Allen County, Indiana - The whole text, 1889 (part 1 of 17)
From Valley of the Upper Maumee River, with Historical Account of Allen County and the City of Fort Wayne, Indiana, published 1889. 15,662 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.
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15,662 wordsMachine-read from scans of Valley of the Upper Maumee River, with Historical Account of Allen County and the City of Fort Wayne, Indiana, published 1889. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.
The Maumee Valley Monumental Association
This patriotic association had its origin through the action of the " Pioneer association of the Maumee valley," at its annual meeting held in 1885, on the battlefield of " Fallen Timber."
A committee was then and there appointed to take into consideration and devise ways and means to secure the possession and control, and to protect and commemorate the most important historical points, such as battlefields and forts, in the Maumee valley.
The result of the deliberations of the committee, was the incorporation, under the laws of Ohio, of the Maumee valley monumental association.
The incorporators were all residents of Ohio, and were: D. W. H. Howard, of Fuhon county; Asher Cook, of Wood county ; WilHam Baker, R. B. Mitchell, Samuel M. Young, R. C. Lemmon, Mavor Brigham, Henry Bennett, Richard Mo.tt, John C. Lee, Foster R. Warren and John R. Osborn, of Lucas county.
The articles of incorporation were filed in the otfice of the secretarj' of state of Ohio, on the 28th day of Jul}-, 18S5. Prior to this formal organization, however, the incorporators had perfected an organization by the election of a board of directors, and through an executive committee consisting of D. W. H. Howard, Asher Cook, and J. C. Lee, presented a memorial to congress, which resulted in an appropriation for a survey of the various historical localities, which survej' has been under the charge of Gen. O. M. Poe, of the engineer corps, U. S. arm}^ who has rendered to congress an exhaustive report of the survey of all the historic grounds of the valley, as well as Put-in-Bay, and recommends their purchase, improvement, and marking by substantial monuments, at an estimated cost of $65,000.
Originally the membership was restricted to residents of the valley, but that rule has been abrogated, and any person interested may become a member on the payment of $1.
Much of the success of the association thus far is due to the patriotism, zeal and energy of Gen. John C. Lee, of Toledo, its able, earnest and efficient secretar}-.
The first annual meeting of the association was held on the battlefield of Fallen Timber, Lucas county, Ohio, August 20, 1885. The board of directors there elected were Hon. Richard Mott, Samuel M. Young, of Toledo, Ohio; Hon. Asher Cook, of Perrysburgh, Ohio; Chief Justice M. R. Waite, Hon. Thomas Dunlap, of Toledo, Ohio; Mr. Joel Foot, of Wood countv, Ohio: Hon. Reuben C. Lemmon, Foster R. Warren, esq., Col. D. W. H. Howard, of Fulton county, Ohio; Reuben B. Mitchell and Daniel F. Cook, of Lucas county; Peter Mangus of Defiance county; John C. Lee, of Toledo; J. Austin Scott, of Ann Arbor, Mich., and Hon. S. H. Cately, of Fulton county.
At a meeting of the board of directors on the 2Sth of August, 18S5, Chief Justice M. R. Waite was elected president; Col. D. W. H. Howard, first vice president; Hon Richard Mott, second vice president; Hon. Asher Cook, third vice president; Foster R. Warren, treasurer; John C. Lee, secretary'. Executive committee: Col. D. W. H. Howard, Hon. Asher Cook and John C. Lee.
The same persons constituted the board of directors and officers during the two succeeding years. In 188S, Hon. Richard Mott having deceased as well as Chief Justice Waite, five members of the board were elected at the annual meeting in Fort Wayne, the terras of regulai-ly expiring members being filled by the re-election of the same members, and the vacancies from death, by the election of Lieut. Gov. Robert S. Robertson and Hon. Franklin P. Randall of Fort Wayne.
At the meeting of the board of directors on the 28th of August, the directorship to which Peter Mangus had been elected was declared vacant by reason of his having failed to appear and accept the office, and President R. B. Hayes was elected to fill that vacancy. At the same time officers for the ensuing year were elected as follows : President, R. B. Hayes; first vice president, Robert S. Robertson; second vice president, Samuel H. Cateley; third vice president, D. W. H. Howard; secretary, J. C. Lee; treasurer, Reuben B. Mitchell; executive committee, b. W. H. Howard, Asher Cook and J. C. Lee.
At the annual meeting held August 8th, 1889, on Old Fort Defiance, the three out-gomg members of the board of directors were re-elected, and since that time there has been no meeting of the board of directors for the election of officers for the ensuing year. This meeting will be held at no distant day.
1. Fort Miami, seven miles from Toledo on the north bank of the Maumee (Miami of the Lakes), established in 1680 as a militar}' and trading post by an expedition sent out by Frontenac, then French governor of Canada, but abandoned after a few 3'ears of occupation. Reoccupied in 1785 by Glencoe, British governor of Canada, as a military post, it fell into the hands of Gen. Wayne, August 20, 1794. In pursuance of the treaty between Great Britain and the United States, it was abandoned in 1795, and was again occupied by the British in 181 3, and became memorable for the massacre of Col. Dudley's soldiers when made prisoners by the forces of Proctor and Tecumseh.
6. Fort Meigs, built by Gen. Harrison in February, 1813, on the southwest bank of the Maumee ten miles above Toledo, and besieged by Proctor and Tecumseh for several days in May, and again in July, of that 3'ear.
It is hoped that ere long, through the instrumentality- of this societj-, all these historic spots will be owned b}^ the United States, and marked with appropriate monuments, to perpetuate the memorj^ of the heroic deeds of the pioneer soldiers of America on the western frontier, and to preserve them as sacred spots which may not only serve as memorials of valor, but be forever object lessons in patriotism for the generations to come.
To The Reader
In the preparation of this work the biographical sketches are usually arranged in connection with those parts of the general history to which they seem most appropriately to belong. This does not in any instance imply that these sketches were written by the person whose name may appear at the head of such chapter. In fact they were not written b}' the writers of the various portions of the work who have composed the chapters on the general history. The biographical sketches were compiled almost exclusively by a corps of men trained for that parcicular work. The large number of these which the book contains, needs no apology when the most enlightened sense of our civilization has approved the growing custom of publishing biographies of living persons, and thereby rendering the facts of history secure while the witnesses are yet able to judge of their accuracy.
Introduction
In preparing a history of the Valiey of the Upper Maumee, it is no part of the plan to give a full account of the early discoveries upon the vast territory ^^-hich \\as opened to the inspection of the world by Columbus, or of the travels and explorations of those hardy adventurers, who, led either by curiosit}', or the search for wealth and honors, became fhe pioneers of civilization in the new world, but rather to be restricted to those explorations and events which connect themselves with the opening and settlement of this region of our country.
It is said that history repeats itself, and that this is true, is illustrated in many ways, and in none more vividly than in the explorations in Africa now passing under the observation of the living. We read of the adventures of a Livingstone and a Stanley, giving no thought to the fact that they are repeating the adventures of La Salle and others, and opening to civilization and settlement that hitherto unknown continent, just as La Salle and his compeers opened a path through the unknown wilds of Amei-ica.
Then, as now, men were induced to undergo the fatigues and perils which are the lot of explorers, by motives of widely various character. Love of adventure may have been the impulse with some, but with most of them, it was search for wealth, for power, and for fame; wealth by obtaining new possessions, or trading in the products of the newly discovered countries; power, by becoming the leaders and governors in the new states or empires to be formed; and fame for themselves and posterity, by reason of the rank or honors they hoped to attain in the conquest and government of the new world they aided in opening, settling and placing among the nations of the world. Such were the powerful inducements which led men then as now, to abandon home, the advantages of ci\-ilization, and everything dear to civilized man, to become the companions of savages, to traverse an unbroken country through forest and marsh, enduring fatigue and the terrors of disease, as well as dangers to them before unknown and not even to be imagined.
The first explorers of America were men cast in heroic mold, whether he were the traveler for adventure and discover)', the trader in search of peltries and furs, the seeker for gold, the seeker for the fountain of youth, or the priest and devotee who hoped to save souls for the kingdom of heaven.
We. see the speculative trader, sent, perhaps, to represent some powerful trading company, enduring the same privations, in order to amass new wealth. We see the adventurer, seeking the El Dorado whose sands are golden, and whose dew drops congeal and become diamonds, incur all the dangers of sa-\'age life, that he may suddenly acquire great treasure; and in their train, we see the cowled and hooded priest, willing to die or endure the tortures of the fagot and the stake, that he ma}- claim for his sovereign the souls of the heathen he encounters, and for himself a heavenly crown.
The example of each and all of these hard}" adventurers and brave explorers is instructive, and has left an impress upon the centuries which will not soon be effaced. The grandeur and nobilit}' of soul they exhibited when confronted b}' the most appalling dangers, and in the presence of a living terrible death, are well worthy of stud}' and emulation, but their story has no place in a work like this, except as it connects itself with the record of the Maumee Valle}-, and that is what it is aimed to collate in this effort at local history.
The prehistoric remains of the region will be briefly mentioned, followed by a notice of the Indian tribes known to have possessed this part of the country. The next section will illustrate the period of discover}', and this will be followed by the history of the settlement, and devotion to the purposes of civilization. In preparing this historical sketch, many original sources have been searched, and credit should be given to such pioneers in Western history as have marked the way before us.
That part which embodies the military movements on the Maumee is largely taken from such works as Brice's History of Fort Wayne, Western Annals, and Dillon's History of Indiana. The w^orks consulted are: Life of the Cavalier de La Salle, French; Margry's Exploration and Discoveries, French; Hennepin's Nouvelles Decouvertes, French; Du Pratz' Louisiane, French; Parkman's Discovery of the Great West, Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac, Parkman's Jesuits in North America, Parkman's Frontenac and New France, Dillon's History of Indiana, Dillon's Historical Notes, American Antiquarian, Magazine of American History, Western Annals, Colden's History of the Five Nations, McClung's Western Adventures, Washington's Journal, Pennsylvania Historical Society Publications, American State Papers, United States Statutes - Indian Treaties, Imlay's North America, Colonial History of New York, Documentary History of New York, Hopkins' Mission to Fort Wayne, 1804; Brice's History of Fort Wayne, Helm's Allen County History, INIcCoy's History of Baptist Indian ]Missions, Bancroft's United States, Lossing's Revolution, Lossing's War of 1812, McAfee's War of 1812, Dawson's Sketches in Fort Wayne Times, Williams' History First Presbyterian Church, Drake's Life of Tecumseh, Burnet's Notes on the North West Territory.
Valley Of The Upper Maumee River Prehistoric Remains
SONG before the era of Columbus, the valley of the Mississippi had been occupied by a comparatively dense population, and research tends to prove that it was inhabited, long before the advent of the red man known to the explorer, by a people w-hose history is lost forever", but which appears to have been fixed and permanent in habits, at least in a degree surpassing the races which followed it. This race, to which the indefinite name of the Moundbuilders has been given, had made some advances toward civilization, judged by the aboriginal standard, but did not rise much above the condition of barbarism, and perhaps was less civilized than the Aztecs. The origin and the fate of this race are shrouded in mystery. We know it was always the custom of the red savage to incorporate in his tribe the women and children and sometimes the men of conquered enemies, and it is probable that the remnants of the Moundbuilders were thus amalgamated with the conquering race, which would also acquire some of the habits of the conquered, and in some degree the language. In this wav the difference in language and habits of the various tribes inhabiting the countrv ma}; be parti}' explained. The remains of the early race appear to be closeh' related to the monuments of the races of the extreme south, and there is reason to believe that those tribes which inhabited the lake regions were driven south, and there the industry and peaceful habits which characterized them made a stronger impress upon the peoples which inhabited those regions at the era of discovery. Northern Indiana has many proofs of the presence of this race, and they have left some of their monuments in the valley of the Upper Maumee, but not so extensive as are found in other regions.
While some of the race were making settlements along the Ohio, others had passed up the Mississippi, discovered the Great Lakes, and mined copper to some extent on the shores of Lake Superior. Colonies had occupied Michigan, and as far south as the Kankakee in Indiana, and it is from them, perhaps, that Allen county received the marks of occupation. All along the valley of Cedar creek, in Dekalb countv, their mounds and earthworks appear in considerable number, but are less numerous southward. Few, if any, are found along the Maumee, and the only traces of their settlement are along Cedar creek, or in the neighborhood of its junction with the St. Joseph.
On Cedar creek, near Stoner's station, was erected a group of four mounds. Two of them were on a line north and south, and about forty feet apart, and about fifteen rods east were two others, about the same distance apart, and on a line east and west. Excavations of two re vealed a large number of human bones, arrow heads and sorne copper ornaments. Another mound was exxavated by the author, but there were found only lumps of charcoal and a layer of hard-baked earth at the base. Four miles south of these, on the Coldwater road, is a large oblong mound which was only partially explored, but in which were found a perforated piece of ribboned slate, much charcoal and a stratum of baked earth. At Cedarville were three mounds about a hundred feet apart, lying on a line nearly parallel with the river. These were found to contain charcoal in considerable quantities, as far as explored. Descending the St. Joseph, to the homestead of Peter Xotestine, an old settler, there was found by early relic hunters a circular mound, called a fort," which was finally conquered by the plow. Numerous fragments of pottery, flint and stone implements, and a large and rude pipe of pottery were found at this place. On the west side of the river, opposite the site of the Antrap's mill, is a semi-circular mound with its ends on the river bank. It is about 600 feet in arc. Ver}' large trees had grown upon this work and gone to decay since its erection, and the falling of" trees unearthed many fragments of pottery and flints. At the mouth of Cedar creek was the most southern mound in the county, possessing the usual characteristics.
The mound burial was a distinction of importance between these older peoples and the red men, for the Indians rarely erected mounds over the remains of their dead. The three most prominent Indian burying grounds were on the series of sand hills in the west end of Fort Wayne: on the St. Joseph, just north of the city, near the site of the Miami town: and at Cedarville, on the banks of the St. Joseph. The latter place appears to have been a site of considerable importance in a period of which not the slightest historical trace remains.
Stone implements have been found in the county in considerable quantity, but they belonged in large part to the red men, though some of these relics are of a beauty of finish that seems foreign to the character of the aborigines with whom the early settlers had to do. Flint arrowheads and spear-heads, of ever}- degree of finish and size, some neatly beveled, flint knives and scrapers, and stone ornaments and totems of various kinds, have been collected and adorn various cabinets.
The Miamis At Kekioxga
The region about the the head of the Maumee presented many attractions to the aboriginal inhabitants of the country. The Maumee is formed bv the intersection of the St. Joseph and St. Mary's rivers, and itself flows in a northeasterly direction into Lake Erie. Almost interlocking with the headwaters of the St. Joseph are the sources of Eel river flowing in a southwesterlv direction to find the Wabash, while the
The Miamis At Kekionga
But a short distance from the head of the Maumee, the Aboit and Little rivers have their rise in and near the prairie, and their waters go to swell the volume of the Wabash as well. The two water systems thus he in a valley having the same general trend southwestwardl}- from the head of Lake Erie to the embouchure of the Wabash into the Ohio, but forming a remarkable watershed near the head of the Maumee, the waters from one side of the prairie, and the almost imperceptible divide, flowing northeasterl}- to the lake, and through the St. Lawrence sj'Stem into the x\tlantic, while the waters from the other side of the same prairie, by a route as long, seek and find a discharge into the gulf of Mexico. Heavily wooded, with openings here and there, which formed the beautiful prairies, or upon the alluvial bottoms bordering the rivers, it was a paradise for the fishermen and hunters who made it their home. Nature easily supplied the simple wants of the forest dwellers who preceded the white men, and there are many evidences that a spot thus favored by nature was a favorite dwelling place for the aboriginal tribes who claimed it as their own. Besides these advantages it was the gateway for the migrations of the various tribes that were wont from an early period to communicate at great distances with each other. Commencing at any point between Buffalo and the gulf, the voyager could float from one point to the other except for a short portage from the Maumee to the Little river, over which he would be obliged to carr}- his light canoe. Here, for a long period, dwelt the Miamis, and, with their kindred tribes, the Pottawatomies, the Shawnees, and tlie Delawares, all a part of the Algonquin sept, which, in its various divisions occupied a very large portion of what is now the United States east of the Mississippi, had their principal town, the capital of an incomplete and loosel}- bound confederacy. The Miamis were the head of this family, and next in rank were the Delawares, after whom came the Shawnees. Of kin to these were the Peorias, Kaskaskias, Weas, and Piankeshaws, collectively known as the Illinois Indians. Allied to them and belonging to the same Algonquin family were the Ottawas or Tawas, the Chippewas, the Nipissings, Ojibwas, the Kickapoos, and the Sacs and Foxes. Near them, on the east, were the Huron Iroquois, or the W3-andots, whose principal town was near Sandusk}-.*
It is no part of this history to trace the origin, migrations, wars, and downfall of the various Indian tribes, except in so far as thej- relate to the history of this region. Others have so well written the histor}- of
' The spelling of tribal names adopted here is mainly that of Schoolcraft and Drake. The various forms of each, if pronounced as their originators intended, would be very similar in sound, though tire orthograpliy is diverse. Thus Maumee differs from Miami, originally pronounced Me-ah-me, only in the slurring of the first unaccented vowel. The two words are really identical, but while the explorer wrote of the MTanri of the Ohio and the Miami of the Lake, the rivers are now distinguished by a ]->artial change to English ))ronunciation, and known as the Maumee and the Miami. The " Nle-ah mee> " were also sometimes called Omees. The name of the -Shawnees has been written Shawanoe, .Santanas, Shawanon, Chouanon, etc. The name survives in such various geographical forms as Shawano, Santee, and Suwanee.
this fast vanishing race, that it is unnecessary, and would be out of place here, to more than attempt to give an outline of those principal tribes which have dominated the valley we are describing. The great Algonquin sept was the most extended, and had the greatest number" of dialects. They roamed at will from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, from the Arctic belt to the gulf. They met the early settlers at Pl3miouth and on the Potomac and Roanoke, and whenever the tide of civilization flowed towards the father of waters, it was met by parts of the same great family of the aboriginal tribes. The Indian knew no personal ownership of soil, and no other right of ownership than occupation by his tribe. He shunned the white man, and many a remnant of eastern tribes sought new hunting grounds towards the west, after trying to overcome inexorable fate by defying the incoming wave, and again met and fought their white enemies, whom they considered invaders of their new homes.
Among the western tribes which held the great basin east of the Mississippi none were greater in rank than the Miamis. Known froni earl}' times as " Linnewas," or "Minnewas," which means men, and larter by the various names of " Omees," " Aumees," " Omamees," "Twightwees"-or "Twa-twas," they were met everywhere, a century ago, in that vast territory from Detroit to the Ohio b}- way of the Great Miami, down the Ohio into the Mississippi, up that river to the region of the lakes. They proudly called themselves " men," and were considered the most stable, heroic and resolute of the western tribes. The several bands of this great tribe were located nearly as follows : The Miamis on the head waters of the Miami of the lake (the Maumee), on the St. Joseph of the lake near South Bend, and at Chicago. The Weas and the Piankeshaws were on the Wabash and southward. The Peorias were on the Illinois. The Mascoutins were between the Illinois and the Wabash. The Cahokias, the Kaskaskias, and the Tamawis were toward the Mississippi in w^hat is now the state of Illinois, and the Michigammies were located at Des Moines. They all spoke one language, with but slightly varying dialects, and all were known as kin to, and part of, the Miamis proper. This confederacy was at an earl}' period at w^ar with the Sioux and Sacs and Foxes, and after many }^ears of war, but few were left except the Miamis and the Weas, on the Maumee and Wabash, the remnants of the others being few and scattered.
The Miamis, with whom we have most to do, were feared by their enemies and were much sought as allies by those tribes needing assistance. By their position, they were destined to play an important part in molding the destinies of the New World, and they have left a deep impress upon the early history of the country. Their customs and habits were such as were common to all the savage tribes. In summer they hunted and fished, or made war upon other tribes with whom they came in contact. Before they came in contact with the whites, their arms were a spear or javelin, a bow and quiver of arrows, all pointed with barbs of stone, and the "casse tete," or "head-breaker," which was either the well- formed stone axe or hatchet fastened to a handle b}^ withes, or the stone enclosed in a rawhide, the handle being twisted and hardened strips of the same material. In winter they gathered in their villages, and passed the time in games and plaj'. The women were the workers, the men were veritable lords and masters. They raised corn, and some small fruits and vegetables near the permanent villages, but were generally improvident, feasting to-day, and fasting to-morrow. Their clothing was made of the skins of deer and other animals, the women being well" clad with attempts at ornament, while the men were more than half naked and tattoed the exposed portions of the skin. They had one custom peculiar to themselves. They were monogamists, and if the wife were unfaithful, the husband could cut off her nose and send her away. They were hospitable to their friends but ver}^ cruel to their enemies. When a captive was taken in war he was certain to be put to death with the most cruel tortures by slow fire, the ceremony of living cremation often taking the whole of a day before the hapless victim was permitted to end his sufferings in death. No sex or condition was spared these cruel torments, unless some who had lost a member of their family chose to adopt the prisoner to take the place of the deceased.
They had one custom of peculiar atrocity. They seemed at an early period to have practiced cannibalism r^uite generally, but later, it was confined to eating prisoners of war, and finally the horrible practice seems to have become the prerogative of certain families - an honorary distinction, as it were. As a means of terror to their enemies, they early formed here what was commonly known as a " man-eating society," which, to make it the more fearful to their opponents, was firmly established on a hereditar\' basis, confined to one family alone-, whose descendants continued to exercise, by right of descent, the savage rites and duties of the man-eating family. For these enormities, the Sacs and Foxes, when they took am- of the Miamis prisoners, gave them up to their women to be buffeted to death. They speak also of the Mascoutins with abhorrence, on account of their cruelties. In proof qf the foregoing, relative to the society of man-eaters among the Indians at this point, General Lewis Cass, m a speech delivered at the canal celebration of Jul}- 4th, 1843, in " Swinney's Grove," near the site of the present Catholic cemetery, said: "For many years during the frontier history of this place and region, the line of your canal was a bloody war-path, which has seen many a deed of horror. And this peaceful town has had its Moloch, and the records of human depravity furnish no more terrible examples of cruelty than were offered at his shrine. The Miami Indians, our predecessors in the occupation of this district, had a terrible institution whose origin and object have been lost in the darkness of aboriginal history, but which was continued to a late period, and whose orgies were held upon the very spot where we now are. It was called the man-eating society, and it was the duty of its associates to eat such prisoners as were preserved and delivered to them for tliat purpose. The members of this societ}- belonged to a particular family, and the dreadful inheritance descended to all the children, male and female. The duties it imposed could not be avoided, and the sanctions of religion were added to the obligations of immemorial usage. The feast was a solemn ceremony, at which the whole tribe was collected as actors or spectators. The miserable victim was bound to a stake, and burned at a slow fire, with all the refinements of cruelt}- which savage ingenuity could invent. There was a traditionary ritual, which regulated with revolting precision the whole course of procedure at these ceremonies. Latterly the authority" and obligations of the institution had declined, and I presume it has now wholly disappeared. But I have seen and conversed with the head of the family, the chief of the society, whose name was White Skin - with what feehng of disgust, I need not attempt to describe. I well knew an intelhgent Canadian, who was present at one of the last sacrifices made at this horrible institution. The victim was a young American captured in Kentucky, toward the close of our revolutionar}^ war. Here where we are now assembled, in peace and security, celebrating the triumph of art and industry-, within the memory of the present generation, our countrymen have been thus tortured, and murdered, and devoured. But, thank God, that council-fire is extinguished. The impious feast is over; the war-dance is ended; the warsong is sung; the war-drum is silent, and the Indian has departed to find, I hope, in the distant west, a comfortable residence, and I hope also to find, under the protection, and, if need be, under the power of the United States, a radical change in the institutions and general improvement in his morals and condition. A feeble remnant of the once powerful tribe which formerly won their way to the dominion of this region by blood, and by blood maintained it, have to-day appeared among us like passing shadows, flitting round the places that know them no more. Their resurrection, if I may so speak, is not the least impressive spectacle which marks the progress of this imposing ceremony. They are the broken columns which connect us with the past. The edifice is in ruinSj and the giant vegetation, which covered and protected it, lies as low as the once mighty structure which was sheltered in its recesses. They have come to witness the first great act of peace in our frontier historj', as their presence here is the last in their own. The ceremonies upon which you heretofore gazed with interest, will never again be seen b}' the white man, in this seat of their former power. But thanks to our ascendency, these representations are but a pageant; but a theatrical exhibition which, with barbarous motions and sounds and contortions, shows how their ancestors conquered their enemies, and how they glutted their revenge in blood. To-day, this last of the race is here - to-morrow they will commence their journey towards the setting sun, where their fathers, agreeable to their rude faith, have preceded them, and where the red man will find rest and safety."
it was to fall into the hands of these merciless demons of the forest, and whose sufferings by torture and at the stake are a part of the histor}- of this now beautiful region where men now enjoy undisturbed the blessings of peace, and whose bodies served as torches to light the pathway of the new civilization which was destined to overspread and develop the virgin west, could be given, but the description of one would serve for all. In 1789, John May, of Virginia, was appointed government surveyor of lands for Kentucky, and started down the Ohio, with Charles Johnston, a youth of twent}-, as clerk, on the boat of Jacob Skj-les, a merchant who was taking a stock of goods into the wilderness. Another young man named Flinn, and two sisters named Fleming, were passengers. It was in the spring of 1790 that the}- started, and on reaching the mouth of the Scioto, they were decoyed to land by the piteous appeals of two white men, whom the Indians had captured, and now compelled to act as decoys to lure their compatriots into the hands of the savages. Landing to save these men the}' were themselves attacked. Flinn was captured as he leaped to the shore. One of the girls was killed and Skyles wounded. The hapless prisoners were distributed to the different bands and taken north to the Miami villages. Flinn was tortured and burned at the stake. The tirst news of his fate was received from a Delaware, who returned from the Miami villages with the intelligence that Flinn had been burned at the stake a few days before. He declared that he was present and assisted in torturing him, and had afterward eaten a portion of his flesh, which he declared "was sweeter than bear's meat. "
A Canadian trader who was also present, described the scene. Fhnn had at first entertained strong hopes of being adopted, but a wild council was held in which the most terrible sentiments regarding the whites were uttered, and the resolution proclaimed that henceforth no quarter should be given to any age, sex or condition. Flinn was seized and fastened to the stake. He appealed to the trader to save him, and he ran to the village and brought out several kegs of rum which he offered as a ransom. The Indians in a rage, broke in the heads of the kegs and spilled the rum upon the ground. The trader then brought out 600 silver brooches, but the Indians scornfully rejected them, and threatened the trader with the same fate if he again interfered. He communicated his ill success to Flinn, who heard him with composure, and only said, " Then all I have to saj- is, God have mercy upon my soul." The scene of torture then commenced with whoops and yells, which struck terror to the heart of the trader, but which Flinn bore with heroic fortitude. Not a groan escaped him. He walked calmly around the stake for several hours, until his flesh was roasted, and the fire had burned down. An old squaw approached to rekindle it, but Fhnn, watching his opportunity, gave her so furious a kick in the breast, that she fell back insensible, and for some time was unable to take further part in the torture. The warriors then bored his ankles, and passing thongs through the sinews, confined them closely to the stake, so that he was unable to
Skyles was also conducted to one of the towns on the Maumee, near the scene of Flinn's terrible execution, and was, according to custom, compelled to run the gauntlet. The Indian boys were his principal tormenters, one of the urchins displaying particular dexterity in the infernal art. He procured a stout thorn switch upon which the largest thorn was left, and this, as Skyles passed him, he drove up to the head into his naked back. It was left there, and carried by Skyles sticking in his flesh, to the end of his painful career. He was then turned over to his master, and made himself so useful and agreeable to his squaw, that one night she confided to him that his death had been resolved upon, to take place the following day. He could not at flrst believe it, but listening while they thought him sleeping, talking with her daughter, a girl of fifteen, all hope was dispelled. Ths old squaw thought he was a good man and ought to be saved, but the young girl exulted over the prospect of witnessing his torture. When they at last fell asleep, Skyles took the Indian's rifle, shot bag and corn pouch and started for the river. He plunged in and swam across, but ruined the gun in so doing, and threw it away. He started southward through the woods, but became bewildered, and after a hard tramp of six hours, found himself at the river where he had crossed. He wandered about for several days almost starved, and almost in despair entered a village from which the warriors were fortunately absent, and went into a trader's booth where he found a white man trading with some squaws. As he had blackened himself, he was not recognized, but made himself known to the trader, who assured him he would aid him, but that he was being sought for and was in great danger, and must leave at once. He told him of a boat, under charge of an English captain, which had gone down the Maumee laden with furs, and which he might overtake, and took him to the river where was a skiff, which he immediatel}' took and started down the river. He was fortunate enough to overtake the Englishman, was aided b}' him and taken to Detroit, whence he finally reached the United States.
Johnston had been ransomed from the Indians b}^ a Mr. Duchouquet, a French trader, at Sandusky, and while 3'et with him, the Cherokees, to whom Miss Fleming had fallen as a prisoner, and had also been taken to the Miami villages, returned after wasting their booty with their usual improvidence, bringing her with them. Her dress was tattered, her cheeks sunken, her eyes discolored with weeping, and she appeared wholly wretched. Johnston applied to the traders to aid in delivering her and they promptly complied. A white man, who had been taken from Pittsburgh when a boy and had been adopted among the Indians, and had known her there, where her father kept a small tavern, went with them; as soon as she saw him, she burst into tears,, and implored him to save her from her cruel fate. He zealously engaged in the work, and solicited the intercession of an old chief known as " Old King
Crane," telling him the pardonable lie that the woman was his sister. The old man went to the Cherokee camp to try his eloquence upon them, but was refused with insults. This exasperated him, and he returned to his village in a passion, announcing that he would collect his young men and rescue the white squaw bj' force. This Whittaker applauded, and urged haste, lest the Cherokees, in dread of losing their prisoner, might put her to death. Before daA^ight King Crane assembled his )'oung men, and advanced on the Cherokee camp. He found all but the miserable prisoner in a sound sleep. She had been stripped naked, her bod}- painted black, and in this condition had been bound to a stake, around which hickory poles had been collected, and every arrangement completed for burning her alive at daylight. She was moaning in a low tone, and was so exhausted as not to be aware of the approach of her deliverers until King Crane cut her cords with his knife. He then ordered his 3'oung men to assist her in putting on her clothes, which they did with the utmost indifference. He then awakened the Cherokees and informed them that the squaw was his, and if they submitted quietly, well; but if not, he and his young men were ready for them. The}^ were indignant, but in the presence of superior armed numbers, finallj' expressed a willingness to give her up, but hoped he would not be such a "beast" as to refuse to pay her ransom. Ke replied, that as he had her in his own hands, he vs'ould ser\'e them right not to give them a single brooch, but that as he disdained receiving an}-- thing from them without an equivalent he would pa}^ thefn 600 brooches. He then returned with her to Lower Sandusk}-, and placing her in charge of two trusty Indians, sent her to Pittsburgh. The Cherokees loudly protested and paraded the town that evening in war paint, declaring that they would not leave the town until they had shed the blood of a white man in revenge for the loss of their prisoner.
Such was the fate of many a noble character among those who sought new homes in this region, and such were the scenes which frequently were witnessed where now stands the populous and peaceful cit}' of Fort Wayne., The principal burning place at this point, was on the north bank of the Maumee, at the point where the St. Joseph and St. Mary's unite to form that river, though it is known that some captives were burned at the stake, up the St. Mary's, near the site of the Godfrey place, on what is known as the Richardville reserve.
The Miamis had some considerable knowledge of agriculture, and had permanent lodges at their village sites, as well as the portable ones they used when scattered for the hunting season.
Their burial customs were probabl}- not unlike those of other tribes. Cremation was not customary for the dead - only for living captives. They were not, at least in modern times, mound builders. Near their village sites are always found cemeteries, in which the deceased was laid in a recumbent position, in a shallow grave. With the dead was generally placed his weapons, his ornaments, and a dish or jar containing food, and thus we often discover in these graves stone hatchets, flint spear and arrow heads, beads and trinkets, and remains of potter^^ Another form of burial was known to be practiced among them, but this was probably resorted to when death came to them while away on hunting or war parties. No grave was prepared, but the bod\' was placed in a hollow log, the ends of which were closed, or a log would be split and its halves hollowed to receive the corpse, when it would either be tied with green withes, or confined to the earth by crossed stakes driven into the ground, surmounti;d b}' a rider. Again, the body would be placed upon the earth and a pen.of logs erected over it, each course being drawn in, until they met at the top in a single log, heavy enough to keep the pen thus formed from being overturned by the beasts of the forest.
Principal Chiefs of the Miainis. - Aque-ncch-qua was chief, and signed the first treaty between the British and Miamis, July 23, 1748- He lived in Turtle village, a few miles northwest of Fort Wayne, and here in 1751,* his son, the famous Little Turtle, w'as born.
Upon his death, Little Turtle (Me-che-can-noch-qua) became chief of the tribe. His mother was a Mohican, and was a woman of superior quahties, some of which she transmitted to her child. His courage, sagacity', and extraordinary talents, were developed at an earU' age, and when but a boy, his influence with his own tribe as well as with others of the confederation, was almost unbounded; his skill in the management of an army was not surpassed by those trained and schooled in the profession of arms. He was victorious in many a hotly contested battle, and it was not until he met " the man who never sleeps," as he called Gen. Wayne while addressing a council of war, did he meet his equal. Of a very inquiring turn of mind, he never lost an opportunity to gain some valuable information upon almost ever}' subject or object that attracted his attention; and sought by every means in his power, during the latter days of his life, to relieve his people from every debasing habit - encouraging them only in the more peaceful, sober, and industrious wa^-s of life. In 1797, accompanied by Capt. Wells, he visited Philadelphia, where he enjoyed the society of the distinguished Count Volney, and the Polish patriot, Kosciusko, and others. While in Phila^ delphia, he had his portrait painted, by order of the president. Stopping at the same house with Turtle, in Philadelphia, was an Irish gentleman, somewhat remarkable as a wit, who made it a point to " poke fun "' at the chief whenever an occasion offered. He and Turtle happening to meet one morning in the studio of Stewart, the artist engaged in painting each of their portraits, the Irishman observed Turtle in. a rather thoughtful mood, began to rally him upon his sober demeanor, and suggested, through Capt. Wells, that it was because of his inability to cope with him in the jocular contest.' At this Turtle brightened up. " He mistakes," said he, to Capt. Wells, in reply; "I was just thinking of proposing to the man to paint us both on one board, and here I would stand, face to face wifli him, and confound him to all eternity."
The Miamis At Kekioxga. 3 1
In the latter part of iSoi, he again with other chiefs visited the east, and at a council held at Baltimore on the 26th of December, with a committee of the yearly meeting of Friends, he made a speech in which he spoke of the tools and two plows given him b}^ the Philadelphia Friends, and said he had used them until they were worn out and useless to him. He added : " It is the real wish of your brothers, the Indians, to engage in the cultivation of our lands, and although the game is not 3'et so scarce but that we can get enough to eat, we know it is becoming scarce, and that w'e must begin to take hold of such tools as we see in the hands of the white people." He attributed most of the e\nls existing among the Indians to the liquor they had learned to drink from the whites, and said that it caused the young men to say: "We had better be at war with the white people," adding, " this liquor that they introduce into our country is more to be feared than the gun or the tomahawk. There are more of us dead since the treaty of Greenville, than w-e lost by the years of war before, and it is all owing to the introduction of this liquor among us," and after a touching description of the woes thus caused he declared that he wished what he had said might be made pubhc.
In 1S03, Little Turtle for the Miamis, and Fi\-e Medals for the Pottawatomies, Joined in a letter to the "Friends" at Baltimore, in which they express their pleasure that the president had prevented the traders from selling liquor to their people, and their fears that he might be persuaded to permit the traffic, adding " if he does, 3'our red brethren are lost forever," but at the same time expressing the hope that "the Great Spirit will change the minds of our people, and tell them it will be better for them to cultivate the earth than to drink \vhiskey." The following year, 1804, a delegation from the Baltimore yearly meeting was sent to Fort Wa3'ne on a mission of amelioration to the Indians, and there met both these chiefs. Little Turtle was then " but half well," as he said. His complaint was the gout, and on the interpreter telling him his complaint was one that belonged to great folks and gentlemen, he said: " I alwa^-s thought I was a gentleman."
At the general council of the Indians called to meet this delegation, which assembled at Fort Wayne, April 10, 1804, the subject of teaching agriculture to the Indians was the principal theme of discussion. Little Turtle expressed regret that his people had not accepted the idea of cultivating their lands, much as he had tried to convince them of its necessit}^ and his hope that the words of the Friends might turn their minds. A Friend named Philip Dennis had agreed to remain, intending to live among them to teach them practical farming. Little Turtle explained that the other chiefs and himself had agreed that he should be at neither of their villages, "lest our j'ounger brothers should be jealous of our taking him to ourselves. We have determined to place him on the Wabash, where some of our families will follow him, where our young men, I hope, will follow him, and where he will be able to instruct them as he wishes." The point thus selected for the first " agricaltural college " established in the west, was a little below Huntington, at a place then called "the boatyard," from the fact that Gen. Wilkinson had built some flat-boats there, to transport baggage and material down the river. The experiment was not a success, and Dennis found by experience that Little Turtle's misgivings in regard to the industry of the young men were fully verified. After he had enclosed his farm, only one, or at most two, of the red men e-s-inced any disposition to labor. They would take a seat on a fence, or in the trees near his work, and watch with apparent interest his plowing and hoeing, but without offering to lend a helping hand. He left in the fall, discouraged, and so ended the first attempt to teach the savage the arts of peace.
In 1S07, Little Turtle again visited Baltimore and Washington, accompanied by Richardville and other chiefs. He desired to have a flour mill erected at Fort Wayne, and appeared earnestl}' desirous of promoting the interests of his people. He is described as having a countenance placid beyond description and possessed of a ver}' cordial disposition. On this visit he was entertained with other chiefs at the house of a former friend. He was the first to enter the parlor, bowed gracefully as he was introduced to the famil}', and in a short address, gracefully acknowledged his pleasure at meeting the wife and children of his friend. Fie exceeded all the other chiefs in dignity of appearance - a dignity which resulted from the character of his mind. He was of medium stature, with a complexion of the palest copper shade, and did not wear paint. His hair was worn full and had no admixture of gray. He was then dressed in a coat of blue cloth witli gilt butttms, pantaloons of the same color, and buff waistcoat. He, together with the others, wore leggins and moccasins, and had gold rings in his ears. This dress was completed b}' a long, red, military sash around his waist, and a cocked hat surmounted by a red feather. On entering a house, he immediatel}' removed the hat, and carried it under his arm. Altogether he was graceful and agreeable to an uncommon degree, and was admired b}' all who made his acquaintance.
On the 14th day of July, 1S12, Little Turtle died in his lodge at theold orchard, a short distance north of the confluence of the St. Marj^'s and St. Joseph, in the yard fronting the house of his brother-in-law, Capt. Wilham Wells. Turde had suffered for many months previous with the gout, and came here from Little Turtle village, to be treated by the surgeon at the fort. It was a solemn and interesting occasion. After the treaty of Greenville, Turde had remauied the true and faithful friend of the Americans and the United States government. Tecumseh strove hard to gain his confidence and aid, but without effect, for nothing could move him from his purpose of peace and good-will towards the Americans. In the language of one who was present at his burial: " His body was borne to the grave with the highest honors, by his great enemy, the white man. The muffled drum, the solemn march, the funeral salute, announced that a great soldier had fallen, and even enemies paid tribute to his memory." His remains were interred about the center of the old orchard, with all his adornments, implements of war, a sword presented to him by Gen. Washington, together with a meclal, with the likeness of Washington thereon - all laid by the side of the bod}-, and hidden beneath the sod in one common grave. The exact spot of his grave is now unknown. Such was Me-che-can-noch-qua - the bravest among the brave, and wisest among the wise of the Indians of the northwest - leading an army of braves to sure victor}' one hour - cutting and slashing, as with the ferocity of a tiger, at one moment - and as passive and gentle as a child the next. Ever may his gentler and better deeds be perpetuated by the American people.
He was succeeded by Pe-chon, who was present at, and was one of the signers of, the treaty of July, 1814, at Greenville, and who died soon after at the residence of Richardville, who succeeded him as chief of the Miamis.
John Baptiste Richardville,* whose Indian name was " Pe-che-wa," or " The Wild Cat,"' was the son of Joseph Drouet de Richardville, who was of noble lineage, and was probably engaged as an officer in the French service in Canada, before being lured into the western wilds, by the prospect of amassing wealth in the fur trade. He was for a long time a trader among the Indians here, and took for a wife, as was customary at that date, Tah-cum-wah, a daughter of Aque-noch-qua, and sister of Little Turtle. Their son was born about 1761, in a hut under the boughs of the historic apple tree, which stood near the confluence of the St. Joseph and St. Mary's, but has long since disappeared.
Among the many thrilling and interesting incidents and narrations, as frequently recited by the chief to the late Allen Hamilton, he gave, some years ago, an account of his ascent to the chieftainship of his tribe. The occasion was not onl}' thriUing and heroic, but, on the part of his famous mother and himself, will ever stand in history as one of the noblest and most humane acts known to any people, and would serve as a theme, both grand and eloquent, for the most gifted poet or dramatist of any land. It was in a wild and barbarous age. Kekionga still occasionall}' echoed with the shrieks and groans of capti\'e men; and the young warriors of the region still rejoiced in the barbaric custom of burning prisoners at the stake. A white man had been captured and brought in by the warriors. A council had been convened, in which the question of his fate arose in debate and was soon settled. He was to be burned at the stake, and the braves and villagers generally were soon gathered about the scene of torture, making the air resound with their triumphant shouts of pleasure at the prospect of soon enjoying another hour of fiendish merriment at the expense of a miserable victim of torture. Already the man was lashed to the stake, and the
*According to Taiiquay's "Dictionnaire Genealogique des Families Canadieiines," there married at Champlain March iS, 16S7, Claude Droiiet, Sieur de Richardville, officer, born in 1657, son of Claude, Attorney, and Appolline Soisson, of Chartres. He had eight children, and it is reasonable to believe that from one of his sons descended that Drouet who was father of Jean Baptiste Druet de Richardville, whose name is written in numerous treaties and carved on the monument which marks his grave as John B. Richardville.
torch that was to ignite the cumbustible material placed about the same was in the hands of the brave appointed. But rescue was at hand. The man was destined to be saved from the terrible fate that surrounded him ! Young Richardville had for some time been singled out as the future chief of the tribe, and his heroic mother saw in this a propitious and glorious moment for the assertion of his chieftainship, by an act of great daring and bravery - the rescue of the prisoner at the stake. Young Richardville and his mother were at some distance, but sufficiently near to see the movements of the actors in the tragedy about to be enacted, and could plainl\' hear the coarse ejaculations and shouts of triumph of the crowd. At that moment, just as the torch was about to be applied to the bark, as if touched bj' some angelic impulse of love and pity for the poor captive, the mother of young Richardville placed a knife in her son's hand, and bade him assert his chieftainship by the rescue of the prisoner. The magnetic force of the mother seemed instantly to have inspired the young warrior, and he quickl}' bounded to the scene, broke through the wild crowd, cut the cords that bound the man, and bid him be free. All was astonishment and surprise; and though by no means pleased at the loss of their prize, yet the young man, their favorite, for his daring conduct, was at once esteemed as a god b}^ the crowd, and then became a chief of the first distinction and honor in the tribe. The mother of Richardville now took the man in charge, and soon quietly placing him in a canoe and covering him with hides, in charge of some friendly Indians he was soon gliding down the placid current of the Maumee, bej'^ond the reach of the turbulent warriors of Kekionga.
At a later period in the life of the chief, being on his way to Washington, he came to a town in Ohio, where, stopping for a little while, a man came up to him, and suddenly recognizing in the stranger the countenance of his benefactor and deliverer of years before, threw his arms about the chief's neck, and embraced him with all the warmth of filial affection. He was indeed the rescued prisoner; and the meeting between the two was one of mingled pleasure and surprise. In stature, Richardville was about five feet ten inches, with broad' shoulders, and weighed about one hundred and eighty pounds. His personal appearance was attractive; graceful in carriage and manner. Exempt from any expression of levit}- - he is said to have " preserved his dignity under all circumstances." His nose was Roman, his e3'es were of a lightish blue, and slightly protruding, " his upper lip firmly pressed upon his teeth, and the under one slightly projecting." That he was an Indian balf-breed, there can be no doubt. His own statements, and unvarying traditions conclusively prove that he inherited his position through his mother, by the laws of Indian descent, and contradict the theory that he was a Frenchman who obtained the chieftainship by tricker}' or purchase. In appearance he was remarkable in this - he was neither red nor white, but combined both colors in his skin, which was mottled or spotted red and white. His mother was a most remarkable woman.
Chief Richardville was an onlj' son, and much beloved by her. Her reign continued for a period of some thirty j'ears, prior to the war of 1812, during which time, according to the traditions of the Indians, "she ruled the tribe with a sway, power, and success as woman never ruled before." After her reign, " she retired and passed the mace of power to her son." Richardville was taciturn and was dignified in manner, a habit often almost assuming the form of extreme indifference; yet such was far from his nature, for he ever exercised the warmest and most attentive regard for all of his people and mankind in general; and " the needy never called in vain ; his kind and charitable hand was never withheld from the distressed of his own people or from the stranger." So wisely did he manage the affairs of his tribe, with such wisdom and moderation did he adjust and settle all matters relating to his people, that he was not only held in the highest estimation by the Indians generally, throughout the northwest, but honored and trusted as their lawgiver with the most unsuspecting confidence and implicit obedience, alwa3'S adjusting affairs between his own people, as well as all intertribal relations, without resort to bloodshed. A patient and attentive listener, prudent and deliberate in his action, when once his conclusions were formed he rarely had occasion to change them. Averse to bloodshed, except against armed resistance, he was ever the strong and consistent friend of peace and good-will.
Many were the vivid recollections he recited years ago to early settlers. At the time of Harmar's movements and defeat, he was a boy of some ten or twelve years of age. But his narration of the way the Indians stole along the bank of the river, near the pomt, long since known as '-Harmar's ford," was most thrilling. Not a man among the Indians, said he, was to fire a gun until the white warriors under Harmar had gained the stream, and were about to cross. Then the red men in the bushes, with the rifles leveled and ready for action, just as the detachment of Flarmar began to near the center of the Maumee, opened a sudden and deadly fire upon them; and horses and riders fell in the stream, one upon the other, until the river was literally strewn from bank to bank with the slain, both horses and men; and the water ran dark with blood.
There seemed, in the settling of this section of the country, a rivalry between the settlers and the Indians, as to who should tender the chief the highest respect, for all admired who knew him.
At the treaty of St. Mary's, in iSi8, a reserve of nine sections of land was made to him, including a tract some four or five miles from Fort Wayne, up the St. Mary's river, which, since his death, has been in the hands and keeping of his descendants, and is now owned by Archange (daughter of La Blonde, the first daughter of the chief), wife of James R. Godfroy, whose interesting family, with some three or four other persons, relatives of the same, living near, now constitute the only remnants of the once powerful Miami tribe in this part of their old stronghold. They have all long since assumed the garb of civiliza-
Richardville was at the treaties of Greenville in 1795, Fort Wayne in 1803, and Vincennes in 1S05. He participated also, as civil chief of the tribe, in the treaty of St. Mary"s, October 6, 1805, and went to Washington with Little Turtle in 1807.
About 1827, he built a house on the reservation on the St. Mary's. He had three daughters, La Blonde, Susan and Catharine. The daughter of La Blonde married James Godfrey, who has long Hved at the old residence of the chief. Richardville was manj' years a trader at Fort Waj'ne, but in 1S36 moved his goods to the forks of the Wabash, and continued business there a long time, although he retained his family residence near Fort Wayne, having for his housekeeper at the forks of the Wabash, Margaret La Folia, a French woman of prepossessing appearance. He was held in high esteem, and was the lawgiver of his people, trusted by them with the utmost confidence, and obeyed implicitly. He died at his famil}? residence on the 13th of August, 1841; and to-daj-, in the Catholic cemeter}-, on the confines of his birth-place, is to be seen an enduring marble shaft, erected by his daughters, commemorating the beloved and famous chief of the Miamis.
Francis La Fontaine, whose Indian name was To-pe-ah, perhaps a contraction of the Pottawatomie name, To-pe-na-bin, was the immediate successor of Pe-che-wa (Richardville), as the principal chief of the Miamis. He was the hneal descendant of La Fontaine, who, during the latter part of the eighteenth century, was sent out by the French government in connection with the provincial management of Canada. His father was of French e.xtraction, and at one time a resident of Detroit; his mother was a Miami woman, whose name does not appear very frequently in the history of the tribe, but who was, nevertheless, a woman of considerable force of character, as manifested in the qualities of her son. He was born near Fort Wayne, in iSio, and spent a great portion of his life in its immediate vicinity. When about the age of twenty-one years, he was married to Catharine (Po-con-go-qua ), a daughter of Richardville. In his younger dajs, he was noted for great strength and activity, and was reputed to be the most fleet of foot in the tribe. His residence was on the south side of the prairie, between Huntington and Fort Wayne, on lands granted by the treaties of October 23, 1834, and November 6, 1838. Manifesting great interest in the welfare of his tribe, he became ver}' popular, and, after the death of Chief Richardville, in 1841, he was elected principal chief of the Miamis. Subsequently, he moved to the forks of the Wabash, and resided in the frame building near the road, a few rods west of the fair grounds - the place belonging to his wife, who inherited it from her father.
When, under the provisions of their final treat}' with the United States, his tribe, in the fall of 1846, moved to the reservation set apart to them, west of the Mississippi, he went with them and remained during the winter. The following spring he started homeward. At that time, the route of travel was from the Kansas Landing (now Kansas City), down the Missouri and Mississippi, to the mouth of the Ohio; up the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash, and thence up the latter stream to La Fayette - all the way by steamboats. At St. Louis, he was taken sick, and his disease had made such progress that, upon his arrival at La Fayette, he was unable to proceed further, and died there, on the 13th of April, 1847, at the age of thirty-seven years. He was embalmed at La Fayette, and his remains were brought to Huntington, where he was buried in the grounds now occupied by the Catholic church. His body was subsequently removed to the new cemetery. At the time of the removal of his body, so perfect had been the embalming, little evidence of decay was manifested.
He was a tall, robust man, weighing about 350 pounds, and generally dressed in Indian costume. There are two portraits of him remaining, one painted b}' Freeman, and one by R. B. Croft. About twenty months after his death, his widow married F. D. Lasselle, of Fort Wayne, but lived only a short time. Of her seven children b}- La Fontaine, but two are now living - Mrs. Archange Engleman, in Huntington, and Mrs. Esther Washington, who removed to Kansas.
Early Historx of the Miamis. - At what period in their history the Miamis made Kekionga their " Central Cit}'," can not be definitehr stated, but it was probably nearly contemporaneous with the early white settlements on the Atlantic coast. This statement is at variance, no doubt, with the opinions entertained b}' others, who believe that from time immemorial, "when the memory of man runneth not to the contrary,'" this t3'pical band of the Algonquin family had inhabited and possessed this, to them, classic ground. The statement made by Little Turtle, in his address to Gen. Wayne, at the treaty of Greenville, in August, 1795, which is confirmed b_y the narratives of the early French voyageurs, is wholly inconsistent with such an assumption. That intelligent Miami chief said: "I hope you will pay attention to- what I now say to you. I wisli to inform you where your younger brothers, the Miamis, live, and also the Pottawatomies of St. Joseph, together with the Wabash Indians. You have pointed out to us the boundary line between the Indians and the United States; but I now take the liberty to inform 3'ou that the line cuts off from the Indians a large portion of country which has been enjoyed by my forefathers from time immemorial, without molestation or dispute. The prints of my ancestors' houses are everywhere to be seen in this portion. I was a little astonished at hearing you and my brothers who are now present, telling each other what business yoM had transacted together heretofore, at Muskingum, concerning this country. It is well known to all my brothers who are now p-esent, that \x\\ forefather kindled the first fires at Detroit; thence he extended his lines to the west waters of the Sciota; thence to its mouth; from there down the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash; and thence to Chicago, on Lake Michigan. At this place I first saw my elder brothers, the Shawnees. I have now informed vou of the boundaries of the
Miami nation, where the Great Spirit placed my forefather long ago, and charged him not to sell or part with his lands, but preserve them for his posterity. This charge has been handed down to me." When thev left the parent stock in the east, by what route the}' migrated westward, will probably never be known, and their own traditions in regard to it were vague and uncertain.
The first historical account of the tribe since it became known under the distinct name of Miamis, was in the year 1669, when they were found in the vicinity of Green Bay, by the French missionary. Father Allouez, and later b}' Father Dablon. In 16S0, both of these renowned and devoted priests visited a town of the Miamis and Mascoutins, on the Fox river, above Lake Wmnebago. St. Lusson, a French officer in the Canadian forces, found them at Green Bay during the same jear. They received him with marked distinction, giving a sham battle for his entertainment, as well as the game of la crosse. On his return he gave a marvelous account of the dignit}- and state of the Miami chief who was his host and entertainer. From there they passed to the southward of Lake Michigan, in the vicinity of Chicago, subsequently locating on the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, establishing there a village, another on the river Miami (Maumee) of Lake Erie, and a third on the Wabash, called Ouiatenon.
Some part of the tribe seems to have remained after the migration mentioned, for in 1673 Marquette visited the town of the Miamis formerly visited by Allouez and Dablon. On reaching the village he found a cross planted in its center. The Indians had decorated it with dressed deer skins, red girdles, bows and arrows, and other ornaments, in honor of the great Manitou of the French. He describes the Miamis as wearing long locks of hair over each ear, and says of the Mascoutins and Kickapoos, that they were mere boors as compared with their Miami townsmen. It may be, however, that prior to their location at Green Bay, they first assumed the character of a distinct tribe at Detroit, as stated by Little Turtle, and, in various wanderings, spread thence over the valley of the Scioto to the Ohio, and thence to the Wabash and northward, inhabiting from time to time, every portion of the territory they claimed, and of which their proprietorship was recognized by the surrounding tribes.
In 1680, the Iroquois decreed in their councils a war against the Illinois, then a numerous and powerful tribe. The chief town of the Miamis was on the way, and although the Miamis were kinsmen to the Ilhnois, the wily Iroquois visited them and induced them to join in the invasion as their allies. This was more easily accompHshed, because there had been a jealousy of long standing between the two tribes, and the Miamis were unaware that they were already marked out bj^ their treacherous allies, the Iroquois, as their next victims, and that one purpose of the alliance was doubtless to reduce the fighting number of the Miamis by means of this war with the Illinois. About the middle of September, the allies approached the Vermilion river, where the Illinois, warned of the invasion, had hastened to meet them, and were posted in the open prairie near the margin of the river. The Iroquois and their alhes were numerous, and were armed in great measure with guns, pistols, and swords, obtained from the whites, while most of the Illinois were armed only with the primitive weapons of the savage, only about a hundred of them being armed with modern weapons. They exhibited every evidence of bravery and eagerness to meet the invaders, 3'elling, dancing and brandishing their weapons in the presence of their foes, who responded with similar manifestations of eagerness for the fra}-. Notwithstanding this apparent eagerness no battle was fought, and yielding to the mediation of La Salle, who had espoused their cause, the Illinois finally withdrew.
Subsequently, the Iroquois crossed to the Illinois side of the river, took possession, and erected a rude fort for immediate protection. Under the guise of making a treaty of peace, they prepared for a rnerciless slaughter of their victims. The French being withdrawn, the Illinois unfortunateh' for themselves, separated into different bands and scattered. The Iroquois, foiled in finding a living foe, wreaked their vengeance upon the dead, tearing down the burial scaffolds, and violating the graves, giving the bodies to the dogs or burning them, and fixing the skulls on stakes. They then pursued the fleeing Illinois to the Mississippi, scattering the remnants of the once powerful tribe in every direction. Few of the men were killed, but many women and children were captured, and for some time the Iroquois revelled in the tortures they inflicted upon these unhappy victims. At length, sated with their atrocities, the conquerers withdrew, taking with them a host of captives whose lives had been spared, not from any instinct of mercy, but because they could make them useful as slaves by incorporating them in their tribe. The total number of their prisoners has been stated as more than seven hundred.
In 1686 the Miamis were located on the Ba}' des Puans (Green Bay.^ Wisconsin). There they were attacked by their former allies the Iroquois, and suffered greatly at their hands, these tierce warriors desiring by the destruction of the Miamis to make themselves masters of Michillimackinac and of the ba}-, including in their objects the destruction of the Christian missionaries, and the extinction of the trade by way of the lakes, or the control of it for themselves. During the same year, Denonville writes that the Five Nations are making a large war party, supposed to be against the Oumiamis and other savages of the Bay des Puans, who were attacked this year, one of their villages having been destroyed- by the Iroquois, on receiving notice whereof the hunters of those tribes pursued the Iroquois, whom they overtook and fought with considerable vigor, having recovered several prisoners and killed many of the Iroquois. During the years 1686-7 there were frequent difficulties between the Iroquois and Miamis, which occasioned much uneasiness among the English colonial officials, and the English governor called a council of his Iroquois allies to ascertain the true condition of affairs.
It was held at Albany on the 5th of August, 16S7, when he proposed to them to send messages to the Ottawas, Twightwees and the further Indians, and some of the prisoners from those tribes were sent to make a covenant chain with them.
On the following dav, one of the Maquase (Mohawk) sachems, named Sindachsegie, made a speech to the governor, explaining the cause of the disturbance between them and those nations in alliance with the French. He said : " Wee are resolved to speake the truth, and all the evill we have done them is that about six j^eares agoe, some of the Sinnekes and some of the Onnondages went aboard of a French Barke att Onnyagaro, that was come to trade there, and took out of the said Barke a Caske of Brandy and cutt the Cable." It occurred, also, that in September, of the preceding year, the Senecas had visited the country of the Omianies (Miamis), and in a warhke expedition had taken of them 500 prisoners and lost twentA'-nine killed, two of them in foray, and twentj'-seven when the Touloucics (Outaouacs) and Illinois caught them.
Ten 3-ears later, Peter Schuyler and others, on behalf of the Senecas, in a communication to the English governor, Fletcher, dated September 28, 1697, made this statement: " Wee are sorrj' to have it to tell you the loss of our brethren, the Sinnekes, suffered in an engagement with 3-e Twichtwichts Indians; our young men killed several of the enemj^, but, upon their retreat, some of their chiefe capts. were cut off. You know our custome is to condole ye dead, therefore, we desire you give us some for these Beavours; soe laid down ten Beavr. skins. The Wampum was immediate!}^ given them for said skins, and the day following appointed for a conference upon the first proposition made b}' them for powder & lead, &c." Further statement is made concerning the war between the Five Nations and the Miamis, in Robert Livingston's report to the secretary of Indian affairs, in April, 1700, from which it would seem that thfe war had been pending between these parties for many years, taken in connection with the preceding statement. He recommends "That all endeavors be used to obtain a peace between the 5 Nations and the Dowaganhaas, Twichtwicks & other far Nations of Indians whom the Governor of Canada stirs up to destroy them, not only the 5 Nations have been mortall enemies to the French & true to the English, but because they hinder his trade with the said far Nations, trucking with them themselves and bringing the beavers hither."
In a subsequent communication by the same writer, on the 29th of August of the same year, a better reason is given, perhaps, for the desire to induce a cessation of hostilities between those belligerent nations. "Brethren: You must needs be sensible that the Dowaganhaes, Twichtwicks, Ottawa & Diononades,and other remote Indians, are vastly more numerous than 3-ou 5 Nations, and that, by their continued warring upon j-ou, they will, in a few years, totally destroy 3'ou."
The Miamis At Kekionga. 4I
ber of their warriors and the armorial bearings of each nation, supposed to have been prepared by M. de Joncaire, a Frenchman who had been adopted into the Seneca tribe.
He mentions tirst the Pottawatomies, who call themselves the governor's eldest sons. They were located at the village of St. Joseph, on the river of that name (the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan) and numbered about one hundred warriors. He mentions that they had with them ten Miamis, who bear in their arms a crane.
He classes the Miamis under the head of " Lake Erie and its dependencies on the south side," and says of them : " The Miamis have for their device the hind and the crane. These [the Miamis and Pottawatomies] are the two principal tribes. There is likewise the device of the bear, and they numbered 200 men bearing arms. The Ouyattanons, Peauguichias, Petikokias are the same nation, though in different villages. They can place under arms 350 men. The devices of these savages are the serpent, the deer, and the small acorn."
In November, 1763, Sir William Johnson gave an account of the present state of the Indians, and mentions as a part of the Ottawa confederac}-, the Miamis or Twightwees, located near the fort on the Miami river, numbering over 250 men. He says: "The Twightwees were originally a very powerful people, who, having been subdued by the Six Nations, were permitted to enjoy their possessions. There are many tribes and villages of them, but these are all that are certainly known."
In 1765, the Miami confederacy was composed of the following branches, situated and having warriors in number, viz. : Twightwees, at the head of the Maumee river, with 250 available warriors; the Ouiatenons, in the vicinity of Post Ouiatenon, on the Wabash, with 300 warriors; the Piankeshaws, on the Vermillion river, with 300 warriors, and the Shockeys, on territory 13'ing on the Wabash, between Vincennes and Post Ouiatenon, with 200 warriors. At an earher period, probably, the Miamis, with their confederates, were able to muster a much more formidable force, as the citation from the representatives of the Five Nations would seem to show.
In 1748, the English merchants and traders secured a limited trade with the Miamis, much, it is said, in consequence of the failure of the French traders, who had, during the preceding century, held the supremacy, to supply the increasing wants of the Miamis, especiall}- those on the borders of the Ohio and its tributaries. Thus a favorable influence was exerted on the part of the Miamis toward the English, which resulted in a treaty of alliance and friendship between the English and the Twightwees (Miamis) on the 23d of July of the same year, whereby the latter became and were recognized as " Good Friends and Allies of the English Nation, subjects of the King of Great Britain, entitled to the privilege and protection of the English Laws." This treaty was signed by the representatives, " Deputies from the Twightwees (or Miamis) on or about the river Ouabache, a branch of the river Mississippi," three in number, the first and principal of whom was Aque-noch-qua, head chief of the Miamis, and the father of Me-che-can-noch-qua(LitdeTurtle), at. that time and for man}' years previous a resident of the Turtle village in this vicinit)'.
By their several treaties with the United States, the Miamis have ceded an aggregate of 6,853,020 acres of land. Aggregate of land given in exchange, 44,640 acres, the aggregate value of which was ^55,800. The aggregate consideration paid for these lands, in money and goods, $1,205,907; total consideration paid, $1,261,707, as shown by the records of the department at Washington.
Early Explorations
The period when the white man first wended his way through the wilderness, and set his foot upon the spot where was the seat of authority among the Miamis, and where now rise the spires of the busy city of Fort Wayne, cannot with anjr certainty be determined. The first intrepid explorer was doubtless one of that class, who either from love of a life of wild adventure, or from desire to avoid the punishment due for misdemeanors committed, either in France, or the settlements on the St. Lawrence, joined the horde of adventurers known as " coureurs de bois," or wood rangers, and paddled his canoe along the borders of Lake Erie, thence up the Maumee to the portage, and perhaps still further down the Wabash in search of peltries, which he conveyed back to the settlements, or, if he feared to return, sold them to intermediate traders.
" The Coureur de Bois " was an unique figure in American history. Careless and rollicking in disposition, he fearlessly plunged into the wilds of the interior, freely mingling with the tribes he happened to come in contact with, making himself at home and welcomed in their villages, becoming one of them by adopting their habits and dress, allowing himself to be painted and sometimes adopted into their tribes, making love to, and contracting a temporary marriage with, the dusky girl who was willing to become the mistress of the wigwam of the pale-face; broke these bonds and ties to form others whenever his fortunes or his fancy took him to another village; returned by long voyages for occasional visits to the old settlements, where he spent his time in wild carousals until he had lost the wealth his peltries had brought him, when he would again plunge into the forest to seek some one of his deserted wives, and spend another period in amassing the necessar}' supplies for another visit and another debauch. Sometimes he left the scenes of civihzed life behind him forever, and remained among his savage companions, becoming one of them, in so far as one born in civilization can become in truth a savage. Wild and reckless as he was, savage as he might become, he was the precursor of the advance of civilization, and blazed the path through hitherto trackless wilds for the entrance of the explorer and the priest, who led the advance, and became the pioneers of the western world. Let us treat his follies and his crimes with lenient judgment, for he, unwittingly perhaps, but nevertheless certainly, performed an inestimable service to the world, and to us who now enjoy the blessings of a civilization he seemed to flee from and shun.
That the route b}' way of the head of the Maumee and its portage to the Wabash was known and traversed at an early date may be said to be known with certainty, although any records of such travels may be wanting. The reader should remember that for many years after the discovery of America, the learned of the world believed it to be a part of the Indies, and they long sought a passage over our continent, to reach the South sea and the treasures of Cathay. It was not till long after La Salle discovered the Mississippi, that it dawned upon their minds that a new continent had been discovered, an unknown half of the world opened for future empire. In the mean time, the explorer and, priest had followed fast upon the footsteps of the wood ranger and fur trader, and it is the record of their adventurous footsteps, as they opened and took possession of the valle}' of the Mississippi, and more particularl}' of the valley of the Maumee, with which we have to deal.
As early as 1504, and perhaps at an eariier date, the fisheries of Newfoundland were known and visited by the hardy and venturesome fishermen of France, and a map of the St. Lawrence was made in 1506, by Denys, a citizen of Honflieur. In 1508, Thomas Aubert of Dieppe sailed up the St. Lawrence, and from that time commenced an intercommunication and trade between the French and the Indians of the interior, which gradually extended to distant points. When Capt. John Smith discovered the Chesapeake, he discovered among the Indians of that region, articles of civihzed manufacture, which must have come from the French settlements on the St. Lawrence through the Iroquois. Quebec was founded in 160S, and became the center from which wood ranger, trader, explorer, and priest, radiated in every direction, sowing seeds which were to fructify, and produce a marvelous harvest, far in the future.
The great profits realized from the fur trade were inducements for adventure, and numerous traders and other adventure-loving spirits found their way to the extensive domain of New France. Among these, of course, members of the society of Jesus were found, and, in 161 1, a mission had been established among the Indians of that region. From that time forward, vigorous efforts were made for the furtherance of trade in connection with the establishment of missions for the conversion of the Indians. By means of the assiduous perseverance of the French. traders and priests, these efforts were generally attended with success. As a result, it is stated that up to 1621, 500 convents of the RecoUets had been established in New France. In 1635, ^ Jesuit college was founded at Quebec. During that year, Champlain, the first governor of New France, died, and with him much of the zeal incident to prosperous settlements.
fort, who was superceded by De Montmagny, in 1636. With this latter appointment, a change in the affairs of the government was noticeable, the fur trade becoming the principal object of attention. A consequence of this policy was the exploration of other new territory, to enlarge the arena of trade. Rude forts were erected as a means of defense to the trading-houses and a protection to the trade. Not far remote - a never-failing auxiliary - was the chapel of the Jesuit, surmounted by a cross. Gradually, these explorations extended westward and southward along the margin of the lakes and their tributaries.
Champlain had in 1611-12, ascended as far as Lake Huron, which he called " the Fresh Sea,"' passing by the Maumee on his way. In 1640, Fathers Charles Raymbault and Claude Pijart were chosen and sent as missionaries to the Algonquins of the north and west. Where they labored is not known, but it is probable that they went little further than here at that early date. In August, 1604, two j'oung and adventurous fur traders joined a band of Algonquins, and made a voyage of 500 leagues, coming in contact with many tribes, and even with the Sioux beyond Lake Superior.
The importance of maps, in tracing doubtful questions in histor}-, is frequently overlooked. It may be said, without fear of dispute, that when we find a map upon which the site of habitations and the rivers and other topographical features are delineated even with a reasonable degree of exactness, that region has been visited by some one who carefully noted his discoveries, and was skilled in the work he sought to accomplish; and it is from such a map, that we know that the site of Fort Wayne was known at an earlier date than any recorded history has given.
In 1657, Sanson, who was the royal geographer of the French king, prepared a map of " Le Canada, ou Nouvelle France," on which Lake Erie is displa3fed, with a river flowing into it from the southwest, for a distance, and from a direction, clearl}' representing the Maumee in its course from the site of Fort Wayne to the lake. The St. Mary's and the St. Joseph are not represented, indicating that their courses had not }-et been explored. In this map we have indubitable evidence that the Maumee had been traversed by intrepid French explorers prior to
On the 8th of August, 1660, Father Claude Allouez set out on a mission to the far west, and for many years thereafter was the spiritual adviser and saintly father of the Miamis, beloved b}' them, and devoting his life to their temporal and spiritual welfare. He found them between Green Bay and the head of Lake Superior. Two years later, he returned to Quebec, and urged the establishment of permanent missions among the western tribes, and succeeded so well that on his return in 1668 he was accompanied by Fathers Claude Dablon and James Marquette, then recently from France.
from the king to push the discoveries into the interior, appointed Robert Caveher, Sieur de La Salle, a man of wonderful energy, sagacit}-, braver}' and discretion, with instructions " to penetrate further than has ever been done, * * * to the southwest and south"; to keep a journal of his adventures in all instances, and on his return to reply to the written instructions embraced in his commission. These instructions required, also, that he take possession of all the new territory discovered, in the king's name, displaying the arms of France and issuing verdaux to settlers to serve as titles. Reporting this appointment to the king, he remarked: "His Majesty will probabl}' have no news of him before two years from this, and when I shall return to France." At the same time, with like instructions, Sieur de $t. Lusson was appointed to penetrate to the west and northwest.
Subsequently, in February, 1671, M. Colbert, the king's secretary, in a communication addressed to the intendant, sajs: "The resolution you have taken to send Sieur de La Salle toward the south, and Sieur de St. Lusson to the north, to discover the South sea passage, is very good; but the principal thing to which you ought to apply yourself in discoveries of this nature, is to look for the copper mine."
As a part of the annual report to the king, in November of the same year, he makes this announcement: " Sieur de La Salle has not yet returned from his journey to the southward of this country. But Sieur de Lusson is returned, after having advanced as far as 500 leagues from here (Quebec), and planted the cross and set up the king's arms in presence of seventeen Indian nations, assembled on this occasion, from all parts, all of whom voluntarily, submitted themselves to the dominion of His Majest\', whom alone they regard as their sovereign protector." This meeting was held at the Falls of St. Mary, north of Lake Michigan. He reports, also, that " according to the calculations made from the reports of the Indians and from maps, there seems to remain not more than 1,500 leagues of navigation to Tartary, China and Japan. Such discoveries must be the work either of time or of the king." The route by La Salle in his adventure is, to some extent, a matter of conjecture, since no record made by himself is now known to be extant, except so much as relates to his starting out on such an expedition with Messrs. Dollier and Gallinee; and becoming dissatisfied with the proposed plans of these two gentlemen, to his pursuing a route more in accord with his own judgment. Having thus separated from them, after a short period of silence, we hear of him a few leagues to the southward of Lake Erie, approaching the head-waters of the principal tributary of the Ohio, the Alleghanv, no doubt, which he descends until met by a great fall in the river, understood to be the Falls of the Ohio, at Louisville. Here the direct narrative ends, and we are left to a consideration of pertinent circumstances for tracings of him during the succeeding two or three j'ears. This was in the fall of 1669.
Provenance
Text from Valley of the Upper Maumee River, with Historical Account of Allen County and the City of Fort Wayne, Indiana, published 1889, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.