That the platform of principles established by the National Democratic Convention, at Cincinnati, is the only authoritative exposition of Democratic doctrines, and we deny the right of any power on earth, except a like body, to change or interpolate that platform, or to prescribe new and different tests, that they will neither do it themselves or permit it to be done by others; but will recognize all men as Democrats who stand by and uphold Democratic principles.
" Resolved, That in the organization of States the people have a right to decide at the polls upon the character of their fundamental law, and that the experience of the past year has conclusively demonstrated the wisdom and propriety of the principle that the fundamental law under which a Territory seeks admission into the Union should be submitted to the people of such Territory for their ratification or rejection at a fair election, to be held for that purpose, and that before such Territory is admitted as a State such fundamental laws siiould receive a majority of the legal votes cast at such election; and they deny the right and condemn the attempts of any convention called for the purpose of framing such a constitution to impose the instrument formed by them upon the people against their known will.
" Mesolved, That a fair application of those principles requires that the Lecompton Constitution should be submitted to a direct vote of the actual inhabitants of Kansas, so that they may vote for or against that instrument, before Kansas shall be declared one of the States of the Union, and that until it shall be ratified by the people of Kansas at a fair election, held for that purpose, the Illinois Democracy are unalterably opposed to the admission of Kansas under that constitution.
" Mesolved, That we heartily approve and sustain the manly, firm, patriotic and Democratic position of Stephen A. Douglas, Isaac N. Morris, Thomas L. Harris, Aaron Shaw^, Robert Smith and Samuel S. Marshall, the Democratic delegation of Illinois in Congress, upon the question of the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, and that by their firm and uncompromising devotion to Democratic principles, and to the cause of justice, truth, right and the people, they have deserved our admiration and increased, if possible, our confidence in their integrity and patriotism, and merited our warm approbation, our sincere and hearty thanks, and shall receive our earnest support.
" Mesolved, That in all things, whenever the National administration sustain and carry out the priHciples of the Democratic party, as expressed in the Cincinnati platform and affirmed in their resolutions, it is entitled to and will receive our hearty support."
The administration, even at this early date, had began a system of removals from office of all opposed to its policy. In view of this fact. Judge Drummond, of Chicago, introduced the following resolution:
That this convention view with regret the course pursued by the present Administration in removing good men from office for the expression of opinion upon any given proposition."
The resolution was promptly tabled, thus showing the conservative character of those assembled, and their desire to preserve harmony as far as possible.
W. B. Fondey, of Sangamon county, was nominated for State Treasurer, and J. P. Jirooks, of Knox county, for Superintendent of Public Schools.
The Administration Democrats again met in convention pursuant to adjournment, June 9, and re-affirming their former declarations they nominated John Dougherty, of Union county, for State Treasurer, and John Reynolds, of St. Clair, for Superintendent of Public Schools.
The Republican State Convention met in Springfield June 16, and was largely represented. The following is the report of the Committee on Resolutions, and submitted as their "declaration of principles:"
"We, the Republicans of Illinois, in convention assembled, in addition to our previous affirmations, make the following declaration of principles:
" 1. We re-affirm our devotion to the Constitution of the country and to the Union of the States, and will firmly and steadily resist all attempts for the perversion of the one, or the disruption of the other. We recognize the equal rights of all the States, and avow our readiness and willingness to maintain them, and disclaim all intention of attempting, either directly or indirectly, to assail or abridge the rights of any of the members of the Confederacy, guaranteed by the Constitution, or in any manner to interfere with the institution of slavery in any State where it exists. Nevertheless, we hold this Government was instituted for freemen, and that it can be perpetuated and made to fulfill the purposes of its organization only by devoting itself to the promotion of virtue and intelligence among its citizens, and the advancement of their prosperity and happiness, and to these ends we hold it to be the duty of the Government so to reform the system of disposing of the public lands as to secure the soil to actual settlers, and wrest it from the grasp of men who speculate in the homes of the people, and to corporations that lock it up in dead hands for enhanced profits.
"2. Free labor being the only true support of Republican institutions, our Government should maintain its rights, and we therefore demand the improvement of our harbors and rivers, which freight the commerce of the West to market, and the construction of a central highway to connect our trade wnth the Pacific States as rightful encouragement to home industry; and inasmuch as we now compete in the markets of the country against the products of unpaid labor at depreciating prices, it is therefore eminently unjust that the National Administration should attemi:)t, by coercion, to extend a servile system in the Territories, or by patronage, to perpetuate slavery in the States.
" 3. The present administration has proven recreant to the trusts committed to its hands, and by its extraordinary, corrupt, unjust and undignified exertions, to give effect to the original intention and purposes of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, by forcing upon the people of Kansas, against their will, and in defiance of their known and earnestly expressed wishes, a constitution recognizing slavery as one of their domestic institutions, it has forfeited all claim to the support and confidence of the friends of free men, free labor, and equal rights.
" 4. It is the duty of the Government, faithfully and diligently to execute all cur treaty stipulations, and to enforce all our laws for the suppression of the slave trade.
"5. That while we deprecate all interference on the part of political organizations with the action of the judiciary, if such action is limited to appropriate sphere, yet we cannot refrain from expressing our condemnation of the principles and tendencies of the extra-judicial opinions of a majority of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the matter of Dred Scott, wherein the political heresy is put forth, that the Federal Constitution extends slavery into all the Territories of the Republic, and so maintains it, that neither Congress, nor the people, through their Territorial legislatures, can by law abolish it; we hold that Congress has sovereign power over the Territories, and has the right to govern and control them whilst they remain in a territorial condition, and that it is the duty of the General Government to protect the Territories from the curse of slavery, and to preserve the public domain for the occupation of free men and free labor, and we declare that no power on earth can carry and maintain slavery in the States against the will of their people and the provisions of their constitutions and laws; land we fully indorse the decision of the Supreme "^ourt of our own State, which declares that property in persons is repugnant to the constiition and laws of Illinois, and that all persons \ithin its jurisdiction are presumed to be free, the nations of the earth, so far as it can be done consistently with our National honor and interests; and to enter into entangling alliances with none. Our intercourse with all other nations should be conducted upon principles of exact and exalted justice, and, whilst firmly maintaining our own rights, w^e should carefully avoid any invasion of the rights of others, and especially those of weaker nations: Our commerce ought to be protected from wanton interruption, and our commercial marine from invasion and search; and, whilst we would deplore the necessity of war with any of the nations of the earth, we will still firmly, zealously, and patriotically sustain the Government in any just measures which it may adopt to obtain redress for injuries and indignities which may heretofore have been inflicted upon our citizens navigating the seas, or which may be necessary to secure them against a repetition of like injuries in the future."
James Miller was nominated for State Treasurer, by acclamation, and Newton Bateman for State Superintendent of Public Instruction. After the nomination of the candidates and the adoption of their declaration of principles, the Convention passed the following resolution, amidst shouts of applause:
^^ Jiesolved, That Abraham Lincoln is the first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois, for the United States Senate, as the successor to Stephen A. Douglas."
In the evening, Mr. Lincoln was called upon to address the Convention, which he did in his own peculiar, happy style. In that speech he re-affirmed the doctrine that "a house divided against itself cannot stand," applying it to the divided state of the country upon the slavery question. In thus giving expression to this thought, many Republicans thought Mr. Lincoln had injured his own cause and that of the party.
On the 24th day of July, Mr. Lincoln addressed a challenge to Mr. Douglas for a joint debate during the campaign. In consequence of previous appointments, Mr. Douglas declined meeting him on all occasions during the campaign, but suggested one meeting in each Congressional District. The arrangement was made, and seven joint discussions were held. No political debate, before or since, ever created such an interest, and it is doubtful if they have ever been equaled. They were printed and circulated as campaign documents in several States, and were ever quoted as authoritative exposition of the political questions of the day, from the standpoints of the respective speakers and the party represented by each. The interest manifested in this campaign by the people of Illinois was equal to that of a Presidential campaign; nor was the interest alone confined to the State, but all over the Union, men were observing the contest with an eagerness never before manifested in a State election. It was the preliminary skirmish preceding the great battle for the Presidency in 1860. To the people of Sangamon county, this campaign was of special interest. One of the senatorial candidates was a citizen of this county, and had developed from the backwoods surveyor to the statesman with a National reputation, an orator of great ability, and one who was rapidly taking a position among the leading men of the Nation; the other had been a citizen for several years; was then a leader of a great party, with a personal following equaled by no American statesman save Henry Clay; a prominent candidate for the Presidency, and who was known as the "Little Giant." Lincoln, in Sangamon county, was doubtless the favorite, as he was daily brought face to face with the people, and with his great heart succeeded in winning their love.
On Saturday, prior to the annual election, the Republicans had announced a last grand rally at Springfield, to be addressed by Lincoln and others. The weather during the week was unpropitious, the rain having fallen almost incessantly, but still the crowd came, one train of thirty-two cars coming from McLean and Tazewell counties.
"The two most prominent men in Illinois, at that time, were Douglas and Lincoln. Each was in the full maturity of his powers, Douglas being forty-five and Lincoln forty-nine years old. Douglas had for years been trained on the stump, in the lower house of Congress, and in the Senate, to meet in debate the ablest speakers in the State and Nation. For years he had been accustomed, on the floor of the capitol, to encounter the leaders of the old Whig and Free-Soil parties. Among them were Seward, and Fessenden, and Crittenden, and Chase, and Trumbull, and Hale, and Sumner, and others, equally eminent, and his enthusiastic friends insisted that never, either in single conflict or when receiving the assault of a whole party, had he been discomfited. His style was bold, vigorous and aggressive, and at times defiant. He was ready, fertile in resources, familiar with political history, terrible in denunciation, and handled with skill all the weapons of debate. His iron will, restless energy, united with great personal magnetism, made him very popular; and with these qualities he had indomitable physical and moral courage, and his almost uniform success had given him perfect confidence in himself.
" Lincoln was also a thoroughly trained speaker. He had contended successfully, year after year, at the bar and on the stump, with the ablest men of Illinois, including Lamborn, Logan, John Calhoun and others, and had often met Douglas himself - a conflict with whom he always rather courted than shunned. Indeed, these two great orators had often tested each other's power, and whenever they did meet, it was, indeed, 'Greek meeting Greek,' and the ' tug of war' came, for each put forth his utmost strength.
"In a speech of Mr. Lincoln in 1856, he made the following beautiful, eloquent, and generous allusion to Douglas. He said: 'Twenty years ago. Judge Douglas and I first became acquainted; we were both young then, he, a trifle younger than I. Even then, we were both ambitious, I, perhaps, quite as much as he. With me, the race of ambition has been a failure. With him, it has been a splendid success. His name fills the Nation, and it is not unknown in foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he has reached; so reached that the oppressed of my species might have shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow.'
"We know, and the world knows, that Lincoln did reach that high, nay far higher eminence, and that he did reach it, in such a way that 'the oppressed' did share with him in the elevation.
"Such were the champions who, in 1858, were to discuss before the voters of Illinois, and with the whole Nation as spectators, the political questions then pending, and especially the vital questions relating to slavery. It was not a single combat, but extended through a whole carajDaign, and the American people paused to watch Its progress, and hung, with intense interest, upon every movement of the champions. Each of these great men, I doubt not, at that time, sincerely believed he was right. Douglas' ardor, while in such a conflict, would make him think, for the time being, he was right, and I hnoro that Lincoln argued for freedom against the extension of slavery, with the most profound conviction that, on success, hung the fate of his country. Lincoln had two advantages over
Douglas; lie had the best side of the question, and the best temi^er. He was always good humored, always had an apt story for illustration, while Douglas, sometimes, when hard pressed, was irritable.
"Douglas carried away the most popular ajtplause, but Lincoln made the deeper and more lasting impression. Douglas did not disdain an immediate ad caijtandimi triumph, while Lincoln aimed at permanent conviction. Sometimes, when Lincoln's friends urged him to raise a storm of applause, which he could always do, by his happy illustrations and amusing stories, he refused, saying the occasion was too serious, the issue too grave. ' I do not seek applause,' said he, ' nor to amuse the people, I want to convince them.'
"It was often observed during this canvass, that, while Douglas was sometimes greeted with the loudest cheers, when Lincoln closed the people seemed solemn and serious, and could be heard, all through the crowd, gravely and anxiously discussing the topics on which he had been speaking.
"Douglas, by means of a favorable apportionment, succeeded in securing a majority of the legislature, but a majority of the vote was with Lincoln. These debates made Douglas Senator, and Lincoln President. There was something magnetic, somethicg almost heroic, in the gaHantry with which Douglas threw himself into this canvass, and dealt his blows right and left, against the Republican party on one side, and Buchanan's administration, which sought his defeat, on the other. The Federal patronage was used, by the unscrupulous Slidell, against Douglas - but in vain; a few were seduced, but the mass of the Democratic party, with honorable fidelity, stood by him. This canvass of Douglas, and his j^ersonal and immediate triumph, in being returned to the Senate, over the combined opposition of the Republican party, led by Lincoln and Trumbull, and the administration, with all its patronage, is, I think, the most brilliant personal triumph in American politics. If we look into English struggles on the hustings for its parallel, we find something with which to compare it, in the late ti-iumph of Mr Gladstone. If we seek its counterpart in military history, we must look into some of the earlier campaigns of Napoleon, or that in which Grant captured Vicksburg.
"Douglas secured the immediate object of the struggle, but the manly bearing, the vigorous logic, the honesty and sincerity, the great intellectual powers exhibited by Mr. Lincoln, prepared the way, and two years later secured his nomination and election to the Presidency. It is a touching incident, illustrating the patriotism of both these statesmen, that, widely as they had difllered, and keen as had been their rivalry, just as soon as the life of the Republic M'as menaced by treason, they joined hands to shield and save the country they loved."
1859. - A member of Congress and county oflicers were to be elected this year. While no such interest was raanilested as in the year previous, still it could not be said the campaign was a listless one. The trouble growing out of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the consequent re-opening of the slavery question, was still the theme upon the lips of everyone. The Southern States, becoming alarmed at the rapid growth of the Republican party, were already threatening secession in case of the success of that party in a National contest. The breach between Douglas and his followers and the Southern Democracy was widening daily, though inany in each wing of the party hoped against hope that all difi^erences would be settled prior to the great campaign of 1 860. The American party was being slowly dissolved, and a new party was being formed, composed of many of its members, and known as the Union party. Like the American party, its greatest strength was in the South.
John A. McClernand was the Democratic nominee for Congress in this District, and John M. Palmer the Republican. Both were strong men. McClernand was the successful candidate. In this county his majority was 401 out of a total vote of 5,283. For county oflicers only Republicans and Douglas Democrats were nominated, the latter being successful in every instance.
1860. - The political campaign of 1860 has never had its parallel in the history of this Government. There seemed to be no cessation in the political excitement began in 1858, culminating in the election of Stephen A. Douglas to the United States Senate, and which placed Abraham Lincoln in the front rank as a political speaker and debater, worthy the attention of the greatest statesmen in the land. Defeated for the Senate, Mr. Lincoln's name was prominently mentioned in connection with the Presidency. In 1859 the newspapers of the Eastern States, especially in New England, favorably spoke of him as a candidate for either the first or second place on the ticket. Prior to this, several Western journals had placed his name at the head of their columns, and "Honest Old Abe" was praised and said to be the only man tliat would surely lead the party to victory. Early in January the Republican Club, of Springfield, was changed into a " Lincoln Club," and resolved to use every honorable means to secure his nomination for the Presidency. The State Journal, under date of January IS, 1860, says of Mr. Lincoln's candidacy:
" As a matter of National policy, we believe that the next President of the United States should come from the Western States, and no State is more deserving of the honor of sending forth the Republican champion for that high office than that one which has been the great political battle-ground of the country for the last four years. * * * * Abraham Lincoln has arrived at that period of life when man's mental and physical faculties are in their prime. God gave him a mind of unusual strength, and time and labor and study have made him one of the great men of the land. The purity of his patriotism, his incorruptible integrity, and his ability to sustain himself and the country in any position in which he is placed, no one who knows him can for a moment doubt. The people of Illinois are justified in their determination to place the name of their distinguished citizen before the country for the highest honors in the Nation's gift. They do it because they know him; because they have confidence in him as a man for the times; because with him in the Presidential chair the rights of the people of all the States will be secured, respected and maintained; because he interprets the constitution as did our fathers, who made it and illustrated it in their acts; because he is a conservative National Republican. The Great West will give a telling vote at the next Presidential election, and the candidacy of Abraham Lincoln will secure that vote for the Republicans beyond controversy. With him as our standard bearer, we are sure of all the Northwestern States, except Missouri, and the Republicans of other States could not cast their votes for a M^orthier, or abler, or more available man. The enthusiasm which his name excites all over the country, since his powerful and most eloquent vindication of the great Republican cause in this State, shows that he has become the Nation's man and a tower of strength to the party whose leader he is now regarded. The Republicans of Illinois will sustain and support with their full strength the Presidential nominee of the Chicago Convention, whoever he may be; but they respectfully, yet earnestly, call upon the Republicans of the Union to weigh the claims, estimate the
As the time drew near for the meeting of the Republican National Convention at Chicago, Mr. Lincoln's popularity increased. The friends of every Presidential candidate desired he should have the second place on the ticket with their favorite, and he was acknowledged second choice of all for the first place. The State Republican Convention, held at Decatur in May, passed the following resolution:
Mesolved, That Abraham Lincoln is the choice of the Republican party of Illinois for the Presidency, and the delegates from this State are instructed to use all honorable means to securte his nomination by the Chicago Convention, and to vote for him as a unit."
An incident occurred at this convention worthy of mention. Mr. Lincoln was invited to take a seat upon the platform. He had hardly done so, amid the wildest enthusiasm, when Mr. Oglesby, of Decatur, announced to the delegates that an old Democrat of Macon county, who had grown gray in the service of that party, desired to make a contribution to the convention, and the offer being accepted, forthwith two old-time fence rails, decorated with fiags and streamers, were borne through the crowd into the convention, bearing the inscription:
Abraham Lincoln
The Rail Candidate For President in 1860. Two rails from a lot of three thousand made in 1830 by Thomas Hauks and Abraham Lincoln - whose father was the first pioneer of Macon county.
The effect was electrical. One spontaneous burst of applause went up from all parts ot the "wigwam," which grew more and more deafening as it was prolonged, and which did not wholly subside for some minutes. Of course ''Old Abe" was called out, and made an explanation of the matter. He stated that some thirty years previous, he stopped with his mother's family for one season in what is now Macon county; that he built a cabin, split rails and cultivated a small farm do^vn there. These rails, he was informed, Avere taken from the fence around that farm, but whether they were or not, he had mauled many and better ones since he had grown to manhood. The cheers were renewed when he had finished his remarks, and doubtless many persons present constrasted the present position of the noble, self-taught, selfmade statesman and patriot, whose name was mentioned in connection with the highest office in the gift of the people, with that of the humble rail-splitter of thirty years previous.
In the Chicago Convention it was plain to see who was the favorite of the lookers-on. Every mention of Lincoln's name was received with cheer after cheer. Three ballots were taken, Mr. Lincoln receiving a majority of the whole votes, and was made the unanimous choice of the convention amidst the most intense enthusiasm. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was selected as the candidate for Vice President.
As may well be supposed the result of the nomination was hailed with delight by the nominee's old friends and neighbors. They crowded around him, shook him warmly by the hand, and congratulated him on his success. Cannons were fired, speeches made, and a general time of rejoicing was indulged in.
While the Republicans of Illinois were so active in behalf of their favorite, " Honest Old Abe," the friends of the "Little Giant" were not idle. Every effort was being put forth to secure his nomination at Charleston for the office of President of the United States. The Democratic State Convention of this State instructed its delegates to vote unanimously and make every honorable effort to secure his nomination. The Charleston Convention was an unfortunate one. Meeting in the city of Charleston, South Carolina, April 23, the convention remained in session ten days, at the expiration of which time no nomination was made, many of the delegates from the Southern States withdrawing. The rule of the National Democratic Convention required a two-thirds vote of the entire body for any candidate to secure his nomination. So many delegates withdrawing, after taking fiftyseven ballots, it was found impossible for any candidate to secure that number. An adjournment was then had to Baltimore, June 19.
At this latter place the convention assembled pursuant to adjournment, but even here no agreement could be reached between the factions. After a six days' meeting Stephen A. Douglas was nominated for President and Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, for Vice President, The nomination of Douglas was received with very great enthusiasm, Mr. Fitzpatrick declining, Herschel V, Johnson, of Georgia, was substituted. Mr. Johnson accepted the nomination,
A "Union" convention met at which John Bell, of Tennessee, was nominated for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice- President.
With four Presidential candidates in the field, the exciting questions growing out of the institution of slavery, the threats of disunion by a portion of the South, in the event of the election of Lincoln, tended to make the campaign one of great interest, "Wide- Awake" clubs, and organizations of " Hickory Boys," on the part of the Republicans and Douglas Democrats, respectively, tended to increase the excitement. Large and enthusiastic meetings were held by each party in all the leading towns and cities, and even in many of the smaller villages. The names of the " Rail-Splitter " and the " Little Giant" evoked the greatest enthusiasm. The excitement was scarcely equaled in 1840,
As already intimated, Sangamon county had special claims upon the two leading candidates for the Presidency, and thus felt highly honored. Hardly a day passed but meetings were held by one or the other party, and frequently by both. The vote in the county was the largest ever cast, and was very close, Douglas' majority was 42 over Lincoln; Yates, for Governor, had 8 majority over Allen, a number of Bell, or Union men casting their votes for him. For county ofiicers, the Republicans were generally successful, receiving the votes of the Union men.
The result of the general election was the elevation of Lincoln to the Chief Magistracy of the Nation. The Republicans were jubilant, especially in old Sangamon, the home of Lincoln, A grand jubilee meeting was held in Springfield in a style never before equaled. The reporter of the State Journal became entranced, as will be seen by the following description of the illumination, from his pen:
" Never did the city of Pekiu, iu all the glory and ' feast of lanterns,' as it is quaintly called by the Chinese, present such a striking and gorgeous display as did the city of Springfield last night. Standing at the head of a person was forcibly reminded of the metaphor of a sea of fire rising and falling, variegated as the rainbow, anon a huge wave of blood red fire, now a ripple of faint blue and yellow, and then again the steady swell of strong, white light. The many colors gave a fantastic and unreal hue to the surrounding and enthusiastic crowd. The splendor and effect of the grandly brilliant scene is beyond the reach of the pen. The State House, rising in all the effulgence of its illuminated splendor, seemed like some vision evoked from fairy-land by the wand of the enchanter.
Never before has Springfield been decked in such magnificent hues. Not only did the streets present a most dazzling eflect, but the whole Heavens seemed ablaze with the continual discharge of rockets, Roman candles, aud the slow combustion of Bengal lights. The streets were as bright and light as under the full rays of the noon-day sun. The illumination of last night will never be forgotten in the annals of Springfield, and will in future time be referred to as one of the most brilliant events in its history,"
1861. - The war for the Union was now in full progress, and little interest was manifested in ordinary political matters; only questions growing out of the secession of the Southern States was worthy of attention. No State officers were to be elected, and the contest for county officers was not of a nature to draw out a full vote. The opposition to the Democracy took the hame of " Union." Only 4,353 votes were polled, against 7,361 in 1860. The Democrats elected William D. Power, County Judge, and William W. Warren, Surveyor. The Union men elected Noah W. Matheny, County Clerk, and Presco Wright, Treasurer.
1862. - The election this year was a more important one, and almost a full vote was polled. State and county officers were to be elected. Alexander Starne was the Democratic candidate for State Treasurer, against William Butler, Union; John T. Stuart, one of the most popular men in Sangamon county, announced himself an independant candidate for Congress having for an opponent, Leonard Swett. Full county tickets were nominated by both parties. During this year the Union army met with many reverses, and a somewhat gloomy feeling pervaded the minds of the people. When the election came off each party stood by its candidates, for the campaign had aroused party feeling intensely. The Demcrats succeeded in carrj-ing the county, by majorities ranging from 816 to 1,262.
1863. - This was an "off year," in politics, and only county officers were to be elected. The Union ticket was successful throughout, electing the candidates on it by majorities ranging from 242 to 302.
1864. - The campaign this year Avas one of much earnestness and feeling. Abraham Lincoln was the Republican or Union candidate for re-election to the Presidency, and associated with him as a candidate for Vice-President, was Andrew Johnson, the distinguished Unionist of Tennessee. George B. McClellan and George H. Pendleton were the Democratic candidates for President and Vice-President. James C. Robinson was the Democratic and R. J. Oglesby the Kepublitan candidates for Governor. John
T. Stuart was nominated for re-election to Congress, and placed in opposition was, Shelby M. Cullom. Both tickets were exceptionably strong and the full vote of the State and county was polled. In Sangamon county there was an increase over 1860. The question during the campaign was substantially whether President Lincoln should be sustained in his course in the prosecution of the war. The Democrats carried the county by a majority of 380 for McClellan.
1S65. - When the regular fall election was held, the war was over, and many of the brave Union soldiers had returned, but there being only county officers to elect, the vote was light, being 5388 against 7519 in 1864. The Union ticket was successful over the Democratic by majorities ranging from 254 to 462.
1866. - The issues which now divided parlies arose from the work of reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion. The election was an important one, and party spirit once more ran high. George W. Smith was the Republican candidate for State Treasurer, and Jesse J. Phillips the Democratic. Shelby M. Cullom was re-nominated for Congress, and was opposed by E. S. Fowler, Democrat. The Democrats carried the county, electing every officer save Sheriff, Samuel Shoup, Republican, being elected. The opposition to the Democratic party resumed the name of Republican this year.
1867. - Another light vote this year, only county officers being voted for, and no special political discussions being held. The Republican candidate for Treasui-er was elected by 21 majority, and their candidate for Surveyor by a majority of 18,
1868. - This year brought with it another Presidential campaign. The Republican National Convention met in Chicago and placed in nomination Ulysses S. Grant, the victorious Union-General, associating with him Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. The Democratic National Convention nominated Horatio Seymour and Francis P. Blair, Jr., for President and Vice- President. John R. Eden was the Democratic and John M. Palmer the Republican candidate for Governor. Benjamin S. Edwards was the Democratic candidate for Congress. He had for an opponent Shelby M. Cullom, who was renominated by the Republicans. For county officers, Charles H. Lanphier was the Democratic nominee for Circuit Clerk, and opposed by J. V. Mahoney, Republican. D. Brown, Democrat, and John McConnell, Republican, were the nominees for the office of Sheriff. The campaign was one of great activity. Each party was well organized, and both liad hopes of victory. In this county great interest was manifested. The Democrats were here successful, electing every candidate on their county ticket.
1S69. - Light vote at the fall election for county officers. The Democrats were successful in electing their entire ticket, with the exception of County Clerk - Noah W. Matheny, who had so long held the office, being elected by 206 majority.
1870. - A State Treasurer and State Superintendent of Public Schools were to be elected. In addition to the nominations made by Democrats and Republicans, the Temperance men, or Prohibitionists, nominated a State and county ticket, but their strength was limited, the highest vote being polled by Mr. Owen, candidate for Sheriff, he receiving 51 votes. About a twothirds vote was polled.
1871. - A Member of Congress from the State at large was to be elected this year, but this fact was not si;fficient to draw out a full vote, the number polled being even less than the year previous. S. S. Hayes was the Democratic and J. L. Beveridge the Republican candidate for the office. The total vote for Member of Congress was 5,833, of which Mr. Hayes received 3,053 and Mr. Beveridge 2,7.sO. The Democratic candidates for county officers were elected, their candidate for Sheriff receiving 55 majority and Surveyor 442 majority.
1872. - The movement known as the Liberal- Republican had a large influence, politically, this year, having virtually dictated the Democratic nomination for the Presidency, and the platform of principles on which the campaign against the Republican party was dictated. The Liberal-Republicans were those connected with the Republican party who were opposed to any extreme measures in the reconstruction of the Southern States, and who believed the time had come when past issues should be forgotten, and new issues formed; that the hand of reconciliation should be offered the South, and a united country, working together to build up the waste places of the South. Many of the most able men of the Republican party, including Horace Greeley, Charles Sumner, Lyman Trumbull, John M. Palmer, and others, united in this movement. In this county, the year previous, a paper had been commenced by Geo. R. Weber & Son, called The Political Crisis, which advocated the views of this wing of the party. In May, a National convention was held by the Liberal-Republicans, in Cincinnati, which nominated Horace Greeley for President, and B. Gratz Brown for Vice President. The following is a synopsis of the resolutions adopted:
4. Local self-government; supremacy of the civil over the military; and demand for the largest individual liberty consistent with public order.
6. Demand for a system of Federal taxation which should not unnecessarily interfere with the industries of the people; reference ot the tariff to the Congressional Districts.
12. Cultivation of friendship with all nations; regarding alike dishonorable, either to demand what is not right, or submit to what is wrong.
The Democracy in convention ratified the nominations of Greeley and Brown, and adopted the platform of the Liberals. The Republicans re-nominated President Grant, and associated with him on the ticket Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The disaffection among the Democrats in consequence of the nomination of Horace Greeley, a life-long political enemy, was so great that a third ticket was nominated, at the head of which was Charles O'Connor, the distinguished lawyer of New York. This third ticket had very little strength in this county or State, the disaffection among the Democrats leading principally to the refusal to attend the polls or to vote at the election. The vote was not so large as at the Presidential election in 1868, notwithstanding the county had increased in population. Gustavus Koener, a Liberal Republican, was nominated and supported by the Democracy, while R. J Oglesby was the Republican nominee for Governor. James C. Robinson and M. H. Chamberlain were the Democratic and Republican candi-
1873. - This year county officers alone were to be elected. A new party had been born, known as the Independent Anti-Monopoly party, and, therefore, three tickets were placed in the field for the suffrages of the voters. Notwithstanding this fact, the vote was light, being only about two-thirds of the full vote. James H. Matheny, a very popular Democratic candidate, was nominated by the Democrats and elected County Judge by 1,312 majority. Noah W. Matheny, first elected in 1843 (having held the office by aj^pointment since 1839), and re-elected every four years thereafter, ^vas again re-nominated by the Republicans, and, for the first time, w^as defeated, his opponent receiving 151 majority. The Anti-Monopoly ticket polled a small vote, Mary J. How^ard, for County Superintendent of Public Schools, receiving 303 votes, the highest on the ticket.
1874. - The failure of the Liberal Republicans and the depression of the times foiced other issues before the people. An organization known as the Patrons of Husbandry, having for its object a union among farmers for self-protection, and the advancement of agricultural interests, had sprung into existence. Much complaint had heretofore been made against unjust monopolies in the manufacture of implements used by the farmers, as well as the extortions of the railroads in carrying produce. The Patrons of Husbandry attempted through their order to regulate these wrongs. Among other things looking to this end, was the establishment of Grange stores and an effort to purchase all goods used by its members at wholesale prices. This arrayed against the order the large mercantile class of the country, small tradesmen, and manufacturers generally. While never intended as a political organization, and the discussion of politics being prohibited by its rules, its individual membership, when they found they were placed in opposition to the mercantile and other classes mentioned, naturally found themselves allied together, and an appeal w^as thus made to that final settlement of all difficulties - the ballot box. It was thus the Anti-Monopoly party came to exist.
Charles Carroll w^as the Democratic, Thomas S. Ridgeway, Republican, and David Gore, the Anti-Monopoly candidates for the office of State Ti'easurer. For Congress, William M. Springer, Andrew Simpson, and J. B. Turner, were the candidates ref.pectively of the Democrats, Republicans, and Anti-Monopolists. Each of the three parties nominated county tickets. For State officers the Democrats were successful and also in one county office. For Sheriff, the Republicans succeeded in electing L. H. Ticknor. The highest vote polled by the Anti-Monopolists was on State Treasurer, David Gore securing 718 votes.
1875. - No interest was manifested in the election this year, county officers only to be elected. The Anti-Monopoly men made no nominations, leaving the field to the Republicans and Democrats. The latter were successful in the smallest vote polled in the county for several years.
1876. - The election this year was for National, State and county officers. Rutherford B. Hayes and William A. Wheeler were the Republican candidates for President and Vice-President, while Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks received the nomination of the Democratic party for the same offices. Peter Cooper was the nominee of the Independents or Anti-Monopolists for President. The hard times which began in 1873 had a perceptible effect upon this campaign. The Democratic party, which for some years had been acting on the defensive, when not allied to some other political body, now assumed the aggressive, and under the banner of "Tilden and Reform," forced the Republicans in the defensive. On the part of the Democrats the campaign was boldly conducted, though it cannot truthfully be said that Tilden was the choice of the Democracy of the Nation, especially of the Western element of the party. For Governor, Lew. Steward received the nomination of both the Independents and Democrats. He was opposed by Shelby M. Cullom, of Springfield, on the part of the Republicans. The contest for this office was quite animated, the two contestants making a personal canvass throughout the Avhole State. In this county the vote was the largest ever cast, the Democratic candidates each receiving a majority of the votes over his opponent. Tilden's majority over Hayes was 994, while Mr. Elliott, Democratic candidate for Sheriff, received a majority of 1,682.
1877. - The Anti-Monopoly party was now^ absorbed by the newly organized Greenback party. L. H. Ticknor was the Republican, C. R. Hurst the Democratic, and A. F. Carpenter the Greenback candidate for County Clerk. Mr. Ticknor was elected by a majority of 88. D. Paulen, Republican, was elected over E. R. Perkins, Democrat, for the office of County Treasurer. For School Superintendent, P. J. Rourke, Democrat, was re-elected.
1878. - In this county three tickets were placed in the field, by the Democratic, Republican and National parties respectively. While a full vote was not polled, the canvass and election was quite exciting. There was also considerable scratching of tickets on personal grounds. The National party polled nearly eight hundred votes in this election. While the Democrats had- a majority of some seven hundred on a strict party vote, the Republicans succeeded in electing their candidate for Sheriff by 162 votes, and Coroner by 820. The Democrats elected their candidate for the State Senate by 1053 votes.
1879. - Only county officers were to be voted for, and consequently the canvass was spiritless, and a personal matter only. D. Paulen, Republican, was elected Treasurer, and Graham, Democrat, Surveyor.
1880. - The campaign began quite early this year, especially among aspirants for office and their friends. The preliminary canvass for the nomination grew quite warm, as both the Republicans and Democrats were alike confident they would succeed in the National struggle. James A. Garfield received the Republican nomination for President, and associated with hira on the ticket was Chester A. Arthur for Vice-President; Winfield S. Hancock was nominated for President by the Democrats, and with him was William H. English for Vice- President; James B. Weaver and Gen. Chambers for President and Vice-President respectively on the National ticket. The canvass was pushed with vigor, the Democratic and Republican parties each using their utmost endeavors to be successful. The National party, under the lead of Weaver, also endeavored to increase its vote, Mr. Weaver making speeches in more than half the States in the Union. In this county the Democracy were successful by majorities ranging from 259 to 1,308.
Sangamon county has reason to be proud of the distinguished men who have served the county, State or Nation. Whether at home or abroad, representatives from this county have served with honor to themselves and to the county in which a home was claimed.
National Representation
Abraham Lincoln, the fifteenth President of the United States, was elected to that office November, 1860, and was inaugurated March 4, 1861. He was again re-elected November, 1864, and inaugurated March 4, 1865; he was struck down by the hands of an assassin on the evening of April 14, 1865, and died early on the morning of the fifteenth. Not alone the county, but the State, Nation, and world delights to do him honor.
Edward L. Baker, for many years editor of the Illinois State Journal, was appointed United States Consul at Buenos Ayres, Argentine Republic, South America, in December, 1873, and yet fills the position with credit to himself and the Government he represents.
When Sangamon county was organized, the State was entitled to but one Representative in Congress, Daniel P. Cook, of Kaskaskia, holding the office, to which he was first elected in 1818, on the admission of the State into the Union. Mr. Cook served a period of nearly nine years, from December, 1818, to March, 1827. He was a man of more than ordinary ability.
Joseph Duncan succeeded Daniel P. Cook, and took his seat at the first session of the Twentieth Congress, in 1827. He represented the State three terms, or until March, 18.3-3.
In the winter of 1831-2 the legislature of the State made an apportionment, dividing it into three districts, Sangamon county forming a part of the Third. In August, 1832, Joseph Duncan, of Jacksonville, was elected to represent the district, and served from the beginning of his term, March, 1833, to August, 1834, when he resigned his seat to accejit the office of Governor, to which he had been elected. William L. May, of Springfield, was elected to fill the vacancy, and was re-elected to the Twenty-fourth and Twenth-fifth Congress. Mr. May was succeeded by John T. Stuart, who was elected to the Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Congress, serving from 1839 till 1843.
In 1842, the State was divided into seven Congressional Districts, Sangamon county being placed in the Seventh. John J. Hardin, of Jacksonville, was elected to represent the district in the 28th Congress, and Edward D. Baker, of Springfield, in the 29th. Before the expiration of his term, Mr. Baker resigned to accept the Colonelcy of a regiment in the Mexican war; and John Henry, of Jacksonville, was elected to fill the vacancy. Abraham Lincoln was elected a member of the 30th Congress; Thomas L. Harris, of Petersburg, the 3l8t Congress; and Richard Yates, of Jacksonville, the 32d Congress.
In 1852 another apportionment was made, and Sangamon county became a part of the Sixth District. Richard Yates, of Jacksonville, was the first elected to represent this new district, and took his seat March, 1853, as a member of the 33d Congress. He was succeeded two years later by Thomas L. Harris, of Petersburg, who served two terras. John A. McClernand, of Springfield, was Mr. Harris's successor, and was
In 1862, Sangamon county, under the new apportionment act, was made a part of the Eighth Congressional District, and was represented in the bSth Congress by John T. Stuart. In the 39th Congress the county was represented by Shelby M. Cullom, of Springfield, who was reelected in 1866 and 1868, serving in the 40th and 41st Congress with great ability. Mr. Cullom was succeeded by James C. Robinson, who served in the 42d Congress.
Another apportionment was made in 1872, the State then being entitled to nineteen Representatives. Under this act Sangamon county became a part of the Twelfth District, and was represented in the 43d Congress by James C. Robinson, of Springfield. Mr. Robinson was succeeded by William M. Springer, of Springfield, who w^as first elected in 1874, and re-elected in 1876, 1878 and 1880, serving in the 44th and 45th Congress, and is now serving in the 46th Congress.
Shelby M. Cullom, the first and only Governor elected from Sangamon county, Illinois was born in Wayne county, Kentucky, November 22, 18-29, whence his father moved to Tazewell county, Illinois, in 1830. Having been reared and schooled in this State he is to "all intents and purposes" a native Illinoisan. Until he was nineteen years of age he worked with his father on the farm, attending the district schools in the winter. When, by superior application and ability he became sufficiently advanced, he assumed the duties for a while of a teacher, and having received a careful preparation by teaching and hard study, his collegiate course was completed at Mount Morris University.
In 1854 he came to Springfield, Illinois, and studied law in the office of Stuart and Edwards, and was admitted to the bar in 1855, and shortly after was elected City Attorney of Springfield. In 1856 he took an active part in the Presidential campaign of that year as a supporter of Millard Fillmore for the Presidency. By the American party he was nominated for the lower branch of the legislature, endorsed by the newly organized Republican party, and triumphantly elected. In 1860 he was again elected and made Speaker of the House. In 1862 he was appointed by President Lincoln on a commission with Governor Boutwell and Charles A. Dana to examine into the accounts of Quartermasters and Commissioners, and pass upon claims allowed by them. In 1864 he was elected to represent the Eighth District of Illinois in the United States
Congress, and was elected for two successive terms. During that time he was chairman of the Committee on Territories, and as such reported a bill, of which he was the author, for the suppression of polygamy in the Territory of Utah, which became a law. He also secured the appropriations for the erection of the United States Court House and Postolfice in Springfield, at a cost of |320,000. In 1872 he was "again elected to the legislature, and chosen Speaker of the House for the second time. He was also elected in 1874. In 1876 he received the nomination of his party - the Republican - for the office of Governor, and was triumphantly elected, having received a larger vote than President Hayes, or any other man on the State ticket. After serving four years he was re-nominated and elected.
As a member of the legislature he was distinguished as one of its fairest, most impartial and dignified presiding officers. He won golden opinions from all sides. As a member his action was always on the side of economy, freedom and equal laws for all.
In Congress he was attentive to duty, industrious, and highly influential. He took an active part in the advocacy of the reconstruction measures, and in favor of adopting the XIII, XIV and XV amendments of the Constitution.
In the administration of the State Government as its Chief Executive, Governor Cullom has displayed qualities of the highest statesmanship. Since he came into ofiice the State debt, which then amounted to $1,500,000, has been liquidated. State taxes have been reduced. Every department of the State Government has been economically administered. In no case have the expenses been allowed to exceed the appropriations. No public moneys have been diverted from their proper uses, and no misappropriations or defalcations have been committed or even charged upon any public officer.
In his office and at his home. Governor Cullom is a model gentleman. Always accessible, he is courteous and kind to every visitor. He is no lover of red tape, neither does he affect the ways of the aristocrat. In all the years of his public service his life has been pure and upright. His integrity and honesty stand before the world untarnished and unimpeachable.
Shelby M. Cullom has been twice married; first to Hannah M. Fisher, December 12, 1855, who died March IT', 1861; second, to Julia Fisher, a sister of his first wife. May 5, 1863. By his first wife he had two daiighters - Ella and Carrie.
State Representation
Governor. Shelby M. Cullom was the tirst and only Governor elected from Sangamon county. Mr. Cullom was elected November, 1876, and was inaugurated January 8, 1877; he was re-elected in 1880, and inaugurated January 10, 1881. He has made a popular and efficient Governor. See sketch.
William Butler, appointed September 3, 1859, to fill vacancy caused by the resignation of James Miller, of McLean county; elected November, 1800, and qualified January 14, 1861, served until January, 1862.
On the adoption of the present school system, Ninian W. Edwards was appointed as the first Superintendent of Public Instruction. He qualified and commenced the discharge of the duties of the office March 24, 1854. Mr. Edwards served with remarkable ability until January 12, 1857, when he w\as succeeded by William H. Powell.
Newton Bateman was elected to succeed Mr. Brooks in tiie fall of 1864. He was qualified January 10, 1865. Re-elected in 1866 and 1870, serving until the expiration of his terra, Januarys 11, 1875. Mr. Bateman was one of the most popular and efficient Superintendents in the State. . He is now President of the Knox College, at Galesburg, Illinois.
Moses K. Anderson received the appointment of Adjutant General, December 16, 1839, and served until April 31, 1857, a period of nearly eighteen years.
Edwin L. Higgins succeeded General Dilger, January 24, 1873, and served until July 2, 1875, when he was succeeded by Hiram Hilliard, of Cook county.
On the organization of the county, it was given one State Senator and one Representative in the General Assembly. Stephen Stillman was elected State Senator, and James Sims Representative.
Fifth General Assembly. - The representation of this county was now fixed at one Senator and three Representatives. The following named were elected: Senator, Elijah lies; Representatives, Job Fletcher, Mordecai Mobley, Jonathan H. Pugh.
JElghth General Assembly. - The county was now entitled to two Senators and four Representatives, and were represented as follows: Senators, George Forquer, Elijah lies; Representatives, Peter Cartwright, Achilles Morris, John T. Stuart, Edmund D. Taylor.
Ninth General Assembly. - The county now had four Senators and four Representatives, as follows: Senators, Job Fletcher, George Forquer, Archer G. Herndon, Edmund D. Taylor; Representatives, William Carpenter, John Dawson, Abraham Lincoln, .Tohn T. Stuart.
Tenth General Assembly. - Sangamon county was now entitled to two Senators and seven Representatives, and elected a body of men that was then and has since been known as the " Long Nine," the combined height being fifty-four feet. The following are the names of the "Long Nine:" Senators, Job Fletcher, Archer Gr. Herndon; Representatives, John Dawson, Ninian W. Edwards, William F. Elkin, Abraham Lincoln, Andrew McCormack, Daniel Stone*, Robert L. Wilson. When Vandalia was selected as the State Capital there was a provision in the law that it could not be removed for twenty years. Before the expiration of that time, it was generally conceded that it must be moved farther north. Springfield was a candidate for the capital, and the members of the legislature from Sangamon county were chosen with direct reference to this subject. The subject of internal improvements was now being vigorously agiated, and the legislature of 1836-7 was largely devoted to business of that kind. In order to accomplish this legislation, a good deal of "logrolling" was done; that is, a member having a pet project would agree with another that if he would vote for some bill in which he was particularly interested that he would return the favor. The "Long Nine" did not ask much for their section in the way of internal improvements, but they never lost an opportunity to make a vote for the removal of the capital to Springfield. As is well known, they were successful in their efforts, and Springfield was selected as the capital. -
Tioelfth General Assembly. - Sangamon, Me nard, Logan and Christian were now made one Senatorial District, with two Senators, and Sangamon county was continued a Representative District, with five Representatives. The following were elected: Senators, Edward D. Baker, Archer G. Herndon ; Representatives, James M. Bradford, James N. Brown, John Darneille, Josiah Francis, Abraham Lincoln.
Sixteenth General Assembly. - Under the Constitution of 1848, the State was divided into Senatorial and Representative Districts, each district having a number assigned it. There were twenty-five Senatorial and fifty-four Representative Districts, Sangamon county, with Mason and Menard, was made the Twelfth Senatorial and Twenty-sixth Representative Districts, and was entitled to one Senator and two Representatives. The following named served in this Assembly: Senator, John T. Stuart; Representatives, Ninian W. Edwards, John W. Smith.
Nineteeyith General Assembly. - Under the apportionment act of February 27, 1854, the representation in the General Assembly were twenty-five Senators and seventy-five Representatives. Sangamon and Morgan counties were made the Fifteenth Senatorial, and entitled to one Senator; Sangamon alone constituted the Twenty-sixth Representative District, with two Representatives. In this Assembly the county was represented as folloAVs: Senator, Joseph Morton, of Morgan county; Representatives, Stephen T. Logan, Jonathan McDaniel.
Ti-enty-third Gener2J, Assembly. - By act of -January' 31, 1801, the representation was fixed at twenty-five Senators and eighty-five Representatives, with twenty-five Senatorial and sixtyone Representative Districts. Sangamon, Logan and Tazewell formed the Eleventh Senatorial, and Sangamon and Logan the Twenty-fifth Representative District, with two Representatives,
In this assembly it was represented as follows: Senator, Colby Knapp, of Logan; Representatives, Ambrose M. Miller, of Logan ; Charles A. Keyes, of Sangamon.
Ticenty-jifth General Assembly. - Senator, John H, Cohrs, of Tazewell; Representatives, James C. Conkling, of Sangamon; William Mc- Galliard, of Lcgan.
Twenty -sixtJi General A,sse?nbly. - Senator, Aaron B. Nicholson, of Logan; Representatives, John Cook, of Sangamon; Silas Beason, of Logan.
Twenty-seventh General Assembly. - Senators, Aaron B. Nicholson, of Logan; Alex, Starne, of Sangamon; Re2)resentatives, Charles H. Rice, William M. Springer, Ninian R. Taylor. This representation was under the apportionment made under Constitution of ISVo, which provided that at its first session under that Constitution the Senate should consist of fifty members, being tMo from each district under the Constitution of 1848. Sangamon was therefore continued as a part of the Eleventh Senatorial District, but was made the Forty-third Representative District, with three Representatives elected under the minority representative plan.
Txoenty -eighth General Assimbly. - Senator, Alexander Starne; Representatives, Alfred Orendorf, Milton Hay, Shelby M. Cullom. This reppresentation was under the apportionment of 1872, which divided the State into iiftyone Senatorial Districts, each of which was entitled to one Senator and three Representatives, the latter elected under the plan of the minority representation. Sangamon county was made the Thirty- First Senatorial District.
County Officers
appear elsewhere in this work, it is needless to say more in this connection than that the list embraces the names of some of the most honorable men that have lived in Sangamon county, men who have honored the office as well as being honored by the office. The year following the name is that in which the party was commissioned, the time of service being until his successor qualiiied.
Removal Of The State Capital
The livst capital of the Territory of Illinois was the old French village of Kaskaskia, the oldest permanent settlement of the Mississippi valley. On the occasion of laying the cornerstone of the present magnificent State House, Judge Caton described the building used as the capitol when the Territorial Government was organized, in the following manner: "It was a rough Ijuilding in the center of a square in the village of Kaskaskia, the ancient seat of the Western Empire for more than one hundred and fifty years. The body of the building was of uncut limestone,' the gable and roof of the gambrel style of unpainted boards and shingles, with dormer windows. The lower fioor, a long, cheerless room, Avas fitted up for the House, while the Council sat in the small chamber above. This venerable building was, during the French occupancy of the country, prior to 1763, the headquarters of the military commandant. Thirty years ago, the house was a mass of ruins, and today, probably, there is not a stone left to designate the spot where it stood." That buildingwas the capitol during the territorial existence of Illinois, and the State Government was also organized in it.
The Constitution of 1S18, on the formation of the State, made it obligatory upon the General Assembly to petition Congress for a grant of land upon which to locate the seat of government for the State. In the event of the prayer of the petitioners being granted, a town was to be laid out on said land, which town should be the seat of government of the State for twenty years. The land was granted. "At the session of 1819, in Kaskaskia, five Commissioners were appointed to select the land appropriated by Congress for the State Capital." The Commissioners made their selections further up the Kaskaskia river. Having selected the site, the Commissioners were sorely puzzled in their efforts to select a name that should be so euphonious as to attract the attention of the whole world. Governor Ford, in his history of Illinois, gives the following humorous account of the way it -was done: " Tradition says that a wag, who was present, suggested to the Commissioners that the ' Vandals ' were a powerful nation of Indians, who once inhabited the banks of the Kaskaskia river, and that ' Vandalia,' derived from the name, would perpetuate the memory of that extinct but renowned people. The suggestion pleased the Commissioners, the name was adopted, and they thus proved that the cognomen of their new city - if they were fit representatives of their constituents - would better illustrate the character of the modern, than the ancient inhabitants of the country."
Having located and named their town, it Avas at once laid out, and the dense growth of timber cut away, and a two-story frame building erected on the square set apart for the State Capitol. The building was placed on a rough stone foundation in the center of the square, and was of very rude workmanship. The lower floor was for the House of Representatives, and the upper divided into two rooms, the largest one for the Senate, and the smaller one for the office of Secretary of State. The State Auditor and Treasurer occupied detached buildings. The archives of the State were removed from Kaskaskia to Vandalia in December, 1820. That wooden State House was T'turned a few years later, and a much larger one built of brick on the same ground. The rapidity with which emigration filled up the northern portion of the State made it apparent, long before the twenty years it was to remain at Vandalia expired, that it Avould be necessary to remove the capital further north, and as early as 1832 the question began to be agitated in the General Assembly.
At the session of 1832-38, an act was passed submitting tlie question to the people, naming six places which could be voted for as the seat of Government - Springtield, Jacksonville, tlie Centre, Alton, Vandalia, and Peoria. It will be seen that four of the places named lie in tlie centre, or north of the centre, of the State. The northern and central people voting each the object of their choice, would thus be divided,
Provenance
Text from History of Sangamon County, Illinois; Together with Sketches of Its Cities, Villages and Townships ... Portraits of Prominent Persons, and Biographies of Representative Citizens. History of Illinois, published 1881, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.