Allen County, Indiana - The whole text, 1889 (part 5 of 17)

The Siege Of Fort Wayne

The success of the Indians at Chicago gave them courage for still greater efforts for the overthrow of the whites, and the old dream was revived of driving them beyond the Ohio. With few exceptions, the tribes were now determined in their course, and devoted to the British interests. The few tribes continuing friendly to the United States were threatened with extermination by Tecumseh, who imagined he was fast bringing his great scheme to an issue by the aid of the EngHsh. Possessing an excellent memor}', and being well acquainted with every important position in the northwest, he was able to point out to the British many important advantages. Before crossing at Detroit, at the time of Hull's surrender. General Brock took occasion to inquire of Tecumseh what sort of a country he should have to pass over, should he conclude to go beyond. Taking a roll of elm bark, and extending it on the ground by means of four stones, Tecumseh drew his scalpingknife, and began to etch upon the bark the position of the country, embracing its hills, roads, rivers, morasses, and woods, which being a demonstration of talent quite unexpected in Tecumseh, greatly delighted the Briton. His position and influence - strengthened by the British, and joined by a numerous army of his own blood - were now formidable, and he was determined to render them as potent as his strength and advantages would permit.

His great plan was now the siege and massacre of Fort Wayne and Fort Harrison (near Terre Haute). The Pottawatomies and Ottawas, aided b}- the British under Major Muir, were to lead in the movement upon Fort Wayne, while the Winnebagoes, and a portion of the Miamis who had been persuaded to join the Tecumseh party, were to surprise and capture Fort Harrison. The first of September was appointed as the earliest period of attack.

The government, in the meantime, had begun most active measures for the renewal and prosecution of the war. Talk of invasion of Canada, by Niagara, was soon upon the breeze and the British commander, Gen. Brock, early heard the rumor. Ohio and Kentuckj', upon receipt of the news from Detroit, were aroused to patriotic determination. The governor of Ohio ordered the remaining portion of the detached militia of his state, numbering some 1,200 men, to be formed and marched to Urbana, under command of Brig. -Gen. Tupper; while the secretary of war had previously called on Gov. Scott, of Kentuck}', for a body of 1,500 men, embracing the regulars enlisted in that state. In the earl)' part of May, the governor of Kentuck}' had organized ten regiments, some 5,500 men, as the quota of that state. Among the many patriots of Kentucky who so eagerly enMsted under the standard of their country, was Col. John Allen, who took command of the rifle regiment. He was a lawyer of much distinction and a man in great favor with his fellowcitizens. From him Allen county derived its name.

After the massacre at Chicago, those Pottawatomies engaged in it spent several weeks about Fort Dearborn, and divided the spoils which had been given them. They then retired to their villages on the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, where they were assembled in council by British emissaries, who instigated them to lay siege to Forts Wa^-ne and Harrison. The British agents promised that in case the Indians would besiege those forts, and prevent their evacuation b}' the garrisons, the}' should be joined in one moon by a large British force from Maiden and

Detroit, with artillery, who would be able to demolish the stockades, and would give up to the savages the garrisons for massacre and spoils. The siege was to be commenced in twent}- days after the council adjourned.

At this time there was a trader residing near Fort Wayne, of French extraction, Antoine Bondie. He was about fift}- j-ears of age, and had lived among the Indians from the time he was twelve years old. He was an extraordinarj- character. At one time he would appear to be brave and generous, at another meanly selfish. He was recognized bjthe Miamis as one of their tribe - married one of their squaws, and conformed to their habits and mode of life. The hostile Pottawatomies, desirous of saving him from the destruction which they contemplated for the garrison, sent Metea, chief of their tribe, and a famous orator, to inform him of their intentions and his danger. Metea went to his cabin in the night, and under an injunction of great secrec}-, informed him of all that was contemplated. He offered to come for Bondie and his family before the siege was commenced, with a sufficient number of pack horses to remove them and their moveable property to a place of safety. Bondie did not decline the offer.

The morning after Metea had made this revelation, Bondie, accompanied by Charles Peltier, a French interpreter, went to the agent ver}' early, and with many injunctions of secrecy, informed him of it all. The agent was thankful for the information, but was doubtful whether to credit or reject it, as a mistake in a matter of so much importance, either wa}-, would prove ruinous to his character and cause his disgraceful ejection from the important office which he held. He had been but three months in office or in the countrj- and was acquainted with but few persons. The character of Bondie was not known to him, and the nature of his communication was such as to require great secrecy, and if true, immediate preparation for the defense of the fort. Stickney sent a note to Capt. Rhea, the commanding officer of the garrison, desiring a meeting with him in the open esplanade of the fort, where there could be no one to overhear what might be said. This officer having been long in the country had ever}' opportunity of knowing Bondie. He met the agent, heard his communication and dismissed it by observing that Bondie was a trifling fellow and no reliance could be placed upon what he said. This increased the perplexity of the agent. He sent for Bondie and his interpreter, to have a cross-examination. This being completed, it remained for the agent either to pass the matter without notice and incur the chances of the siege by the Indians of the two posts, to be followed by a regular force of British troops with artiller}% without any preparation for defense or relief from abroad, or to report the information, without attaching to it his official belief in its correctness, in which case it would have no effect. In weighing and comparing chances and consequences, he determined that it was better that he should be ruined in his reputation, and the government suffer all sacrifices consequent upon the falsitv of the report, than that they should both suffer if it proved true. He, therefore, sent a second time to Capt.

Rhea, and declared his intention to make the report and give it his sanction. He informed him that he had just received a dispatch from Gov. Harrison, from Vincennes, sa3'ing that he was going to Cincinnati, where he must be addressed, if necessary', and that he should send an express to him, directed to that city, and another to Captain Taylor, at Fort Harrison. When nearly ready to dispatch his messenger, Capt. Rhea sent a note to him requesting that he would delay his express to Cincinnati, until he could write a letter to the governor of Ohio, informing him of the report. Stickney complied with this request, and the express was sent with letters to Gov. Harrison and Gov. Meigs. Active preparations were now begun b}- the little garrison of lOO for defense. Such men as could be spared with teams were emplo\red to send off ladies who were there, with children, to the frontier; and it was subsequently ascertained that within a few hours after the messengers had started, the Indians drew their lines around the fort.

On the Sth of August, Major Stickney was prostrated by severe illness, from which he did not become convalescent for twelve days. He was then conveyed from the agency house to the fort for safet3^ It was now very plain that the statement of Bondie was no fiction. He, with his Indian family, moved into the fort. The Indian warriors, to the number of some 500, as then supposed, assembled in the neighborhood of the fort; and it was evident tliat they had hopes of getting possession of it by stratagem. They would lie in wait near the fort, day after day, a few near, but the majorit}- of them as much out of sight as possible. Those near were watching an opportunity to force the sentries, but these were so faithful to their duty, that no chance was presented. Stephen Johnston, who was a clerk in the United States factory store, feeling very solicitous about the safety' of iiis wife (who had been sent to the frontier in a delicate situation), accompanied by Peter Oliver and a discharged militiaman, attempted to elude the vigilance of the Indians, and visit the place of her abode. They left at lo o'clock at night. When a short distance south of what is now known as the Hanna homestead, Johnson was fired upon by six Indians and killed instantly. Before the Indians could reload their pieces, the remaining two men made good their retreat to the fort; and for a reward of $20, an Indian was induced to bring in the body of Mr. Johnston. The Indians disclosed their purposes bv other violent acts. One one occasion two soldiers were sent out on "horseback, three or four miles, to drive in some cattle. One of them was taken prisoner, the other made his escape. The Indians obtained possession of both horses. The}^ killed cattle and hogs near the fort, stole horses, and committed many other minor depredations.

Both parties wished to delay the final conflict - Major Stickney, to give time for Gen. Harrison to send the fort the necessary relief; and the Indians, from daily expectation of the arrival of the British force which had been promised them. The Indians, however, did not cease to emplo}' many devices and stratagems, to accomplish their object before the arrival of the British. An Indian would occasionally come near the fort, and hold conversation with an interpreter, who would be sent out for that purpose. The interpreter would be informed that the depredations had been committed by the young men, contrary to the wishes of the chiefs - - that the chiefs wished for peace. At length the Indians expressed a desire to be admitted to see . the commandant of the post, that they might agree upon some terms for a cessation of hostilities; and asked for a signal by which they might approach the fort and be permitted to talk with their white father. A white cloth was accordingly sent to them to be used as a flag of truce. For several da3-s they dela3'ed making use of the flag, and continued their depredations. The agent finally sent a message to them, b}' an Indian, that they had dirtied his flag, and he could not suffer them to retain it any longer; that they must return it immediately. The next daj^, the whole body of Indians moved up to the fort, bearing the white flag in front, evidenth- hoping to obtain the admission of a large number of their warriors. But the agent was too well acquainted with Indian character to be deceived. Having with difficulty, being yet ill, walked to the gate, he designated by name the chiefs to be admitted, who, upon their entrance one by one, were disarmed by the guard, and examined very closely. Thirteen only were admitted, who followed the agent to his sleeping apartment. The officers in the garrison remained in their quarters. The agent now addressed a note to Capt. Rhea, desiring that the guard should be paraded and kept under arms during the continuance of the council. In accordance with the customs of such occasions, tobacco was presented to the chiefs that they might smoke.

When the pipes began to go out, Winnemac, the Pottawatomie, rose and addressed the agent, declaring that the Pottawatomies had no hand in killing Johnston, and that the chiefs could not control their young men. The soldiers and horses had been taken without the knowledge or consent of the chiefs, in opposition to whose wishes the young men had committed all their depredations. " But," continued Winnemac, " if mj- father wishes for war, I am a man." At this expression the chief struck his hand upon his knife, which he had concealed under his blanket. Bondie, who was present, and understood fully what was said, jumped quickly to his feet, and striking his knife sharpl_v, shouted in Pottawatomie, " I am a man too." The interpreter turned" pale, and the faces of the chiefs present bore a look of disappointment, as the}- saw the guard parading under arms. The conference was closed, and, although Major Stickney was convinced of the treachery, as the chiefs had been admitted under a flag of truce, they were permitted to go out unmolested. The plan of the Indians on this occasion was subsequentl}- divulged. They were to obtain an entrance into the fort, for as many as possible. Winnemac was to be the speaker. When he should come to the expression "I am a man," he was to dispatch the agent. Other chiefs were to rush to each of the officers' quar- ters, to massacre them, and others were to open the gates of the fort, to the force without. The work was then to be finished, by butchering every soul in the fort.

The commandant, Captain Rhea, who was unfortunatel}^ addicted to his cups, invited Winnemac to his quarters and held a long consultation with him there. The agent learned from the interpreter that the captain had made great professions of friendship to the chief, and had invited him to breakfast with him in the morning. .Going to attempt to dissuade from so rash a proceeding, he found the captain in such a state of intoxication that it was useless to attempt to reason with him, so he sought the two heutenants, Ostrander and Curtis, and informed them of what had taken place, and giving it as his opinion that an attack would be made the next morning, urged upon them the necessity of all possible preparation. The next morning, aroused by the hring of rifles, the agent stepped out upon a galler}- that projected from the second story of his quarters, and saw two soldiers fall, -mortallv wounded, about fifty yards from the fort. He then ascertained that no preparations had been made in anticipation of an attack. All was confusion in the garrison. The two men were taken into the fort, and died about one o'clock that day.

About the 3d of September, a most interesting occurrence took place. A white man and three Indians arrived at the fort, on horseback, "in full yell." It was the Indian yell of triumph. The white man proved to be William Oliver. He was accompanied by Capt. Logan and his two Shawnee companions. The garrison had long been in weary suspense, not knowing whether the express to Gov. Harrison had got through or not, and every day in expectation that the British force would arrive. All were on tiptoe to hear the news - William Oliver had arrived in defiance of 500 Indians - had broken through their lines and reached the fort in safet}-. He reported that about 2,000 volunteers had assembled in Kentucky, and had marched to Cincinnati. Harrison having received the dispatch from the agent at Fort Wayne, had determined to march to its relief. Ohio was raising volunteers. Eight hundred were then assembled at St. Mar3''s, sixty miles south of Fort Wayne. The}^ intended to march to the rehef of the fort in three or four da3'S.

WilHam Oliver, about twenty-three years of age, was a sutler with the garrison at Fort Wayne, but had made a visit to Cincinnati, and did not until he had returned as far as Piqua, learn of the siege. He immediately joined a rifle company, expecting to advance at once to the relief; but becommg impatient determined to go to Cincinnati and induce Col. Wells to advance with the Seventeenth regiment, or else try to reach the fort alone and encourage his friends to hold out. He found Harrison at Cincinnati, who assured him the troops would march at once. Oliver declared his intention of going through the Indian lines to carry the news to the fort, but the general warned him of the danger, and as he shook hands with him, observed " that he should not see him again." In four days he overtook the militia at the St. Mary's and learned that scouts reported the Indians in great foyce on the route to the fort. But he had taken his Hfe in his hand and would not abandon the enterprise. On the next day, Gen. Thomas Worthington, then an Indian commissioner, joined him, and the}' secured an escort of sixty-eight militia and Logan and fifteen otlier Shawnees. On the second day, thirty-six of the party became frightened and returned; the remainder in the evening camped twenly-four miles from Fort Wa3me. Here Worthington and the rest were persuaded to remain, while Oliver, Logan, Captain John and Bright-Horn pushed on.

Well armed and mounted, they started at daybreak of September 3d, and cautioush' advanced. When within five miles of the fort, Logan discovered that the Indians had dug holes on either side of the trace, alternatel}', at such distances as to protect themselves from their own fire, and were read}- to meet all attempts at communication. The party consequently struck across the countr}- to the Maumee, which they reached a mile and a half below the fort. Tying their horses in a thicket, the}' crept forward until they discovered .that the garrison was still in possession. They then returned to their horses, remounted, and riding at the greatest speed reached the gate of the esplanade. Finding this locked they rode down the river bank, and ascended to the northern gate. Fortune had favored them, for just at this time, the Indian hostiles were engaged in concocting another plan to capture the fort by stratagem, and at the gate tlie apparition of Oliver and his men surprised Winnemac and Five Medals, who were about to ask admittance with treacherous designs. Said one of the lieutenants of the fort: "The safe arrival of Oliver at this particular juncture ma}' be considered miraculous. One hour sooner or one hour later, would no doubt have been inevitable destruction both to himself and his escort. It is generally believed by those acquainted with the circumstances, that not one hour, for eight days and nights preceding or following the hour which Mr. Oliver arrived, would have afforded an opportunity of any safety."

Oliver prepared a hasty letter to Washington, and Logan and his companions, supplied with new rifles, were cautiously let out of the gate, whence they started at the utmost speed of their horses. The hostiles made a desperate effort to intercept them, but the anxious garrison soon heard the couriers' yells of triumph far beyond the besiegers' lines. >

From the 5th the siege was active. An incessant firing was kept up day and night; several times the buildings were set on fire by burning arrows which were shot within the stockade, but the vigilance of the garrison prevented a conflagration. A few days after Oliver's arrival, the Indians, in the evening, gained possession of a trading house near the fort, and from this point demanded a surrender. Protection was promised in that case, but extermination if the fort was carried by storm. To emphasize their demand, they claimed to have received large reinforcements, some pieces of British cannon, and artillerists; the demand was refused, and then with hideous yells, the savages swarmed in upon the fort, opening a heavy fire, in which two cannon joined. Ever}' man in the garrison capable of duty stood at his post with several stands of loaded rifles at hand. Curtis", the acting lieutenant, gave orders not to fire until the enemy had approached within twenty-five paces. This order was executed and such a destructive fire opened that in twenty minutes the Indians retreated with a loss of eighteen men. It was afterward discovered that the cannon used were made of logs by some British traders. Only three loads were fired from them before they burst.

Gov. Harrison was so popular, that the governor of Kentucky disregarded the state law, and made him brigadier-general of the Kentucky "militia, whom he led as rapidly as possible to the relief of Fort Wayne. The faithful Shawnees met the advancing army at Piqua, Ohio, where the message of Ohver was delivered to Gen. Harrison, who drew his men together, and made them a speech. Said he: "If there is a man under my command who lacks the patriotism to rush to the rescue, he, by paying back the money received from the government, shall receive a discharge, as I do not wish to command such." But one man responded to the proposition. His name was Miller, of the Kentucky militia; and having obtained his discharge, on the morning of the 6th, his comrades, not willing to let him return without some special manifestation of appreciation, put him on a rail, carried him around the lines to the music of the Rogue's March, and down to the Miami, where they took him off the rail, let him into the water and baptized him in the name of "King George, Aaron Burr, and the Devil." As he emerged, the men stood on the bank and threw handsful of mud at him, then, forming into two fines in an adjacent lane, made him run the gauntlet, each one contributing a handful of dirt. Harrison learned at this time that Gen. Winchester was to command, but that officer being yet in the rear, the hero of Tippecanoe resolved to push on and save Fort Wayne.

On the moi'ning of the 6th the army began its march for Fort Wayne, encamping that evening in the woods some twelve miles from Piqua. Early on the morning of the yth [Monda}'], the army resumed its march, made fifteen miles, and encamped on a branch three and a half miles from the St. Mary's. September 8th, they marched to St. Marj^'s where they lay tifi next day. There they were joined by 200 mounted volunteers under Col. Richard M. Johnson, who had volunteered forthirt}' days, onhearing that Fort Wayne was besieged. Wednesday', September 9th, the}' marched eighteen miles to Shane's Crossing, where they overtook a regiment of Spo men from Ohio, under Colonels Adams and Hawkins, who had started on to the relief of Fort Wayne. From this point Logan and four Shawnee companions acted as scouts for the army. Cols. Adams and Hawkins joined the arm}' and aU marched together, numbering about 3,500 men. They marched ten miles and encamped. A strong detachment of spies under Capt. James Sugget of Scott county, marched considerably ahead of the army, and Sugget came upon the trail of a large party which he immediately pur- sued. After following the trail some distance he was fired on by an Indian, who had secreted himself in a clump of bushes so near to Sugget that the powder burnt his clothes, but the ball missed him. The Indian jumped from his covert and attempted to escape, but Andrew Johnson, of Scott's, shot him. At the crack of the gun, the Indian's gun and blanket fell. Supposing that he had killed him, and being eager in pursuit of the trail, the}' made no halt; but before the}' could overtake the Indians they had to give up the pursuit on account of the lateness of the hour and the distance they were ahead of the army. On returning to where the Indian was shot they found the gun and blanket, but he had escaped. They followed the blood for some distance and found pieces of his handkerchief, which he had cut into plugs to stop the blood, but he had bled so profusely that it had forced them out of the wound. On returning to camp Logan held up the bloody blanket and exhibited it as he rode along flie line. Orders were immediately issued for the troops to turn out and make a breastwork around the encampment, and before dark the same was fortified by a breastwork made by cutting down trees and piling them on each other. A strong picket guard was detailed and posted at a considerable distance from the line. Orders were given that in case two shots were heard in quick succession, the men were quickly to repair to the breastwork, and several alarms brought them to their post, but they proved to be false, arising from the fears of the militia, unused to war, although it was ascertained afterward that the Indians were prepared to attack had they not found the pickets so watchful.

On Saturday, September 10, after an early and scant breakfast, the army resumed its march toward Fort Wayne. From St. Mary's it moved in two lines, one on the right, and the other on the left of the trace, at a distance of about 100 yards therefrom, while the wagons kept the trace. Sugget's spies went ahead, and on coming to where they had left the trail of the wounded Indian, they again took it, and after following it a short distance, found his dead body. When he found he could not survive, he broke bushes and covered himself with them in order to hide his body.

The Indians prepared to draw Harrison into an ambush and give battle at a swamp five miles southeast of the fort, but finding him too wary and his force too strong, they kindled extensive fires to create an impression with the garrison that a battle had occurred, and then retreated past the fort in apparently great confusion, hoping to draw out the garrison. But this, final ruse failed, and the Indians withdrew, ending a weary watch of about twenty days' duration. When Harrison perceived the stand of the enemy at the swamp, a halt was made, and the army disposed for battle. Col. Hawkins, of the Ohio mounted volunteers, left the lines and went some distance from the road. Being partly concealed by a clump of bushes, one of his men took him for an Indian and shot him through. The ball entered between the shoulders and came out at the breast, but fortunatel}' did not prove mortal.

The Siege Of Fort Wayne. I4I

At the first grey of the morning of the I2th of September, the distant halloos of the disappointed savages revealed to the anxious inmates of the fort the approach of the army. Great clouds of dust could be seen from the fort, rolling up in the distance, as the soldiery under Gen. Harrison moved forward to the rescue; and in the evening, the army stood before the fort, while the woods resounded with the glad shouts of welcome to Harrison and the brave hoys of Ohio and Kentucky.

The ambuscade at the five-mile swamp was directed by Metea, the most noted chief of the Pottawatomies, who at this time was in the zenith of his power. His villages were on the St. Joseph river, one at the table-land where Cedarville now stands, the other seven miles from Fort Wayne, gn the section afterward known as the Bourie reserve. While preparing his ambuscade at the marsh, he was attacked by Major Mann and a few skirmishers, and shot by the Major. The chief's arm was broken, but he made his escape, although both' pursued by the officer. Metea lived in the vicinity of Fort Wayne until May, 1827, when he died from poison, administered it is supposed b)' some Indians who were incensed at him for his adherence to the treaty of 1826. He was buried on the sand-hill near the site of Fort Wa3'ne college.

The garrison during the siege had been well supphed with provisions, and there was a good well of water within the inclosure. Among the means of defense were four small field pieces. If it could be protected from fire, the post was able to withstand a considerable Indian siege. Capt. McAfee, a source of much of the information concerning this period, gave this militar}' estimate of the fort: "It is delightfull}- situated, on an eminence on the south bank of the Miami of the lakes, immediately below the formation of that river by the junction of the St. Mary's from the southwest with .the St. Joseph's from the north. It is well constructed of block houses ancl picketing, but could not resist a British force, as there are several eminences on the south side, from which it could be commanded b}' a six or nine pounder." The garrison had lost but three men. From subsequent information, it was believed that the Indian loss was about twenty-five. Eight were seen to fall. One Indian was killed at a distance of 300 yards, while standing in the St. Mary's river. A soldier named King, with a long, heav}^ rifle, fired, and the ball took effect in the back of the savage between his shoulders, and he fell into the water. This feat was witnessed by the whole garrison.

Previous to the beginning of the siege, there were several dwellings near the fort, forming a little village, but these were now in ruins, having been burned, as well as the government factory, by the hostiles. The handsome farm in the fork of the rivers, belonging to Captain Wells, and still known as the Wells reserve, was overrun and his buildings destroyed. The corn which had been cultivated by the villagers was nearly all gone, and the remnants served as forage for Harrison's cavalry.

Capt. Rhea had been so utterly incompetent that immediately after the arrival of Gen. Harrison, Lieuts. Ostrander and Curtis preferred charges against him, and called upon Major Stickney, the agent, as a witness. The general assembled his principal officers as a board of inquiry, and it was shown that Rhea was drunk six days during the siege. Gen. Harrison, out of consideration for the advanced age of the captain granted him leave to resign by the ist of January. -

On the second da}' after the arrival of the army. Gen. Harrison formed fwo detachments, with orders to destroy the Indian villages in northeastern Indiana, the first division being composed of the regiments under Cols. Lewis and Allen, and Captain Garrard's troop of horse, under Gen. Payne, accompanied by Gen. Harrison; the second division, under Col. Wells, accompanied by a battalion of his own regiment, under Major Davenport (Scott's regiment), the mounted battalion under Johnson, and the mounted Ohio men under Adams.

In order that the Indians' means of subsistence might also be cut off, it was determined while destroj'ing the villages to cut up and destroy the corn and 6ther products. After a march of a few miles, the troops under Payne came to the Miami villages, at the forks of the Wabash, where, finding the villages abandoned, the troops were ordered to cut up the corn and delitroy the vegetables in the field adjacent. At this point was observed the tomb of a chief, built of logs, and bedaubed with cla}^. This chief was laid on his blanket, with his gun and his pipe b}^ his side, a small tin pan on his breast, containing a wooden spoon, and a number of earrings and brooches - all deemed necessary, no doubt, on his journey to the other woij^d.

On the i6th of September the bc5dy under Col. Wells had advanced to the Pottawatomie village, known as Five Medals, on the Elkhart river, near the site of Goshen. Having crossed the river, about three miles above the village, and formed in order of battle, in a plain thinly timbered, the division advanced to the right and left of the village, and then surrounded it; but, to the regret of all, the place was found deserted, the Indians having abandoned it two da^'S before, leaving behind considerable quantities of corn, gathered and laid on scaffolds to dry, with abundance of beans, potatoes and other vegetables, which furnished an ample store of provisions for the men and forage for the horses. This village was called Five Medals, from a chief of that name, who made it his residence. On a pole, before the door of that chief, a red flag was himg, with a broom tied above it; and on another pole at the tomb of an old woman, a white flag was flying. The body of the old woman was entire, sitting upright, with her face toward the east; and a basket beside her, containing trinkets, such as owl and hawk bills and claws, a variety of bones, and bunches of roots tied together; all of which indicated that she had been revered as a sorceress. In one of the huts was found a morning report of one of Hull's captains, also a Liberty Hall newspaper, printed at Cincinnati, containing an account of Gen. Harrison's army. Several coarse bags, which appeared to have contained shot, and pieces of boxes with London and Maiden printed on them, were also picked up in the cabin; which proved that these Indians were intimately connected with the British, and had been furnished with information by some one, perhaps, in our own country. This village, with some seventy acres of corn, was destroyed, and after a most fatiguing march, from the effects of which one man died soon after the return of the division, the force arrived again at the fort on the iSth, a few hours after the bod}' under Payne had returned.

On the day before the return of these divisions. Col. Simrall, with a regiment of dragoons, armed with muskets, and numbering some 320 men, also a compan}' of mounted riflemen, under Col. Farrow, from Montgomery county, Ky., had arrived at the fort; and on the evening of the return of Payne and Wells, Gen. Harrison sent them to destroy the village called Turtle, some twenty miles northwest of the fort, with orders not to molest the buildings formerly erected b}' the United States for the benefit of Little Turtle, whose friendship for the Americans had ever been fiVm after the treaty of Greenville.

In addition to these movements, Gen. Harrison took the precaution to remove all the undergrowth in the locality surrounding the fort, extending toward the confluence of the St. Joseph and St. Mar3''s, to where now stands Rudisill's mill, and westward to the point now occupied by the Port Wayne college, thence southeast to about the site of the residence of the late Allen Hamilton, and to the east down the Maumee a short distance. So well cleared was che ground, including a large part of the present area of the city of Fort Wayne, that it was said that a sentinel " on the bastions of the fort, looking westward, could see a rabbit running across the grounds as far as so small an object was discernible by the naked eye." Bv this " extensive clearing" the Indians were left without any shelter for ambush. Some thirty or forty acres, of what is yet known as the Cole farm, extending to the junction of the rivers, and just opposite the Maumee, was then known as the Pubhc Meadow, and had long been a considerable open space.

Gen. Harrison made an official report of his transactions to the war department, and about the 19th of September Brig.-Gen. James Winchester arrived at the fort to take command of the first division of Kentucky troops. Gen. Winchester had seen service in the revolutionary struggle, and at this period was somewhat advanced in 3-ears. He was a man of some wealth, and resided in Tennessee, where he is said to have lived many 3rears in a degree of elegant luxurj' and ease, which was not calculated to season him for a northern campaign in the forest.

Gen. Harrison was ever a favorite with his soldiers, and commanded in a remarkable degree the love and confidence of both the rank and file. When Gen. Winchester arrived to take command of the forces there was great dissatisfaction among the troops. Indeed, so great was the aversion to the change, that many of the militia were disposed not to be under his command, and it was with much difficulty that Gen. Harrison and the field officers succeeded in reconciling them to the change of officers. During no other war of the United States was the value of a true leader so thoroughly demonstrated as in the campaign against the Miamis. The men were persuaded to march under Gen. Winchester, with the confident belief that Gen. Harrison would sooner or later again assume command of them. He did become commander-in-chief on the 24th; and while the unfortunate Winchester's career ended at the river Raisin, he won lasting fame at the river Thames.

On the 19th the command of the troops at the fort was transferred to Gen. Winchester, and any part of the infantry which he might deem necessarj' to the extension of his plans was placed at his disposal.

The same evening Gen. Harrison started toward Piqua, to take command of the forces collecting in the rear; and to arrange for a mounted expedition against Detroit - intending to surprise that point by marching on a route but little known, from Fort Wayne up the St. Joseph, and thence to the headwaters of the river Raisin. His troops consisted of three regiments from Kentucky, under Barbee, Payne and Jennings; three companies of mounted riflemen from the -same state, under Capts. Roper, Bacon and Clarke; also a corps of mounted Ohioans who had rendezvoused at Dayton on the 15th, in obedience to a call by Govs. Meigs and Harrison, commanded by Col. Findlej', who had re-entered the service since the surrender of Gen. Hull.

On the 20th Gen. Harrison met the mounted men and the regiment of Jennings at St. Marj-'s (Girty Town), the remainder of the infantry being still further in the rear. The general having left orders at Fort Wayne for Johnson's battalion and Col. SjmralFs dragoons, which were not included in Gen. Winchester's command, to return to St. Mary's as early as possible. Major Johnson, on the morning of the 20th, began his -line of march, but after an advance of some twenty miles, was met by orders from Gen. Harrison, to return to Fort Wayne again, and there await further orders. The force returned, excepting Ensign Wm. Holton, with about twenty-five men of Capt. Ward's company, who refusing to obey orders, started for Kentuck}'.

General Winchester had now removed his camp to the forks of the Maumee; and earh^ on the 22d of September, he moved down the north side of that stream, over very nearly the same route as that by which Gen. Wayne's army had reached the Miami villages in 1794, intending to go as far as Fort Defiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize, with a view of forming a junction there with the infantry in the rear, who were to come from the St. Mary's, by way of the Auglaize.

"The front guard in three lines, two deep in the road, and in Indian files on the flanks at distances of fifty and one hundred yards, as the ground will admit. A fatigue party to consist of one captain, one ensign, two sergeants, and two corporals, with fiftj' men, will follow the front guard for the purpose of opening the road. The remainder of the infantry to march on the flanks in the following order: Colonels Wells and Allen's regiments on the right, and Lewis' and Scott's on the left. The general and brigade baggage, commissaries and quartermaster's stores, immediateh' in the rear of the fatigue part}'. The cavalry in the following order: Capt. Garrard and twenty of his men to precede the guard in front, and equally divided at the head of each line; a lieutenant and eighteen men in the rear of the whole army and baggage; the balance of the cavalry equally divided on the flanks or the flank lines. The regimental baggage wagons will fall in according to the respective ranks of their commanding officers. The officers commanding corps previous to their marching will examine carefuU}' the arms and ammunition of their respective corps, and see that they are in good order. They will also be particularly careful that the men do not waste their cartridges. No loaded muskets are to be put in the wagons. One-half of the fatigue party is to work at a time, and the others will carry their arms. The wagon master will attend to loading the wagons, and see that the various articles are put in, in good order, and that each wagon and team carry a reasonable load. The hour of march will be 9 o'clock this morning. The officer of the day is charged with this order. The hne of battle will be the same as that of General Harrison in his last march to Fort Wayne." The march down the Maumee was made with great precaution, at the rate of five or six miles each day, and the camp strongl}^ fortiiied ever}'- night. Not many miles had been gained before a party of Indians were discovered, and the signs were strong that there were many more in the region. A volunteer company of scouts having been organized under Capt. Ballard, Lieut. Harrison Munday, of the rifle regiment, and Ensign Liggett, of the 17th U. S. infantry, they were kept in advance to reconnoiter the countr}^ On the 25th, Ensign Liggett having obtained permission to proceed as far as Fort Defiance, he was accompanied by four men of McCracken's company from Woodford, K}'. Late that evening, while preparing some food, the}^ were discovered by a Frenchman and eight Indians, who surprised them with a demand to surrender. On being assured that they would not be hurt, and would be permitted to wear their arms till they entered the British camp, they surrendered; but the Indians and Frenchman as they walked on, concocted and executed the following plan for their destruction: five of the Indians, each having marked his victim, walked behind and one side of the men, and, at a given signal fired upon them. Four of them fell dead; Liggett escaped the first fire and sprung to a tree, but was shot while raising his gun. Next day Capt. Ballard, with a part of his company', being in advance, discovered the dead bodies and a party of Indians watching near them. He formed his men for action with the Maumee on his right, but not liking his position, and perceiving that the Indians were too strong for him, he fell back 200 yards and formed in a stronger position. The enemy supposing he had fled, filed off from their right flank intending to surround him on his left, and cut off his retreat. He heard them pass by on his left without discovering him, and then filed off by the left in their rear, and by a circuitous route arrived safely at the camp.

Lieut. Munday, with another body of the scouts, presently happened at the same place, and discovering some Indians, who still remained there, formed his men and charged upon them, at the same time saluting them with their own yell. They fled precipitately, and Munday, on discovering their superior numbers, took advantage of their panic to withdraw. Next morning, the 27th, Capt. Ballard, with his spies and Capt. Garrard's troop of horse, accompanied b}' Major Woolford, aid to the general, and some other volunteers, went forward to bury the dead. The Indians were still in ambush; but Capt. Ballard expecting it, approached them in a different direction, so as to disconcert their plans. He attacked them with a brisk fire, and Capt. Garrard immediately ordered a charge, on which they fled in every direction, leaving trails of blood from their killed and wounded.

These Indians were the advance of _an army organized to attack Fort Wa3ne, consisting of 200 regulars under Major Muir, of the British army, with four pieces of artillery, and about 1,000 Indians, commanded by Elliott. They had brought their baggage and artillery by water to old Fort Defiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize, where they had left their boats and were advancing up the south side of the Maumee toward Fort Wayne. Upon the approach of Winchester, they threw their cannon into the river, together with their fixed amunition, and retreated in great haste. Gen. Winchester did not pursue them.

Fort Harrison (near Terre Haute), had been besieged also, but here Zachar^^ Taylor, then a 3'oung captain, first drew to himself the admiration of the nation by a gallant and successful defense.

Thus the plan of the British to take the posts of Forts Wayne and Harrison, then to give them up to massacre, and to turn about 1,500 Indians loose upon the frontier to kill and laj^ waste, had come to defeat.

The onl}' other important military event for several weeks was a successful though perilous movement upon a party of British and Indians at the Rapids, b}^ a small bod}- of troops under Gen. Tupper, wherein the former were put to flight, but after the retreat a few of Tupper's men were killed bj- the Indians. The British and Indians now fell back upon the river Raisin, and Gen. Harrison prepared to establish at the Rapids a grand base of supplies for a campaign against Detroit and Canada.

Soon after this movement, Capt. James Logan, the faithful Shawnee chief, had proceeded with a small number of his tribe to make observations in the direction of the Rapids. Having met and been closely pursued by a superior force, he and his men were obliged to disperse and retreat, and Logan, with but two of his comrades. Captain John and Bright-Horn, succeeded in reaching the camp of Gen. Winchester.

the enem_y. Indignant, and burning under the insult, Logan called in his friend Oliver, and told him he would start out next morning and either leave his body bleaching in the woods or return with such trophies as would vindicate his loyalty. Accordingh', on the 2 2d of November, accompanied by Captain John and Bright-Horn, he started down the Maumee about noon. Having stopped to rest, they were surprised by a party of seven of the enemy, mounted, among them j^oung Elliott, the half-breed British officer, and the celebrated Winnemac. With great presence of mind Logan extended his hand to the chief and pretended that he had left the Americans and wished to join the British. Winnemac shrewdly proceeded to disarm the Shawnees, and his party surrounding them, they moved toward the British camp. But Logan persisted so strongly in his story that finally the arms were returned to him and his men. Overhearing Winnemac and Elliott talking of shooting them down if they made a move to escape, Logan determined to take the offensive, and managed to give the word to his companions. Captain John put some extra bullets in his mouth, with the expression "Me chaw heap tobac." It was soon determined to encamp for night, and as the British party scattered somewhat, Logan and his men opened fire upon them. By the first fire both Winnemac and Elliott fell; by the second a young Ottawa chief lost his life, and two more of the enemj' were mortally wounded about the conclusion of the combat. But at this time Logan himself, as he was stooping down, received a ball just below the breast-bone which ranged downward and lodged under the skin of his back. Bright-Horn was also wounded by a ball which passed through his thigh. As soon as Logan was shot, he ordered a retreat; he and Bright-Horn, wounded as they were, jumped on the horses of the enem}- and rode to Winchester's camp, a distance of twenty miles, in five hours. Captain John, after taking the scalp of Winnemac, also retreated in safety and arrived at the camp next morning.

Logan had wiped out the imputation against him, but he died after two or three days of extreme agon}'. He endured the pain with great fortitude and died satisfied. " More firmness and consummate bravery has seldom appeared on the militar}- theatre," said Winchester, in his letter to the commanding general. " He was buried with all the honors due to his rank, and with sorrow as sincerely and generally displayed, as I ever witnessed," said Major Hardin, in a letter to Gov. Shelb}'.

Spemika-lawba, the High Horn, one of the Machachac tribe of Shawnees, obtained the name of Logan from Col. Logan, of Kentucky, whocaptured him when a boy, and made him for several years a member of his family. He finally returned to his tribe and became a civil chief. It has been stated, manifestly without reason, that he was related to Tecumseh. He married an Indian maiden, who, when young, had been taken prisoner by Col. Hardin, in 1789. In the army he had formed an attachment for Major Hardin, son of the colonel, and son-in-law of Gen. Logan, and on his death bed, requested him to see that the money due for his services was faithfully paid to his famih'. He also requested, that his famil}- might be removed immediate]}' to Kentucky, and his children educated and brought up in the manner of the white people. Logan was widely known as a friend of the whites. He was one of the guides for Gen. "Hull, and prior to the siege of Fort Wayne, he was intrusted by John Johnston, of Piqua, with the delicate and dangerous duty of bringing the women and children from the threatened post. He conducted twenty-five women and children 100 miles in safety, and did not sleep from the time he left Fort Wayne until he arrived at Piqua.

About the time of Tupper's expedition to the Rapids, Gen. Harrison determined to send an expedition of horsemen against the Miamis, assembled in the towns on the Mississinewa river, a branch of the Wabash. A deputation of chiefs from those Indians met Gen. Harrison at St. Mary's, early in October, and sued for peace, agreeing to abide by the decision of the president, and in the meantime to send in five chiefs to be held as hostages. The president replied to the communication of the general on this subject, that, as the disposition of the several tribes would be known best by himself, he must treat them as their conduct and the public interest might, in his judgment, require. The hostages were never sent in, and further information of their intended hostility was obtained. At the time of their peace mission, they were alarmed by the successful movements which had been made against other tribes from Fort Wayne, and by a formidable expedition which was penetrating their country under Gen. Hopkins. But the failure of that expedition was soon afterward known to them, and they determined to continue hostile. A white man by the name of William Connor, who had resided many years with the Delawares, and had a wife among them, but who was firmly attached to the American cause in this war, was sent to the towns to watch the movements of the Miamis. He visited the villages on the Mississinewa river, and was present at several of their councils. The question of war with the United States and union with the British was warmly debated, and there was much division .among the chiefs, but the war party at last prevailed. The presence of Tecumseh, and afterward the retreat of Gen. Hopkins, rendered them nearly unanimous for war.

To avert the evils of their hostility, was the object of the expedition against Mississinewa. Said Harrison : " The situation of this town, as it regards one line of operations, even if the hostility of the inhabitants was less equivocal, would render a measure of this kind highly proper; but from the circumstance of Gen. Hopkins' failure it becomes indispensable. Relieved from the fears excited by the invasion of their country, the Indians from the upper part of the Illinois river, and to the south of Lake Michigan, will direct all their efforts against Fort Wayne and the convoys which are to follow the left wing of the army. Mississinewa will be their rendezvous, where they will receive provisions and eveiy assistance they may require for any hostile enterprise. From that place they can, by their runners, ascertain the period at which every convoy may set out from St. Mary's and with certainty intercept it on its way to the Maumee Rapids. But that place being broken up, and the provisions destroyed, there will be nothing to subsist anj^ body of Indians, nearer than the Pottawatomie towns on the St. Joseph of the lake."

This expedition numbered about 600 mounted riflemen, under Lieut. -Col. Campbell. It left Franklinton on the 25th of November, by way of Dayton and Greenville; and reached the Indian towns on the INIississinewa toward the middle of December, suffering much from the cold. In a rapid charge upon the first village, eight warriors were killed, and fort}--two taken prisoners, including men, women and children. About half an hour before day, the morning following this charge, the detachment was attacked by the Indians, and after a sharp but short encounter, in which Campbell lost eight killed, and fortj'-eight wounded, the enemy fled precipitatel}' with a heavy loss.

Learning from a prisoner that Tecumseh was within eighteen miles of them, with a body of 600 warriors, with the number of wounded then to be cared for, it was deemed advisable to return, and the detachment, having previously destroyed the towns they had approached, started upon their return march, and reached Dayton during the early part of January. The good effect of the expedition was soon felt, as it disclosed who were friends and who were enemies among the Indians.

The winter being severe, and unfavorable to transportation, the army of Harrison suffered many privations for the want of sufficient provisions and clothing: 3'et though it was midwinter in the wild and trackless forests, the government and people were impatient, and anxiety was manifest for a forward march against the British.

At the River Raisin. - On January loth, 1813, Gen. Winche.ster having received orders to advance toward the British lines, reached the Rapids, preceded b}^ a detachment of 670 men, under Gen. Payne, who had been ordered to attack a party of Indians gathered in an old fortification at Swan creek. A large stone house was built within the encampment, at the Rapids, to secure the provisions and baggage. A considerable quantity of corn was also gathered in the fields, and apparatus for pounding and sifting it being made, it supplied the troops with very wholesome bread.

It soon became apparent that an attack was meditated by the British upon the forces under Winchester, they having heard through some Indians of the advance of the army. Consequently, on the morning of the 17th, Gen. Winchester detached Col. Lewis, with 550 men, for the river Raisin ; and a few hours later, Lewis' detachment was followed by no more under Col. Allen. On the morning of this day Gen. Winchester sent a message to Gen. Harrison, acquainting him with the movements made, and desiring a reinforcement, in case of opposition in an effort to possess and hold Frenchtown. With this express was also sent word that 400 Indians were at the river Raisin, and that Elliott was expected from Maiden, with an expedition to attack the camp at the Rapids.

which reached there on the morning of the 20th, accompanied by the commander-in-chief. In the meantime, on the iSth, the troops under Lewis and Allen, who had proceeded toward the river Raisin, to occupy Frenchtown, had been attacked by the enemy, who were driven back, with considerable loss, leaving the town in the possession of the federal forces. On receipt of news of this action, Gen. Winchester set out with 250 men for the relief of the forces at Frenchtown, and arrived at the river Raisin on the 20th. The British and Indian advance, under Col. Proctor, was preparing to renew the attack of the i8th, and on the night of the 2 1 St advanced unobservecfver}' near the American lines. Earl}- on the morning of the 2 2d, the enemy, from a position within about 300 3-ards of the American lines, opened a heavy fire with cannon and musketr}-, and soon succeeded in nearl}^ surrounding the camp.

The Americans fought bravely, but were overpowered, and an indiscriminate slaughter followed. In their confusion and dismay, the Americans attempted to pass down a long narrow lane, through which the road ran from the village. The Indians were on both sides, and shot them down in great numbers. A large partj^, which had gained the wood, on the right, were surrounded and massacred, nearly 100 men being tomahawked within the distance of 100 yards. The most horrible destruction overwhelmed the fugitives in every direction.

Captain Simpson was shot and tomahawked at the edge of the woods, near the mouth of the lane. Col. Allen, who has been before mentioned, though wounded in his thigh, attempted to rally his men several times, entreating them to halt and sell their lives as dearl}' as possible. He had escaped about two miles, when, at length, wearied and exhausted, and disdaining perhaps to survive the defeat, he sat down on a log, determined to meet his fate. An Indian chief, observing him to be an officer of distinction, was anxious to take him prisoner. As soon as he came near the Colonel, he threw his gun across his lap, and told him in the Indian language to surrender and he should be safe. Another savage having, at the same time, advanced with a hostile appearance. Col. Allen, by one stroke of his sword, laid him dead at his feet. A thn-d Indian, near by, had then the honor of shooting one of the first and greatest citizens of Kentucky. Capt. Mead, of the regular army, who had fought by the side of Col. Daviess, when he fell in the battle of Tippecanoe, was killed where the action was commenced. Finding that the situation of the corps was rendered desperate b)- the approach of the enemy, he gave orders to his men - " M3' brave fellows, charge upon them;" and a moment afterward he was no more.

A party with Lieut. Garrett, consisting of fifteen or twenty men, after retreating about a nule and a half, was compelled to surrender, and and all massacred, but the lieutenant. Another part}- of about thirty men had escaped nearl}' three miles, when thej- were overtaken b)- the savages, and havmg surrendered, about one-half of them were shot and tomahawked. In short, the greater part of those who were in the retreat, fell a sacrifice to the fury of the Indians. The snow was so deep, and the cold so intense, that they were soon exhausted, and unable to elude their pursuers. Gen. Winchester and Col. Lewis, with a few more, were captured at a bridge, about three-quarters of a mile from the village. Their coats being taken from them, they were carried back to the British lines.

A part}^ under Majors Graves and Madison, having placed themselves behind some picketing, maintained their position and fought bravely, until an order, i-eported as coming from Gen. Winchester, was brought by Proctor, who was accompanied b}^ one of his aids, desiring them to surrender. Major Madison remarked " that it had been customary^ for the Indians to massacre the wounded and prisoners after a surrender, and that he would not agree to any capitulation, which Gen. Winchester might direct, unless the safety and protection of his men were stipulated." To which Proctor replied: "Sir, do you mean to dictate to me ? " "No," said Madison; "I mean to dictate for m3^self, and we prefer selling our lives as dearly as possible, rather than be massacred in cold blood."

Terms embodying positive protection to all having at length been agreed upon, Madison surrendered and his party reached Maiden in safet}'. But the Indians soon returned to the scene of disaster, and began an unmerciful slaughter of the wounded, stripping them, and even setting fire to the houses in which many of them were sheltered, burning them with the buildings. In this terrible affair about 400 Americans were killed and 520 made prisoners.

When Gen. Harrison received news of the opening of the engagement, he ordered Perkin's brigade to proceed to his relief, and soon after mounted his horse and overtook some reinforcements under Payne. But they had not proceeded far when the}' were met by some men from the scene of defeat, who told the sad storj^ of the fate that had befallen their comrades. Its effect was to ner^'^e Gen. Harrison to push on with greater speed. However, another party was met, and, after a council as to the wisdom of proceeding, it was deemed proper to venture no nearer the scene of disaster, as no succor could be rendered the victims of the furious red men and merciless British opponents, and a further advance would only tend to furnish more material for massacre and defeat. Subsequent to the battle, the British sent Gen. Winchester, Col. Lewis and Major Madison to Quebec, where and at Beaufort thej'' were confined till the spring of 1S14.

S/ci^-c of Fort JMcigs. - After these events little of importance occurred until the latter part of April. On the i6th of February, the governor of Kentucky, in compliance with a law that had been recently passed in that state, had ordered a draft of 3,000 men, to be organized into four regiments, under Colonels Dudley, Boswell, Cox and Caldwell, under the command of Gen. Green Clay. As the season advanced, it became evident that the British would soon make an attack on the American lines at Fort Meigs, Flarrison's base on the Maumee; and this was made the more certain from the fact that the enemy had recently learned the situation of affairs in the American army from a prisoner they had taken. This condition of affairs was communicated to the war department, and the propriety of calling out the remainder of the Kentuck}' draft, to be placed at Fort Wa^-ne to keep the Indians in check, was pressed upon the attention of the government.

Both the American and British armies became active in their movements; and the British commander made bold to assert that he would march the northwestern army under Gen. Harrison, to Montreal by the first of June. During the latter part of April, the British had often«been seen, in small bodies, near Fort Meigs, by scouts sent out by the commanding-general; and on the 26th of April, the enemy's advance was observed at the mouth of the bay. On the 2Sth, as Captain Hamilton was descending the Maumee, with a small reconnoitering party, he beheld the whole force of the British and Indians coming up the river within a few miles of the fort. The British, with a force of 3,000, took possession of old Fort Miami, just below the scene of Wa3'ne's engagement with the Indians in 1794, opposite and two miles below Fort Meigs. Three batteries were erected opposite Fort Meigs, and the Indians, occupying the south side of the river, invested the garrison.

About the ist of May, the British, having completed their batteries, commenced a heavy cannonade against Fort Meigs, which '. ;as continued for five da3-s, with but httle effect. The American batteri s returned the fire, but with little energy, not wishing to waste ammunition.

Tecumseh and the Prophet, with a body of some 600 Indians, since the fatal affair at the Raisin i-iver (^ Tecumseh not having been present at that engagement), had joined the British, and were directing the Indian operations against the Americans.

About the time of the opening of the British batteries, Gen. Harrison had expected a reinforcement under Gen. Green Clay; and when the movements of the British became fully apparent, Capt. Oliver, accompanied by a white man and an Indian, was sent as a messenger to Gen. Cla^s with letters also for the governors of Ohio and Kentucky.

Fears had been entertained that the enemy would at length make an effort to gain a nearer approach to the fort, and erect a battery on the same side of the river. This was done on the 3d, and three field pieces and a howitzer were opened upon the American camp from a clump of bushes on the left, but were soon hushed b}' a few shots from the eighteen pounders of the American batteries. Changing their position, the batteries were again opened, but with little effect. Said Col. Wood, of the American forces: "With a plenty of ammunition, we should have been able to blow John Bull almost from the Miami. * * * It was extremel}^ diverting to see with what pleasure and delight the Indians would yell, whenever in their opinion considerable damage was done in camp by the bursting of a shell. Their hanging about the camp, and occasionally coming pretty near, kept our hues almost constantly in a blaze of fire; for nothing can please a Kentuckian better than to get a shot at an Indian - and he must be indulged."

With a reinforcement of some 1,200 Kentuckians, Gen. Clay soon drew near. Capt. Oliver had met him at Fort Winchester. Gen. Harrison immediately sent an order to Gen. Clay, which was deHvered by Capt. Hamilton, requesting him to detach " about 800 men from his brigade, and to land them at a point he would direct, about a mile or a 'mile and a half above Camp Meigs. I will then conduct the detachment," continued Gen. Harrison, " to the British batteries on the left [north] bank of the river. The batteries must be taken, the cannon spiked, and carriages cut down; and the troops must then return to their boats and cross over to the fort. The balance of 3'our men," said he, " must land on the fort side of the river, opposite the first landing, and fight their way into the fort through the Indians."

As soon as Capt. Hamilton had delivered the orders. Gen. Clay, who was then in the thirteenth boat from the front directed him to go to Col. Dudley, with orders to take the twelve front boats and execute the plans of Gen. Harrison on the left bank, and to post the subaltern with the canoe on the right bank, as a beacon for his landing.

Col. Dudley gained the British batteries, and the British flag was cut down, amid the cheers of the American garrison. Gen. Harrison, who had been watching with great concern, through his field glass, from a battery next to the river, the movements of Dudley across the river, discovered that Dudley pursued the British, after spiking the guns, and was in imminent danger, if he did not at once obey the previous orders to retire as soon as that object was accomplished.

Tecumseh was on the south side, where a sortie from the fort was made to engage him, but seeing the movements opposite, he crossed the river and fell upon the rear of Dudley, whose right and center had moved two miles from the fort in pursuit of the enemy. The general sent Lieut. Campbell to warn Dudley of his danger, but he could not reach him in time. The left column still holding the batteries, was attacked b}^ the British, largely reinforced, who overpowered the Americans, capturing some at the batteries, while others fled to the boats. The right and center being surrounded, surrendered. Col. Dudley had received a wound, and was finally tomahawked by the savages. The number that escaped and regained the fort was less than 200. The prisoners were taken down to headquarters, put into Fort Miami, and the Indians permitted to occupy the surrounding rampart, and amuse themselves by loading and firing at the crowd, or at any particular individual. Those who preferred to inflict a still more cruel and savage death, selected their victims, led them to the gateway, and there under the eye of General Proctor, and in the presence of the whole British army, tomahawked and scalped them.

For about two hours these acts of unmitigated ferocity and barbarity to the prisoners of war continued; during which time, upward of twenty prisoners were massacred in the presence of the magnanimous Britons, to whom they had surrendered. The chiefs, at the same time, were holding a council on the fate of the prisoners, in which the Pottawato- mies, who were painted black, were for killing the whole, and by their warriors the murders were perpetrated. The Miamis and Wyandots were on the side of humanity, and opposed the wishes of the others. The dispute between them had become serious, when Tecumseh came down from the batteries, riding at great speed. M^'ith fury, he struck down two Indians about to murder a prisoner, and drawing his tomahawk, dared the horde to attempt to kill another American. He demanded to be told where Proctor was, and seeing him, sternly inquired why he permitted the massacre. " Sir," said Proctor, " \^our Indians cannot be commanded." " Begone," retorted Tecumseh, " you are unfit to command; go and put on petticoats." Still later he said to the noble Briton, for whom he had contempt: "I conquer to save, 3-ou to murder."

The prisoners were retained at Fort Miami till night, many of the wounded for hours experiencing excruciating torments, and then were placed in the British boats and carried down the river to the brig Hunter and a schooner, where several hundred of them were stowed away in the hold of the brig, and kept there for two days and nights. Being fina% liberated on parole, however, these prisoners were landed at the mouth of Huron river, below the Sandusky ba}'.

The division which landed on the Fort Meigs side of the river gained the works with little loss, and took part in a general sortie in which the British were severelj- punished and many taken prisoners. The disaster to Col. Dudley was only a lamentable incident in a day that, in spite of it, terminated to the glor}- of the American arms. The siege was soon abandoned, and Fort Miami evacuated. The Indians, who had been promised great things, including the person of Gen. Harrison for torture, were very much discouraged b}' the weakness of the great father across the sea.

Expeditions from Fort Waxne. - During much of the time after the transfer of the scene of warfare to the lower Maumee, but little of marked interest had occurred at Fort Wajme. The garrison had been watchful; the Indians had been active in the region, but their attention had mainly been called to the Rapids.

The principal object of the expeditions against the Indians, from Fort Wa3-ne and other points, as the reader will remember, was to destroy their provisions and means of subsistence, thereby disabling them from aiding the British in the spring of 1813. Richard M. Johnson, who had witnessed the effect of these movements and the efficienc}'- of the mounted riflemen, had, on his return to congress, laid before the war department a plan for a mounted e.xpedition against the tribes during the winter of 1S12-13.

The good effects of the expeditions were stated by him to be: "Security to the northwestern frontiers from Fort Wayne to the Mississippi - to the convoy's of provisions for the northwestern army, when its force was diminished in the spring, and the neutralitv of the savages in future, from the powerful impression that would be made on their feare; that the winter season would be most favorable for the movement - enabhng

With this view, two regiments, consisting of about 1,280 men, were proposed to be emplo3'ed, which were considered sufficient to traverse the entire Indian country, from Fort Wayne to the lower end -of, and beyond. Lake Michigan, thence by way of the Illinois river, back to the river Ohio, near Louisville; and to disperse and destroy all the tribes of Indians and their resources to be found within that compass. Col. Johnson also presented this project to the governor of Kentucky', and it was finally submitted by the secretary of war to Gen. Harrison on the 26th of December, 1812. Said the secretary in this communication : "The president has it in contemplation to set on foot an expedition from Kentucky of about 1,000 mounted men, to pass b}- Fort Wayne, the lower end of Lake Michigan, and around b}' the Illinois back to the Ohio near Louisville, for the purpose of scouring that countr}-, destroying the provisions collected in the Indian villages, scourging the Indians themselves, and disabling them from interfering with your operations. It is expected that this expedition will commence in February [1S13]; and it will terminate in a few weeks. I give you the information, that you may take it into consideration in the estimate of those arrangements vou ma}^ find it necessary to make, for carr3ang into effect the objects of the government. I send you a copy of the proposed plan, on which I wish to hear from you without dela^^ You will particularly state, whether you can effect these objects in the manner which is suggested by adequate portions of the force now in the field; and in that case, whether it will be better to suspend the movement of this force until the spring."

The general plans of Harrison were adopted, and Col. Johnson's regiment was accepted and ordered to proceed at once to Fort Wa3-ne, where Johnson was to take command of that post, and the posts on the Auglaize; also to make incursions into the country of the Indians; to scour the northwestern frontiers; and, if possible, to cut off small parties who might infest the forest, or be marching from the Illinois and Wabash toward Maiden and Detroit - never to remain at one place more than three days. An officer from each regiment was sent back to raise another body of men. The regiment under Johnson was officered as follows: R. M. Johnson, colonel; James Johnson, lieutenant-colonel. First battahon - Duval Payne, major; Robert B. McAfee, Richard Matison, Jacob Elliston, Benjamin Warfield, John Payne (cavahy), Elijah Craig, captains. Second battalion - David Thompson, major; Jacob Stucker, James Davidson, S. R.' Combs, W. M. Price, James Coleman, captains. Staff - Jeremiah Kertly, adjutant; B. S Chambers, quartermaster; Samuel Theobalds, judge-advocate; L. Dickinson, sergeant-major. James Sugget, chaplain and major of the spies; L. Sandford, quartermaster-sergeant; subsequently added, Dr. Ewing, surgeon, and Drs. Coburn and Richardson, surgeon's mates.

oneta, on the Auglaize, to procure some Shawnee Indians to act as guides and spies; and after a few days returned with thirteen Indians, among whom was Anthony Shane, whose father was a Frenchman, in whom great confidence was placed by the north\vestern army. Shane had been an active opponent of Wayne, in 1794, but after the treaty of Greenville had been a most faithful friend of the United States.

On the 5th of June, Johnson broke camp, and when the troops reached Shane's crossing of the St. Mary's, about forty miles from Fort Wayne, they were halted and drilled for some time, and there remained over night. Heavy rains having but recentl}^ fallen, the St. Mar3''s was found impassable; and on the following morning a rude bridge was formed over this stream by felling trees across it, upon which the army crossed with their baggage and guns, while their horses were got over by swimming them by the side of the fallen timber. The remainder of the route to Fort Wayne proved ver}^ difficult; all the flats and marshes being covered with water, and the roads very miry. Reaching the fort on the evening of the 7th of June, it was found that the boats had all gained the common landing place, at the base of the hill, just below the garrison, in safet}^, but one which had stranded on a sand-bar a short distance above, in sight of the fort; and while attempting to get the boat off, the boatmen were fired upon by some Indians lurking near, and two of the men killed, while the third in attempting to swim to the shore was drowned. Arriving a little in advance of the regiment, Col. Johnson and staff, as soon -as it was possible to get ready, mounted their horses and crossed to the boat. The Indians at once fired upon their advance and then retreated.

The scouts suggested that the Indians were considerably stronger than the partj^ under Col. Johnson, and a pursuit was deferred until the arrival of the regiment, when a chase was continued for some ten miles; but rain beginning to fall heavily, the party was compelled to return to the fort again, without having gained sight of the Indians.

On the next day, after a council of officers, the expedition was formed to proceed in the direction of the southeast end of Lake Michigan. The regiment, toward evening, deposited their heavy baggage in the fort; supplied themselves with ten daj-s' provisions, and crossed the St. Marj^'s, to encamp for the night in the forks opposite the garrison, where the river had now just begun to rise, though on the evening of the 5th, it had been at the top of its banks at Shane's crossing, but forty miles from its mouth by land.

Early on the following day, the regiment took the Indian trail leading toward the Pottawatomie village of Five Medals, which had been destroyed the previous year, but which it was thought had been rebuilt. The regiment marched fort}' miles this day. Stopping now to rest and permit their horses to graze, with a view to an attack upon the Indian village at daylight the next morning, a heavy rain came up, preventing the execution of the plan; but after encountering many obstacles in crossing high waters and marshes, they arrived at the Elkhart river before it had

The -Last Year Of War. I57

Determining now to visit a village on the other side of the St. Joseph of the lake, known as Paravash, on the morning of the nth the regiment began its march, but upon arriving at the St. Joseph, and finding it impassable, further movement upon this village was abandoned. A rapid advance was now made eastward upon the White Pigeon town, arriving there in the afternoon of that day, meeting a few Indians on the way, who made their escape in a canoe across a stream on the route, which was also found impassable. The village of White Pigeon had long been the most extensive Indian town in that region; and the main trace of the Indians, from Chicago and the Illinois country to Detroit, passed directly through this town, but appeared to have been but little traversed that spring. Near this village the regiment encamped till the following day, when, having fulfilled his instructions to visit this trace with a view to intercepting any movements of the enemy that might be making by this route, and finding also that the provisions of the troops had been considerably damaged by the rains encountered, Col. Johnson determined to return to Fort Wa3'ne; and as there was an Indian trail leading directly from White Pigeon to Fort Wayne, the regiment took this path for the fort, where it arrived on the 14th after a march, with heavy rains every day, of some 200 miles.

Though not encountering the Indians in his route, or finding them at either of the villages visited, yet the movements of the expedition under Col. Johnson greatly increased his knowledge of the countr}-; and it was ascertained that all the Indians in the British service who had been engaged in the siege of Fort Meigs, were still mainly held and maintained in the vicinit}- of Maiden.

x\fter a few days' sta};- at Fort Wayne, the regiment under Johnson proceeded down the Maumee, with an escort of provisions, to Fort Winchester. The provisions were placed in boats, with a number of men to man them, while the troops moved along the road opened by Gen. Winchester, on the north side of the Maumee, encamping every night with the boats. Arriving at Fort Winchester, Col. Johnson received a dispatch from Gen. Harrison, recommending him to make an attack on the enemy at Raisin and Brownstown. This advice, though by no means explicit, Col. Johnson sought to carry out, feeling that any suggestion emanating from Harrison should be executed, if possible. But, owing to his horses being much exhausted by the expedition from Fort Wayne, as well as for lack of a sufficient number of men, a detachment of his regiment having been engaged in escorting provisions from St. Mary's, he was unable to carry out immediately the plan proposed by Gen. Harrison. Its execution was considered most hazardous indeed; to have attempted a march of a hundred miles, through swamps and marshes, and over difficult rivers, with guides not ver}^ well acquainted with the countr}-, and -with horses greatly worn down, to attack a body of Indians who could, in a few hours, raise more than double the

Fortunately for the regiment, on the next day an express arrived from Gen. Cla}-, commanding at Fort Meigs, with information that the British and Indians threatened to invest that place again, and requesting that Col. Johnson would march his regiment there immediately for its relief. Such was the zeal and promptitude of both officers and men, that in half an hour they were all ready to march, and commenced crossing the Maumee, opposite the fort. The heads of the column were then drawn up in close order, and the colonel, in a short and impressive address, instructed them in their duties. If an enemy were discovered, the order of march was to be in two lines, one parallel to the river, and the other in front, stretching across from the head of the former to the river on the right. He concluded with saying: "We must fight our way through any opposing force, let what will be the consequences, as no retreat could be justifiable. It is no time to flinch - we must reach the fort or die in the attempt." Every countenance, responsive to the sentiments of the speaker, indicated the same desperate determination. The ground on which the enemy had gained their barbarous triumph over Dudley was again to be traversed; and his allies would doubtless hope to realize another 5th of May, in another contest with Kentucky militia. The regiment arrived at ten o'clock in the night, opposite Fort Meigs, without molestation, and encamped on the open plain between the river and the hill on which the British batteries had been erected. Information, gained from a Frenchman and an American prisoner, who arrived at Fort Meigs on the 20th of June, was to the effect that the British were determined to renew the attack on the fort, and were to start for that purpose about that period. At this time, Gen. Harrison was at Frankhnton, where he was made acquainted with the determination of the British.

Before quitting Franklinton he held an important council with some chiefs of the friendly Indians of the Delaware, Shawnee, Wyandot and Seneca tribes, informing them that a crisis had arrived, which required all the tribes who remained neutral, and who were willing to engage in the war, to take a decided stand either for the Americans or against them - that the president wanted no false friends - that the proposal of Gen. Proctor to exchange the Kentucky militia for the tribes in our friendship indicated that he had received some hint of their willingness to take up the tomahawk against the Americans - and that to give the United States a proof of their disposition, they must either remove with their families into the interior, or the warriors must accompany him in the ensuing campaign and fight for the United States. To the latter condition, the chiefs and warriors unanimously agreed; and said they had long been anxious for an invitation to fight for the Americans. Tahe, the oldest Indian in the western country, who represented all the tribes, professed, in their name, the most indissoluble friendship for the United States. Gen. Harrison then told them he would let them know when they would be wanted in the service; "but," said he, "you must conform to our mode of warfare. You must not kill defenseless prisoners, old men, women or children." By their conduct, he also added, he would be able to tell whether the British could restrain their Indians from such horrible cruelty. For if the Indians fighting with him would forbear such conduct, it would prove that the British could also restrain theirs if the}^ wished to so - humorously telling them he had been informed that Gen. Proctor had promised to deliver him into the hands of Tecumseh, if he succeeded against Fort Meigs, to be treated as that warrior might think proper. "Now," continued he, "if I can succeed in taking Proctor, you shall have him for your prisoner, provided you will agree to treat him as a squaw, and only put petticoats upon him; for he must be a coward who would kill a defenseless prisoner."

The government, with considerable reluctance, employed Indians against the Indians in the service of the British, as a measure of selfdefense; but it was demonstrated that the North-American savage is not such a cruel and ferocious being that he cannot be restrained by civilized man within the bounds of civilized warfare. In several instances, strong corps of Indians fought under the American standard, and were uniformly distinguished for their orderly and humane conduct.

British Discomfiture. - On the ist of July, General Harrison set out from Fort Meigs for Lower Sandusky, accompanied by seventy mounted men, under command of Capt. McAfee. Soon after his departure, the Indians began again to invest the vicinity of Fort Meigs; and late on the evening of the 20th of July, the vessels of the British army were to be seen in the Maumee, some distance below the fort. Early on the following morning, a picket-guard, of some eleven men, having been sent to a point about 300 yards below the fort, were surprised b}' the Indians, and seven of them killed. At this time a large body of British and Indians were seen encamped below old Fort Miami, on the north side of the river; and the woods in the rear of the fort were soon after possessed by the Indians, who occasionally fired into the fort, and captured some horses and oxen.

On the 23d, with a body of some 800 Indians, Tecumseh was seen moving up the river, with a view, as was supposed, of attacking Fort Winchester. On the 25th, the enemy removed his camp to the south side of the river, which induced the belief that an attempt would be made by the British to take the fort by storm. Gen. Harrison was kept advised of the movements of the British; but his force was not sufiicient to enable him to reach the garrison as he had wished, though he continued to assure Gen. Clay that all needed aid would reach him from Ohio and other points in good season. On the evening of the 26th, some hours after the arrival at the fort of the express from Gen. Harrison, heavy firing was commenced on the Sandusky road, about the distance of a mile from Fort Meigs. The discharge of rifles and mus- .ketry, accompanied by the Indian yell, could be clearly distinguished; and by degrees the apparent contest approached toward the fort, though sometimes it appeared to recede. It lasted about an hour, and came in the end near the edge of the woods. The general pronounced it a sham battle, intended to draw out the garrison to relieve a supposed reinforcement. A few discharges of cannon at the fort, and a heavy shower of rain, at length put an end to the scheme, no doubt to the great mortification of its projectors. The express from Gen. Harrison had providentially arrived in time to preserve the garrison from the possibility of being deluded by this artifice of the enemy. On the next day the British moved over to their old encampment, and on the 28th embarked in their vessels and abandoned the siege. The force which Proctor and Tecumseh brought against the fort in this instance was about 5,000 strong. A greater number of Indians were collected by them for this expedition than ever were assembled in one bod}' on an}- other occasion during the war.

Having raised the siege of Fort Meigs, the British sailed round into Sandusky bay, while a competent number of their Indian alhes moved across through the swamps of Portage river, to co-operate in a combined attack on Lower Sandusky, expecting, no doubt, that Gen. Harrison's attention would be chiefly directed to Forts Winchester and Meigs. The general, however, had calculated on their taking this course, and had been careful to keep patrols down the bay, opposite the mouth of Portage river, where he supposed their forces would debark. Gen. Clay now took care to acquaint Gen. Harrison with the movements of the British, and on the 29th of July, the messenger from Fort Meigs having reached him, he called a council of war, consisting of McArthur, Cass, Ball, Paul, Wood, Hukill, Holmes and Graham.

By the 31st of July, the enemy had approached so near Fort Stephenson, which was held by Major Croghan, as to be able to throw their shells about; and a flag was soon seen approaching the garrison, which was met by Ensign Shipp. The bearer of the flag had been instructed by Gen. Proctor, who accompanied the fleet, to demand a surrender of the fort, which was positively refused, Shipp replying that it was the determination of the commander of the garrison to defend it to the last extremity, and to disappear amid the conflagration that should destrov it. The Indians, as on former occasions, " were not to be restrained," and the bearer of the flag expressed his "great pity that so fine a young man should fall into the hands of the savages." An Indian at this moment came out of an adjoining ravine, and advancing to the ensign, took hold of his sword and attempted to wrest it from him. The Englishman interfered, and having restrained the Indian, affected great anxiety to get Shipp safe into the fort. The enemy now opened a fire from their six-pounders in the gunboats and the howitzer on shore, which they continued through the night with but little intermission, and with very little effect. The forces of the enemy consisted of 500 regulars, and about 800 Indians, commanded by Dickson, the whole being commanded by General Proctor in person. Tecumseh was stationed on the road to Fort Meigs with a body of 2,000 Indians, expecting to intercept a reinforcement on that route.

The enemy had directed their fire against the northwestern angle of the fort, which induced the commander to beheve that an attempt to storm his works would be made at that point. In the night Capt. Hunter was directed to remove the six-pounder to a block-house from which it would rake that angle. B\' great exertion Hunter accomplished this in secrecy. The embrasure was masked, and the piece loaded with a half charge of powder, and double charge of slugs and grape shot.

EarU' on the morning of the 2d, the enemy opened fire with their howitzer and three six-pounders, which they landed in the night and planted in a point of woods about 250 yards from the fort. About 4 o'clock p. m., the\' concentrated the fire of all their guns on the northwest angle, which convinced Major Croghan that they would endeavor to make a breach and storm the works at that point. Late in the evening, when the smoke of the firing had completely enveloped the fort, the enemy made the assault. Two feints were made toward the southern angle, where Capt. Hunter's lines were formed; and at the same time a column of 350 men were discovered advancing through the smoke within twenty paces of the northwestern angle. A heavj' fire of musketry was opened upon them from the fort, which threw them into some confusion. Col. Short, who headed the principal column, soon rallied his men, and led them with great bravery up to the brink of the ditch. After a momentarj' pause, he leaped into the ditch, calling to his men to follow him, and in a few minutes it was full. The masked port-hole was now opened, and the six-pounder, at the distance of thirty feet, poured such destruction among them, that but few who had entered the ditch were fortunate enough to escape. A precipitate and confused retreat was the immediate result, although some of the officers attempted to rally their men. The other column, which was led b}' Col. Warburton and Major Chambers, was also routed in confusion by a destructive fire from the line commanded by Capt. Hunter. The whole of them fled into the adjoining wood, beyond the reach of the small arms of the fort. During the assault, which lasted half an hour, the enemy had kept up an incessant fire from their cannon. They left Col. Short, a lieutenant, and twenty-five privates dead in the ditch; and the total number of prisoners taken was twent3^-six, most of them badly wounded. Major Muir was knocked down in the ditch, and lay among the dead till darkness of the night enabled him to escape in safety-. The loss of the garrison was one killed and one slightly wounded. The total loss of the enemy was calculated at about 150 killed and wounded.

When night came on, which was soon after the assault, the wounded in the ditch were found to be in a desperate situation. Complete relief could not be brought to them b}^ either side with any degree of safety. Major Croghan, however, relieved them as much as possible - conveying them water over the picketing in buckets, and a ditch was also opened under the picketing, by means of which those who were able and willing, were encouraged to crawl into the fort.

force commenced a disorderly retreat. So great was their precipitation that they left a sail boat behind, containing some clothing and a considerable quantity of militar3' stores; and on the next day seventy stands of clrms and some braces of pistols were picked up around the fort. Their hurr}^ and confusion was caused by the apprehension of an attack from Gen. Harrison, of whose position and force they had probably received an exaggerated account.