Orangeburg County, South Carolina - The whole text, 1898 (part 5 of 9)

"This day we procured a German audience by the means of a muster by the order of Col. Thomson, of which we informed you in our last. During our dis^ courses, the falling tears from the audience showed that their hearts were penetrated,* and that we might hope for success. In conclusion all who were present signed the Association, except fifteen persons, who mildly desired, nay begged to consider of the affair until Friday, when they would certainly meet me at the place of divine service. They have since assured me they will subscribe. All persons joined in the election, which we judged it necessary to postpone yesterday and the day before, as no persons appeared; and as we judged we had authority so to do, as such a proceeding tended to compose the people, and bind their obedience to the measures of the Congress by giving them an opportunity of electing Representatives after they understood the nature of the dispute in which the British Empire is engaged. 1 expect a large meeting on Friday next, when I expect equal success; by which the whole Congaree settlement will be made parties in our proceedings. I shall then attend two larger assemblies of the people on Saturday and Sunday; and I have now no doubt of success in the Dutch settlements".!

"I have drawn an order upon the Council in favor of Mr. John Chesnut for four bundled and five pounds, for four horses purchased by Col. Thomson for the service of the progress".

* "What would I have given to have been a spectator at the Dutch crying bout, with an Hogarth's i)encil in hand? one of you certainly must have been vastly moving, whether Tennent or yourself, we are much at a loss to know, for I find you have united the orators under the word we, and thus confounded religion and politics". - Andrew Marvell to William Henry Drayton.

TenDent's diary: "Wednesday 9th, Left here about 7, met a Company of militia and harangued them. They signed the Association and generally promised to meet Mr. Drayton in the Fork. After the meeting I gained over in private the most obstinate. Mr, Kershaw now came to us. Major James Mason came through from 96, and gave njany melancholy accounts. Having agreed upon our route, we separated and I rode four miles to Mr. Beard's on the Bank of the Saluda, a romantic situation Col. Richardson accompanies me".

"Thursday August 10th." * * * ''Reached Capt. Woodward's of the Rangers after Sun Down, an honest man who informed that his company had universally signed".

Andrew Marvell, Member of Council, to Drayton:* *'T have mentioned youi' request respecting the vacancies in the Regulars, and the blank commissions are forwarded to Thomson by this conveyance."

Col, Thomson and the five companies of Captains Wise, Kershaw, Goodwyn, Richardson and Woodward, duly met at the appointed place, "Flechall's old field", where they were soon joined by Maj. May son from the Congarees, and by the companies of Captains Imhoff and Heatly. From this camp Col. Thomson moved, by order of Mr. Drayton, to the "Ridge" on September 8th. In the meantime Messrs Drayton and Tennent continued their progress into the up-country, and the

Drayton's letter to the Council of Safety, from Lawson's Fork, August 21, 1775: "I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letters of 11th and 13th instant. They came to hand last night, forwarded hy

"I believe Mr. Charleton expected to hold the lieutenant's commission together with that of surgeori's mate. I had forgot the resolution of Congress respecting one person holding two commissions; but 1 have acquainted Col. Thomson with the affair, who, without doubt, will transmit the explanation you expect.

"I am happy that you approve of my putting off the election at Saxe Gotha; and also that you have directed me to appoint elections for those places where none had been held. In my last of the 16th from. King's Creek, I had the honor to acquaint you, that neither of the districts in the Fork, between Broad and Saluda rivers had held any election. For the lower district* I have already acquainted you with

"The commissions for the volunteer companies are not come to hand, but I suppose they are with Col. Thomson, who, in all probability, will continue in his

"Things wearing so unfavorable an appearance, Colonel Richardson, Mr. Kershaw, Mr. Tennent and myself unanimously, thought it absolutely expedient, to direct Captain Polk to raise an additional troop of rangers immediately to lie on the back of these peo- pie. And Mr. Tennent and myself have given directions acfordingly. not doubting but that the necessity of the case will induce you to approve the measure. Captain Polk came to us, appeared much concerned for his past conduct, attributing it to a mistake touching the station of the rangers, wiiich he had thought, had been by the Congress fixed to the back country and frontiers. He has been since active in our favor as a person of influence in his part of the country on the back of Fletchall; his brother is a man of great influence in Mecklenburgh, and ready to march to our assistance when called upon; and already Fletchall looked upon Captain Polk as an acquisition to his party. Hence, to bind Captain Polk's brother, and all the friends of both to us; to quash FletchalFs expectation from the Captain, and to have a troop of rangers on the back of FletchalFs people to watch their motions, we all thought it absolutely necessary to direct the raising of this additional troop, as we apprehended you would consider Captain Polk's letter and conduct as a resignation of his commission, and that you had already disposed of it. In short, we have given Captain Polk such a lesson, which he has received with all due submission, as I believe will render him more obedient to orders, than he has been."

"Within twelve days, I purpose to be at Colonel Thomson's camp, where 1 think it will be advisable that I should remain till I shall see every spark of insurrection extinguished; but in regard to this, I shall regulate myself by your orders on the subject which I hope to receive by the time T arrive at the camp".

"Dear Sir: - I just now received a letter from Col. Thompson and Major Mayson, dated the 10th iust., at the Oongarees, informing me that they learn of a body of men going from our regiment and headed by some of the disaffected about Stephen's Creek, to attack Augusta. They desire me to give you every intelligence for the defence of Fort Charlotte, that you may be on your guard. I have heard nothing as yet of the above report, but you may depend upon it that if ever they make such an attempt they will have Fort Charlotte in their view.

"I would take the liberty to advise you, if you should hear anything of the above report - that Captain Taylor w^ould order some of his Company to reinforce the post.

"I think it would not be amiss to send one of your men, you can put the most confidence in, to watch the motion of the disaffected about Stephen's Creek, and the Pine-a-wood House. If I learn any thing from this quarter you may depend upon me letting you know immediately - the privater this is kept the better. 1 this moment send an express from the Council of Safety to Mr. Hammond. Excuse me taking the liberty of dictating to you. I am, dear sir,

"By various accounts that 1 received on the road yesterday afternoon, last night, and this morning, it' appears to be a fact that Kirkland* is actually in arms to attack Augusta and Fort Charlotte. The King's men as they are called were summoned to meet yesterday at a place about twenty niiles from hence; they separated last night, and I" am informed they will meet again in two or three days. They have been very diligent in obtaining arms. Cunningham and Brown are of the pai-ty.

"In this situation of affairs, by virtue of your letter of the eleventh instant, I have ordered out three companies nenr this place to assemble immediately, and who will be joined by one hundred men from Augusta. I have ordered Major Williamson to march with three hundred men to Harden's Ford on Savannah River about thirty miles above this place. I have also ordered Col. Thomson to march his Rangers, and as near three hundred militia as he can, and take post at the Ridge; and Col. Richardson, with three hundred men, to take post near the mouth of Enoree, to be a check on Fletchall's people, in case they should show any intention of assisting Kirkland".

Mr. Tennent's diary of about the same date says: "This evening our little detachment of 200 men marched about eight miles to Foxes Creek, having news that Major Williamson was on his way to 96. and Col. Thomson in full march with the Rangers and Militia to join them*'.

The following is an order issued by Mr. Tennent to Capt. John Caldwell comnjanding a detachment of the 3rd regiment, and some militiamen, at Fort Charlotte:

"Sir:- This is to dii-ect you to employ six workmen to build platforms for Hghting the cannon and small arms in the Fort you at present command, and as ex- peditiously as possible, to put it into the repair directed by orders from Major Mason, bearing date August 6th, 1775, now in your possession. You are to emploj^ the men under your command to assist the workmen in the labor. You are also ordered to )nount two of the best four-pounders on high wheels, that they be fit for either field or fort service, as need may require - shafts and collars being provided for them that they may be easily drawn with horses. For these you are to provide two ammunition boxes, cartridges, fuses, and all that may be needful for a march, and so fitted as to fasten on the carriages. Take great care that no man enter the Fort on any pretence, that you do not know and in whom you cannot place confidence. Be much upon your guard against surprise, especially in the night; for this purpose, as often as convenient, order out advanced sentinels and patrols. You are to clear away the standing corn to some distance from the Fort, and insist that the corn which is left be bladed and topped, nor leave any cover that may hide an enemy. In case of an alarm, and when the approach of an enemy is no longer dubious, you are to fire three cannon towards the thickest settlements as a signal; communicating timely notice of the same to the volunteer and other companies of militia that they may understand it, which companies are hereby ordered immediately to assemble and march under the command of their respective officers to your relief, or so to annoy the enemy as the service may require. And, whereas, there is a great scarcity of ammunition among the militia, and an attack from Indians is to be apprehended, you are directed to give out 150 lbs. weight of the powder, and lead in proportion, under your care to the captains of the volunteer and other militia companies in the upper part of this district, who have associated, taking a receipt from them, and directing them so to dispose it among their men, as that it may be returned upon demand when it shall be apprehended that the danger is over. But when a supply of fresh powder shall be sent up by the Council of Safety, you are to exchange the fresh powder pound for pound for the old pow^derthat you have already given out to as many as offer the same for an exchange. You are also ordered to dismiss your horses for the present, and not hazard your men by a grass guard; but the horses are not to be sent to such a distance as that they cannot be commanded within the space of a day and a half."

From "St. Mathew's Parish, Sept. 10, 1775", Mr. Tennent wrote the following to the ''Council of Safety in Savannah'" : "Being on my return from the frontiers of South Carolina, where the Honorable Mr. Drayton and myself were sent by the Council of Safety of our Province, I think it my duty to acquaint you that there exists in those parts a most dangerous conspiracy against the lives and liberties of these Colonies. Encouraged by Government and by the tories in your town and in Charlestown they have gone to great lengths. They do not hesitate to boast that they are furnished with ammunition and that even artillery are at their service any day. This I have by a trusty friend from Cunningham's mouth. I have great reason to think that they are mistaken when they boast of many thousands ready to come down at the Governor's signal - but that they have some hundreds actually enlisted, if not under pay, 1 make not the least doubt. That they depend upon the Cherokee nation to join their camp when it forms, and have great hopes of the Creeks, they do not pretend to keep any longer a secret. I am in possession of an affidavit by which it appears that the malcontents on the frontiers expect to gather into forts, and suffer the savages to pass on and massacre the associated inhabitants. By these circumstances, you gentlemen, will see the necessity of an immediate effort to crush the sedition, and save an effusion of innocent blood to the danger of these Provinces, and especially of the aid which you have already given to that important measure. It will be prudent to have at least one thousand five hundred, if not two thousand men, at hand when it is done; and a number not far short of that is, I hope, by this time in motion in the unhappy district."*

Drayton's letter, of Sept. 11th, from Ninety-Six, details fears of an attack by Fletchall. He says; "I immediately consulted with Major Mason, Major Williamson, and Capt. Hammond. We had a choice of three steps; to retreat towards Col. Thomson then at the Ridge - to defend Ninety-Six or to march and ambuscade the enemy." After detailing his arrangements for resisting this expected attack he goes on: "Fletchall, Brown and Cunningham have been, since the first alarm that I wrote you of, and still are endeavoring to assemble men, as they yet have no force embodied; it is plain their influence is declining, and that their people are terrified. And this last, I assure you, is a fact. They never dreamed we would take the field; they thought their boast of 4.000 would ensure their security against us. And T have well grounded information, that the assembling they are now endeavoring to make, is with a view to make terms of accommodation, so as they may be quiet and trade in Charles Town, rather than with any design of fighting. I think Cunningham had only an hundred men at the meeting which gave occasion for our late alarm;* and even these, I have received certain intelligence, have no determination. In three days I shall begin to march into the heart of FletchaU's quarters with about 800 men and 6 pieces of canon. I can now, in all human probability, promise to you, that this cruel opposition will be crushed without blood spilt in battle; and if I shall be unhappily mistaken on this point^ - the opposition, to all human appearance, will be rooted out without risk on our side."

How much of a prophet Mr. Drayton was, is shown by the fact that three days later, on September 16th, 1775, a treaty was signed at Ninety-Six, between Drayton and the Tories, whereby the Tories promised to disperse and remain neutral, and to deliver up any one of their number who should in any way violate the treaty. And it was further agreed that, "all persons who shall not consider themselves as bound by this treaty must abide by the consequences". Col. Thomson and Capt. Kershaw were present on this occasion, and signed as witnesses to the treaty.

The following is extracted from the report which Mr. Drayton sent the next day to the Council of Safety: "On Tuesday I found, that the 100 men Cunningham had on Sunday were but the first of a large party that had been summoned to meet at Neal's Mill, about ten miles over Saluda. About 3 o'clock on Tuesday afternoon, I was joined at Ninety-Six by Col. Thomson and a few of his militia. It was Wednesday before I was joined by any of Major Williamson's regiment, and it was Thursday before I was joined by any considerable number of it. hi the mean time, the enemy increased in numbers, at least as fast as I did, and by the best accounts I could depend upon, they increased faster. Fletchall joined them on Tuesday night. In the mean time, on Tuesday evening I placed all the troops in camp, about three-fourths of a mile from Ninety-Six. I caused the most exact order to be observed, even in an army composed of militia in a manner. The advanced posts are regularly and punctually kept all around the camp; and it is not only surprising, but it must be animating to the people of this country, that this army, never in service before, and now about 1,100 strong, obey punctually, keep good order in camp, are cheerful and content - even although we have had constant rains since we have been encamped. Till yesterday, this army did not exceed 900 strong, and by the best accounts I could learn, Fletchall's camp removed to about four miles on the other side Saluda, contained from 1,200 to 1,400 badly armed and under no order or command. Our people were impatient to be led against them - but as I saw if I advanced to attack, many lives must be lost, and I found I had a perfect command over our people, and could keep them together as long as I pleased - as I had every reason to think the enemy being under no command, and having no regular supplies of provision, and the weather being bad, that they could not keep long together, and that having their greatest influx, their numbers would then ebb and diminish; these considerations determined me, with the perfect appiobation of Col. Thomson, Maj. Williamson and Capt. Hammond, to continue encamped, and to watch their motions. With this view, I put every thing in practice to persuade the enemy that I would persevere in this plan; and, among other devices, I sent a letter directed to Col. Richardson, in order that they should intercept it. I put forth a declaration on the 13th, which I inclose, together with the affidavit on w hich T grounded it. The declaration was publicly read in their camp the next day. This, together with a series of negociations, procured a deputation froui their camp to me: and yesterday the deputies being in my camp, I drew up, and, with them, signed the enclosed instrument dated the 16th of September."

"With this treaty, the spirit of discord is gone forth among them, and there is now a great quarrel between Fletchall and Cunningham. All the people in a manner approve of Fletchall's conduct, and they are, this morning, all gone off with him. Cunningham is now left at their camp with only about 60 men, who, I suppose, will soon disperse. I am persuaded Fletchall and his people will be true, and I make no doubt but that the affair is now crushed. I have employed people to watch Cunningham, and if he offends, he will be delivered up or taken by us to be proceeded against. Kirkland stands excepted from the benefit of the treaty* - they have nothing to do with him, they disclaim all communication with him. And I continue to pursue him. It is apprehended he may get on board the

"1 mean to stay here with the rangers some days". * * * * "In the mean time, I shall, to-morrow^, send off a company of rangers, in order to quiet the fears of the people above, but with orders not to advance anything near the Indian line".

*Kirklaiid signed the Association, accepted a captain's conmiission in tlie Colony regiment of rangers (the 3rd regiment), deserted, and afterwards endeavored to be chosen a delegate for Ninety-Six District, wliich he never accomplished, bnt tinally tied the Colony.

Col. Thomson left seven companies at Ninety-Six with orders to march farther back into the country, but not to go within fifteen miles of the Indian country, and after that, to repair to their homes in order to recruit themselves and their horses, and finally to join him in camp at Amelia on the 24th of October.

Nothing more now remaining for Mr. Drayton to do, he returned to Charlestown, but a portion of the armed force was left in the fork to watch the movements of the Tories; and on Nov. 2nd Col. Richardson wrote the following, from his camp near McLaurin's, to the Council of Safety: "I am now joined by Col. Thomas with about two hundred, Col. Neel as many. Col. Lyles about one hundred, together with Col. Thomson's regiments of rangers and militia, with my own, may make in the whole about 2,500; and 1 received, last night, accounts of Col, Polk being near with six hundred. An army, if it was a favorable time of the year might go or do anything requii-ed, wliich I hope we shall. I hear of their moving about, but yet have made no opposition."

Everything appearing quiet some of the troops went to their homes, but scarcely had they reached them before the troubles in Ninety-Six District broke out afresh. Capt. Robert Cuningham, a man of wealth and influence in the District, having refused to be bound by the treaty, was arrested and taken to Charlestown, Immediately bis brother Patrick laised a party, and attempted to overtake the officers having him in charge, for the purpose of rescuing him. Failing in this they seized upon some powder which the Council of Safety was just then sending through their District to the Cherokee Indians, and made prisoners of the guard of twenty rangers and the officers.

'"Personally appeared before nie, James Mayson, one of his majesty's justices of the peace, for the district aforesaid: Moses Cotter, of the Congarees, waggoner, who being duly sworn on the holy evangelist, of Almighty (Tf)d, makes oath, and says, that on Tuesday morning last, at about 9 o'clock he left the Congarees, with his waggon, containing the ammunition that was delivered him in Charlestown, by the honorable the council of safety, to carry to Keowee under an escort of Col. Thomson's rangers consisting of Lieut. Col.* Charleton and Mr. Uriah Goodwin, a cadet, 2 sergeants and 18 privates, and continued on their journey there, without the least molestatit)n or interruption, until about noon this day, when the deponent perceiving some men on horseback, ahead of the waggon, came towards hira: a few minutes after, two of Patrick Cunningham's men, coming up to the deponent and asking him what he had in his waggon, the deponent answered, rum: Then up came a large body of armed men. in number, I suppose, at least one hundred and fifty, headed by Patrick Cunningham and Ja(*ob Bowman. Cunningham ordered his men to hair, and then came up to the deponent and said, I order you to stop your waggon in his majesty's name, as 1 understand you have ammunition for the Indians to kill us. and 1 am come on purpose to take it in his majesty's name. He then ordered the deponent to take off his waggon cloth, which he r-efused; upon which Cunningham mounted the waggon himself, loosed the strings of the cloth.

and took up a keg of the powder; 'there,' said he, 'is what we are in search of.' I immediately took the keg from him and laid it in the waggon. Cunningham said, 'it is in vain for you to attempt to hinder us from taking this animiinition, as you have no arms;' then he handed out every keg to his men who were alongside the waggon and prepared with bags to receive it; after they finished with the powder, he, with Messrs Griffin and Owen, and several others, took out the lead which they unfolded, cut into small pieces with their tomahawk's, and distributed it among the men. When the rangers were at some distance behind the waggon, and were riding up i>retty fast, Cunningham's party said, 'there comes the liberty caps; damn their liberty caps, we will soon blow them to hell'; and such like scurrilous language. Cunningham's men, as soon as Lieut. Charleton came up wnth his guard, retreated behind trees on the road side, and called out to him to stop and not to advance one step further, otherwise they would blow out his brains; at the same time, a gun was fired by one of their men, but did no damage. Lieut, Charleton, with his men, were soon surrounded by the opposite party, with their rifles presented, who said, 'don't move a step; deliver up your arms, otherwise we will immediately fire upon you.' Lieut. Charleton continued moving on, when Cunningham's men marched up to him, with their rifles presented at him, and repeated, 'deliver up your arms without moving one step further, or you are a dead man;' they then took his arms, together with his men's; afterwards they tied Lieut. Charleton, Mr. Goodwin, and William Witherford, a private, by their arms.

"Lieut. Charleton seemed very much displeased at their behavior, and said 'he would rather have been shot, than used in such a manner, had he expected it; that be did not value his own life: thought he had acted prudent by not onleiing his men to fire on them, as it would be throwing away their lives, without answering any good pui[iose; especially as their party were so numerous, that he was sorry to see them behave in such a base manner, and that he would very willingly turn out his party against twice the number of theirs, and give them battle:' Cunningham and Bowman, some little time after asked Lieut. Charleton. 'whether if they wei'e to unloose him he would be upon his honor, not to go off:' to which he replied. *I scorn to run, and all your force cannot make me;' they then marched off with the ammunition, and the 'prisoners,' (as they called them,) and left the deponent, desiring him to return to the Congarees: but as soon as they were out of sight he took a horse from out the waggon and came to Ninety-six. to inform me of what had happened, and where he arrived this night about 8 o'clock. This unfortunate accident of taking the ammunition, happened IS miles below Ninety-six.

The news of this insurrection being laid before the Provincial Congress, that body, on the 7th of November, ordered Col. Richardson forthwith to assemble six companies of rangers. Captain Ezekiel Polk's company of volunteers, draughts of militia from Richardson's, Thomson's,* Savage's, Neel's and Thomas's regiments, and with such troops pursue such instructions as should, from time to time, by order of the Congress,

In the meantime, Maj. Andrew Williamson had, as soon as he heai-d of this seizure, begun to enjbody the militia for the purpose of recovering tlie powder and lead, and of apprehending the oifenders. The Council of Safety at once thanked Maj. Williamson for embodying the militia, advised him of the instructions that had been given to Col. Hichardson, and directed him, with the militia under his command, to act against the insurgents with the utmost vigor.

Major Williamson lay encamped near Ninety-Six for almost two weeks, receiving the militia who came in, and waiting for the rangers. The Tories were diligent on their part, and by circulating a report to the effect that the Council of Safety had intended the ammunition which was seized, for the Indians to murder the whites with, they gained a considerable following. But notwithstanding their force, Maj. Williamson did not believe that they would dare attack him; and he continued encamped in this persuasion, until the 18th of November, when, in the evening of that day, he received certain information, that the insurgents were in full march upon him; and that they were actually crossing Saluda river in order to attack him. At this time. Major Mayson, who had been in the neighborhood with thirty-seven of the rangers, joined Major Williamson. Maj. Williamson would have marched to attack their camp in the night, but was overruled by Major Mayson and a council of war, who preferred to erect breast-works, and fortify themselves near the Ninety-Six court house and jail. It was also hoped, that by taking this position, opportunities would be furnished for reinforcements of militia, and of Col. Thomson's arriving with the remainder of his rangers. Hardly had their foi-titications been erected, when the enemy appeared in force, at about eleven o'clock on the morning of the 19th of November, and taking possession of tiie conrt house and jail, they advanced troops, ajid completely invested the stockade fort. Maj. Williamson then dispatched an officer with a flag to Maj. Joseph liobinson and Captain Patrick Cunningham, who appeared to be the leaders, and demanded their intentions: but they refused to confer with anyone save the con)manding officers. Major Mayson and Captain John Bowie were then sent out, and they were met midway between tlie two parties by Robinson. Cuningham and Evan McLaurin* on the part of the enemy. The Tories insisted upon an immediate surrender of arms, and a disbanding of the assembled militia. Just as Major Mayson and Capt. Bowie had returned to the fort and made their report, the Tories seized two of Williamson's men: upon which Major Williamson gave orders to rescue them and a general tiring commenced from the fort, which v\as answered by the Tories. For two hours and a half the firing on both sides was incessant, but from that time until night, it was less severe. During the night, the fort kept up a firing to discourage any attempt on the part of the besiegers to fire the fort. On the next day (Monday), almost as heavy a fire was commenced, and continued, as had lieen kept up the afternoon before: and the besiegers endeavored to use mantilets which they had constructed, for the purpose of approaching the fort, to fire it: but not being able to advance them so as to cover their approaches, they were destroyed. The firing, however, only slackened

*N()iie of those who had ssi^iied tlu' treaty of Nitiety-Six, on Ifith, when William Henry Drayton hrought them to terms, took any open part in this affair, save McLaurin, who, with the treachery charaeteristie of his clan, had violated the treaty which he liad signed on that occasion.

with the night, and on Tuesday it was recommenced, and continued until about sunset, when the Tories displayed a white flag from the jail, tuid called a parley. Strange to say, the Tories then sent a messenger to again demand a surrender. To tliis demand Capt. Bowie carried a negative answer, and in two hours he returned with ('apt. Cuningham, who went into the fort and fully discussed the matter with the commanding officers; after which it was determined that a conference should take place the next morning. At the conference the next morning it was agreed that hostilities should cease. The following is a copy of the treaty signed upon that occasion:*

"3rd. That the Fort shall be destroyed flat without damaging the houses therein, under the inspection of Capt. Patrick Cunninghanj and John Bowie, Esq., and the well filled up.

"4th. That the differences between the people of this District and others disagreeing about the present public measures shall be submitted to his Excellency, our Governor, and the Council of Safety, and for that purpose that each party shall send dispatches to their superiors - that the dispatches shall be sent unsealed fBy a secret article of the treaty it was agreed that tiie swivels should be returned in a day or two. Tliis mock surrender of swivels was agreed upon by the leaders to appease a large party of the l)esiegers, who insisted, that if the swivels were not given up, they would abide l>v no articles. - Drayton's Memoirs, Vol. II, page 120.

"5th. That Major Hobinson shall withdraw his men over Saluda, and there keep them embodied or disperse them as he pleaseth until his Excellency's orders be known.

"In witness whereof the parties to these articles have set their hands and seals at Ninety-six this twenty-second day of Novetnber, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, and in the .sixteenth year of his Majesty's reign.

On the 24th. Major Mayson directed a letter to Col. Thomson detailing an account of the siege and treaty: and on the 25th Maj. Willianison wrote Mr. Drayton an account of the affair, in which he stated that Maj. Mayson with thirty-seven of the rangers, were with him;* and by the '"Report of the Militia and Volunteers on duty in the Fortified Oanjp at Ninety-Six on Sunday the Nineteenth November, 1775, under the Command of Major Andrew Williamson, by order of the Honorable the Provincial Congress."}- it appears that Lieutenant Hugh Middleton,of the 3rd regiment, and two privates of his company were also there.

At the time Major Williamson was being besieged by the Tories at Ninety-Six, Colonel Richardson had commenced his march against them, in pursuance of the orders he had received from the Provincial Congress; and in doing so, he was directing bis course towards the middle, or the upper part of Col. Fletchall's command, over Broad River. But, as soon as he was apprized of Williamson's investment, he changed his route, and proceeded by forced marches to the Congaree river, over which he crossed his troops; and on Novembei- 27th he addressed th^; following letter to Mr. Drayton:

"Camp near Congarees, Nov. 27th, 1775. "Sir: - I arrived at this place last night, and take the earliest moment I can spare to write you this, as I have been very busy in getting the men's wagons, &c., over the river, which I shall scarcely complete to-morrow. The route 1 intended to have taken was very different from the one 1 at first anticipated; as wdien 1 heard of the fort at Ninety-Six being besieged, 1 altered my march, in order to make what speed I could to relieve them; but they had concluded articles too soon, for a possibility of my reaching them. Perhaps it may be said in Congress why did not Col. Thomson go and relieve theni? I answer, he could not. was not ahle. nor liad timely notice if he had been. We have yet received no accounts from there but what I herewith enclose a copy of, together with a letter from Mr.

"1 cannot ascertain the number, of my men, as I* have not, from the bustle, been able to obtain regular returns. a:nd which, I believe, at this time, amount to about one thousand, with daily additions, and soon expect^ as many more." * f * * "Though we hear the opposers are very numerous and violent and desperate, yet hope in a little time to give you a more full account of our army and our opposers, who are now much elated and carry a high hand. But though much, very much, depends upon this campaign, do not

"P. S. After I wrote and sealed, about 12 o'clock last night we were alarmed by some of our rangers, which we had sent light to discover where Col. Thomas was, who, I heard, was on his way, in a dangerous part; they came to him about 22 miles from us, who had three prisoners. Lieut. Boykin, who commanded that light detachment of rangers, reported that Col. Thomas had stopped about dark to take a mouthful and refresh, intending then to drive on while he (Boykin) was there. Col. Thomas received a letter, informing him that Major Robinson was pursuing him with a thousand men. and would be cut off before he crossed the river. I immediately detached a party of rangers, volunteers and militia, sufficient I hope to sustain him. This evening have not yet heard; think, if proper instructions be given to look sharp for Robinson in his way to town, it would be a great mattei; to get hill] without his putting himself in your power: a good watch at Dorchester, and other places may secure him, for, T think, it will he his only refuge soon." Whether this suggestion of placing a "good watch" at Dorchester was followed out, we know not, but certain it is that Captains Purves and Imhoff, of the Rangers, were about that time stationed at Dorchester.* -and kept there for some weeks.

"Honored Sir: - You will see by the enclosed that our party and the opposite have had an engagement, and came to a cessation of arms on the 22d: and you

* "Read a letter from Captain Peyer Imhoff, of the Raiijjers, dated Dorchester, 14th Decemher, 1775, inclosiiij; return." - .Journal of Council of Safety, Dec. 14th, 1775.

"O/Y/f/Tf/, That Capt. Peyer Imhoff he supplied with about one hundred yards of the cloth imported for the public, to clothe his company of rangers, and that he be desired to procure Doct. (.'hauler's accounts for attending sick rangers, properly certified, to be laid before the board." - .Journal of Council of Safety, Dec. 15th, 1775.

"On the last two orders, liie treasurers were desired to take especial care that those pay-bills be not included in other account.^ - they having been issued upon an extraordinary occasi«vn." - .Journal of Council of Safety, Dec. 23rd, 1775.

tThis letter had evidently not reached the President of the Council of Safety by December 2nd, for in a letter to Maj. Williamson, of that date, Mr. Laurens wrote: "As we have not heard properly, either from Col. Richardson, or Col. Thomson, we cannot account for their slow progress. When we learn their strength and plan for uniting their forces, we shall immediately give orders for such operations as we hope will prove effectual."

will perceive how dilatory they were, in giving us information of it. The moment I received it from above, I acquainted Col. Richardson with the same, who was then about eight miles distant from us, and joined me about four hours after. We immediately summoned our officers and held a consultation on the following propositions:

"1st. 'Whether according to our orders in the present situation, the cessation of arms stipulated between Col. Mayson, Major Williamson, and Mr. Bowie on our side, and Mr. Cunningham, Mr. Robinson, and others, on the [)art of the others, have any weight upon our operations. Carried in the negative.

"2d. 'As we have been informed of a kind of cessation of arms between the contending parties, if it be not necessary to acquaint the Congress therewith and ask their advice. Affirmative.

"3rd. 'As we have heard that troops were, or are now assembled, near Augusta, at the Cherokee Ponds, whether it may not be necessary for them to be desired to advance and meet us at some convenient place appointed, and a letter dispatched for that purpose. Affirmative.

-'5th. 'Whether if they can be come at, it may not be prudent to take Cunningham, Robinson, and Pearis, in custody, though they are the persons acceding to the cessation of arnjs at Ninety-Six, and the best method to be pursued for that end.'

"By order of Colonel Richardson, I marched with my regiment of rangers on Monday last, with about one hundred of the draughted militia to this place. Col. Richardson gave orders for draughting two hun- dred men, which orders I directed the officers of lu}' militia to distribute, but was unfortunate enough to raise but about one hundred, and those collected from three companies in my own neighborhood. When the Sergeants warned the draughted people about Orangeburgh and the Congarees, they seemed very insolent, asked which camps they were to join, and, in fact, did as much as to declare themselves King's men, as they term it. The same dissatisfaction seems to have reigned amongst a part of Col. Richardson's people. But I am persuaded, after all their murmuiings, we shall have a sufficient number of men to vanquish all the disaffected people in South Carolina, and I hope Col. Eichardson will have orders so to do before we break up. As 1 have heard several of the officers and men declare, that they would never take up arms again, unless the militia who have been diaughted and do not appear, are made to suffer by fine or otherwise, and they have the liberty to subdue the enemies of America, as they observe that those who are not for America, are undoubtedly against it. Such discourses we hear spreading through our camps, and I have reason to believe is their determination.

"We have had great uneasiness amongst them, when the news arrived of the cessation of arms, and we have no other means of appeasing their disturbed minds, but by signifying that the cessation of arms was not binding on us, and so forth.

"I have some reason to believe that the late mob has privately murdered people in the woods who had been our associates. I imagine w-e shall march from here to-morrow, to the Forks betw^een Broad and Saluda rivers. If any pai't of this you think will prove of service to the country, I beg you would show it to

*'P. S. I believe part of the disaffection among the people at Orange burgh, proceeded part from cov^^ardice, and part from the speeches of disappointed gentlemen in our parish. But I hope to have the liberty of putting the militia law in force against the defaulters, and that I shall see their expectations frustrated."

From his "Camp near Congarees", Col. Richardson wrote, on November 30, to Mr. Drayton: "We have now, at least one thousand men, and are still increasing, and intend entering the Fork of Broad and Saluda rivers this day."

"Whereas, on the third day of November last past, Patrick Cunningham, Henry O'Neal, Hugh Blown, David Russe, Nathaniel Howard, Henry Green, and sundry other persons, did, in Ninety-six District, raise a dangerous insurrection and commotion, and did, near Mine Creek, in said District, felloniously take and carry away a quantity of ammunition, the property of the public, and in contempt of public authority, and did also, with further aid. and by force of

* "To William Good wyn, express tVoni Col. Thomson, £33. 00." - .lounial of Couiifil of Safety, Dec. .')tli, 1775, Collectioiis of the K. C. Hist. Soe., Vol. Ill, pajieoO.

arms, on the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first clays of said month of November at Ninety-Six, in the District aforesaid, attack, besiege, kill and wound a number of the good people of this Colony, and iu manifest violation of peace and good order, and breach of a solemn treaty entered into on the eighteenth day of September last, made and concluded between the Honorable William Henry Drayton, on the one part, and Col. Thomas Fletchall and others, on the other part, thereby becoming guilty of the atiocicus crimes of robbery, murder and breach of treaty of peace. To satisfy public justice in the just punishment of all which crimes and offences, as far as the nature of the same will admit, I am now come into these parts, in the name and behalf of the Colonies to demand of the inhabitants, the delivery up of the bodies of all the principal offenders herein, together with the said ammunition and full restitution for the ravages committed, and also the arms and ammunition of all the aiders and abettors of those robbers, murderers, and disturbers of the peace and good order as aforesaid; and, in case of refusal or neglect, for the space of five days, I shall be under a necessity of taking such steps as will be found disagreeable, but which T shall certainly put in execution for the public good.

That the Council of Safety meant to spare no expense to quell the disaffection of the non-associators, the following extract from its proceedings will show: carefully examined; and if found free from error, pay the above mentioned sum of £9850, 7s. Hd. to Mr. Aaron Loocock, on behalf of Mr. John Chesnut, Paymaster of the Regiment of Hangers, and charge to the proper account.

A few days after the surrender of Ninety-Six, Maj. May son repaired to Charlestown,f and on the 7th of December he addressed the following letter to the Council of Safety::J:

"It is with the greatest reluctance that 1 presume to trouble you with a matter, which principally relates to myself. But, as its example and tendency might perhaps hereafter be of some prejudice to the cause, in which we are all engaged, if no notice was taken of it; I find myself under a necessity, of not being entirely silent on the subject.

"The few forces which were lately assembled at Ninety-Six, were drawn together by me, as well as by Major Williamson; and, though I was Lieutenant- Colonel of the same regiment of militia in which Majoi- Williamson held his commission, and also a Major in your Regular Troops, to my surprize Major Wil- f Ordered, That Major Mayson have leave to visit and converse with Robert Cunningham, contined in Charles-Town jail." - Journal of Council of Safety, Dec. 6th, 177-5, Collections S. C. Hist. Soc, Vol. Ill, page o{».

tDrayton's Memoirs, Vol. II, page lol. "Read a letter from Major Mtiyson, of the Rangers, of this date." - .lournai of Council of Safety, Dec. 7th, 1775.

liamson disputed the command with me - but, rather than hurt the cause, T 3ne]ded some points to hi m : which, I am sensible as your soldier, I shall not be justifiable in, without the greatest indulgence from vou. 1 however think it proper to mention, that although on account of the public good 1 suffered his name to be inserted in the Truce before mine, yet the means of our defence was planned by me; and the whole negotiation with the disaffected party, was addressed to me.

"I thought the conduct of Major Williamson in this affair the more extraordinary, as he was a member of the very Congress, which settled these points of command; and which points, I find have been confirmed by the present Congress, as well as by the Continental Congress. But, lest hereafter the same disputes may arise, 1 humbly submit it to this honorable board, whether Major Williamson should not be informed, that when we act together, and hold our present commissions, I am to have the command.

"The thanks of my country, it will be my highest ambition to deserve; and. as 1 understand that Major Williamson is to return the thanks of Congress to the officers who were present at Ninety-Six; I shall with joy receive them, though delivered to me by an inferior officer.

"I cannot conclude without assuring you, that both Major Williamson and myself concealed our difference from all, except one or two of the officers. "I have the honour to be, "Gentlemen, "With the greatest respect. "Your most humble sei'vant,

"'Sir - We have duly considered the contents of your letter, which was yesterday laid before us. and as we have received no complaint from Major Williamson, and are satisfied that each of you had the real service of the colony at heart in the late affair at Ninety-Six, we wish to avoid a minute inquiry, which in our opinion would produce no beneficial end.

"The command of the militia was, by the Congress, vested in Major Williamson, froui considerations of the distance of Col. Savage, and the little probability of his heading the regiment, as well as from an information that you were at that time extremely ill, unable to take the field. It was therefore necessary to order that gentleman to call forth the militia in his district,* and to hold them in readiness to join the troops under Col. Richardson: your junction, and what afterw^ards happened at the fortified camp at Ninety-Six, were circumstances altogether adventitious and unexpected. Hence we are convinced, that Major Williamson, when he took the command, acted in conformity to the order of Congress, and you will perceive that those orders were not intended to overlook your merit, nor to offer you an affront. We highly applaud you, for having, after you had joined Major Williamson, yielded in any points of mere punctillio, on account of the public good. We are so sensible of your services, that with pleasure we repeat to you the thanks of this board, and desire that you w\]\ also

*"M;iysoii was Lieut. C'ol. of the Nitiety-Six Regiment of Militia; of which Willianisoti was then aeting as Major; hut tiie (^oiineil of Safety di(] not approve of Major Maysoii's coninianding on llie occasion, either as Lieutenant-Colonel of tlie regiment, or as Major of the M regiment of rangers; as their contideiice was greater in Major Williamson; and he was more influential in tliat jiart of the counttry." - Drayton's Menioii-s, Vol. TI, page 111*, foot note.

"You are now to repair immediately to Col. Richardson's camp. We are satisfied of your zeal and attachment in the cause of the colonies, and particularly we confide that you will persevere in your endeavors to promote harmony within your sphere, and to discountenance every kind and degree of dissention, the hane of public service. We wish you health and success.

On Dec. 12th, Col. Richardson wrote, from "Camp Great Survey, Duncan's Creek", to Henry Laurens: "The eighth instant I wrote and made public a kind of declaration, of which I herewith inclose a copy, which I hope may in some measure meet with your approbation, upon which they have come in, many of them, and delivered up their arms, all of whom, where they have not been capital offenders, I dismiss with soft words and cheerful countenances, and admonish them to use their interest with their friends and neighbors, which seems to have a good effect. Our army which is now formidable strikes terror, and the opposite party have hitherto fled before us, keeping fifteen or twenty miles distant. We often are told they will give battle, but yet have not attempted it, and do hope we shall by the measures pursuing so weaken their party that most will abandon them, and they will not be able to make head with any great body, and the salutary measures prove the best conquest. Should their behavior be otherwise we shall deal with them accordingly. We have several prisoners, amongst whom are Col. Fletchall, Capt. Richard

Pearls, Capt. Shuhurg. and several others of the first magnitude. B.y the capture of Col. Fletchall (who was hid in a rave.* and taken b}^ Col. Thomson and rangers, and the volunteer companies who were sent out on that and some other service) papers have fallen into my hands which the Council of Safety will be glad to see, but which I cannot venture to send by this conveyance; but shall transmit by the officer of the guard, with the prisoners, which I intend to dispatch to-morrow. Our arnjy is about three thousand of diJS'erent corps, viz: my own regiment. Col. Thomson's, and volunteer light horse. Col. Thomas, Col. Neel, Col. Polk and Lieut. Col. Martin of the North Cai-olina regiment, upon the continental establishment, who voluntarily stepped out on this occasion, as did Col. Thos. Polk.''" ***** -This minute, while I am writing, Capts. Plumer and Smith with thirty men surrendered themselves and arms."

On the 16th. Col. Richardson wrote, from "Camp Liberty Hill", to Mr. Laurens: "I herewith send you the persons of Col. Thos. Fletchall, Capt. EMchard Pearis, Capt. Jacob Fry, Capt. George Shuburg, John McWilliams, Philip Wells, James Davis, Capt. Mc- David, alias McDade, and Joseph Alexander. These being all adjudged by the officers and people here to be offenders of such a nature that from the active part they have taken, it would be dangerous for me to let either of them go." * * * * "These unhappy people are in a great panic, still flying before us, and it is told that young Pearis and others have gone to bring the Indians down, in person; if it should be the case, it could not be in a better time, and if any such intentions, should be glad the whole would conie while we are here."

On the 22ad, Col. Richardsou, from ''Camp Raborn's Creek, Hollingsworth's Mill", wrote Mr. Laurens: "1 thought to let you hear from us before now, but constant marching, and multiplicity of cares and business have prevented, and the more so, as 1 had not such things as I could wish to acquaint you with; but now, as we have got to the very extremity of the roads north-westward, take the liberty to inform you, that on Saturday last, the 16th instant, we were joined by Col. Rutherfoi'd, of Rowan, and Col. Graham, of Tryon counties, in North Carolina, with about five hundred men." * * * ''Qjj Wednesday, the 20th inst., I was joined by Maj. Andrew Williamson, Capt. Hammond, and a small party of Col. Bull's regiment, amounting in the whole to about eight hundred, so that our army is now formidable, between four and five thousand - a number most desirable to view - though we have had no occasion tor more than my own regiment to have done the business. Notwithstanding, the number has a good effect, strikes terror, and shows what can be done on occasion - and, upon the whole, it may prove a happy event - we have been successful in disarming most of this unhappy people; they are coming in with fear and trembling, giving up their arms, with a sensible contrition for the errors they have been guilty of." ****** "There is still a camp w^e cannot yet come up with, consisting of the principal aggressors, which were, by best information, camped on the Cherokee land. 1 detached yesterday about thirteen hundred horse and foot, about an equal number, under the command of Cols. Thomson, Martin, Rutherford, Neel, Polk, Lyles, Major Williamson, and others, commanding all volunteers, which, I flatter myself, will render us a good account, as I don't expect them in till to-morrow, or perhaps some days hence." * * * * "They have had expectations of the Indians joining them, but b\^ a letter from Mr. Wilkinson to Major Williamson, they will be disappointed in that, as he says all are peaeable there, and the Indians well satisfied, and say the Saluda people are devils, &c." * * *

* * "We have at times got small parts of the ammunition they got, and delivered with their arms; and yesterday two barrels, say fifty pounds, and have a slight information of some more." * * *

* * * '"I shall, therefore, crave your permission to discharge the North Carolinians, to make their way from hence through the upper parts by the Indian line to their own colony, which will scour that part, and Cols. Neel and Thomson through a middle direction to their different quarters." * * *

'"P. S. This minute since, or while I was writing my name, a messenger from Col. Thomson and the detachments arrived with the agreeable account, that they had surprised and taken the camp of Cunningham, &c., and taken the greatest part prisoners, with all their ammunition, guns, wagons, and utensils. P. Cunningham had escaped, and some principals, but the most are taken, &c."

''Sir: - In my last I informed you of the detachments I had sent out, and in a postscript, of my intelligence of success. Our people surrounded their camp by daylight in the morning after a long march of near twenty-five miles, and lying on their amis till day, they then attacked and took about one hundred and thirty prisoners, with baggage, arms, ammunition, &c., which completed the conquest of that flying party which had till then kept out of reach. They were encamped at a convenient place called the Brake of Canes on the Cherokee land; Patrick Cunningham escaped on a horse bare backed (and they say without breeches) telling every man to shift for himself.* None of our men were killed or wounded, except the son of Col. T. Polk, a fine youth, was shot through the shoulder, and was in great danger. Some five or six of the other party, T am told, were killed; happily the men were restrained or every man had died. The next day they returned to camp, the snow set in, and continued for thirty hours without intermission, which, with the hardship and fatigue the men had suffered before made them very uneasy, and seeing no more could be done they grew so uneasy it was out of my power to keep the troops together any longer. I, therefore, on Christmas-day dismissed the North Carolina troops, viz: Col. Rutherford, Col. Graham, Col. Martin and Col. Polk to all of whom, in behalf of my country, I returned my cordial and hearty thanks, &c.; the same day Colonels Neel and Thomas, and Major Williamson with proper orders to pursue such measures in their different marches, as I was (convinced would be necessary for the public service. I then as I found the service pretty well done and no possibility of detaining the men longer, the snow then lying on the earth in the smoothest places at least fifteen inches deep}- (most say two feet) I marched in the best manner we could downward. Eight days we

*He fled to Florida, where he spent a good portion of his time. (See Southern Quarterly Review for April 1847, Vol. XI, No. 22, page 484.) tThis expedition has been, by many, termed tiie "Snow Camp".

never set foot on the earth or had a place to lie down, till we had spaded or grabbled away the snow, from which circumstance, many are frost bitten, some very badly; and on the third day a heavy cold rain fell, together with sleet; and melted the snow and filled every creek and river with a deluge of water; but with all these difficulties we reached this place yesterday with the prisoners, whom we have used in the best manner we could^about ten Captains and a hundred and twenty of the most mischievous men (sonie of whom will make good soldiers); all the powder; Ninety-six and New Camp men. We retook seven kegs of gun-powder, six of which I delivered to Maj. Williamson to be sent to Mr. Wilkinson for the Cherokees; many arms have been delivered up, and I caused the men to sign an instrument of writing, which they did willingly with fear and trembling, by which they forfeit their estates, real and personal, if they ever take up arms against, or disquiet the peace and tranquility of the good people of this colony again, and to assist them if they are ever called upon. The arms taken by Maj. Williamson and those from that quarter I ordered to be stored at Fort Charlotte, which he (the Major) is to see done. Those taken by the upper regiments are to be sent down, and many lodged in the hands of the Committee to be sent to Mr. Chesnut's Store at the Congarees, and about two hundred stand 1 have ordered to Camden, &c." * * * * "The prisoners I send in a boat from this place to Wilson's Ferry, under the command and guard of Capt. Thomas Sumter, who on this expedition I constituted, Adjutant-General, who has behaved very well and has been to me and the cause, of extra service; from thence Col. Thomson with the Rangers and others under him will guard them to Charleston, who. with Major Mayson and officers under them have l)een obliging in behavior and alert in service, and must recommend them to your particular notice; and I must say through the whole I have been extremely happy in the mutual harmony which has subsisted." * *

On the same day Col. Richardson wrote the Council of Safety: "By Col. Thomson of the rangers, you will receive, if nothing happens, the i)risoners, we thought proper to detain,* which, upon examination, find were

"Sir - We have received your several letters of the 2(1 and 8th instant, together with tlie proceedings of the Court of Inijuiry in the case of Lieut. Charlton, and the general court-njartial on Capt. Samuel Wise, and approve of their respective determinations - which you will signify in proper orders. We desire when you arrive at some convenient ground, at or near the Quarter-House, that you will order a halt, leaving the prisoners under proper guard, and come forward, yourself in order to attend the Board for further direction. "By order of the Council of Safety.

"Col. Thomson, of the Regiment of Bangers, came to town, and attended for instructions how to dispose of tlie prisoners sent down by Col. Richardson.

^^ Ordered, That Col. Thomson do cause the said prisoners to be conducted to Mr. Strickland to-morrow morning, and that he then attend this Covuicil again." - .lournal of C'onncil of Safety, Jan. 10th, 1776.

"Col. Thomson and Major Ferguson of the rangers attended, with a list of the prisoners sent down by Col. Richardson, and distinguished the most culpable offenders." - Journal of Council of Safety, Jan. 11th, 1776.

^^Ordered, That Col. Thomson do immediately attend this board; and that the prisoners from Col. Richardson do remain at, or return to, their stations at Strickland's." - Journal of Council of Safety, Jan. 12th, 1776.

"Col. Thomson reported the names of twenty of the prisoners sent down by Col. Richardson, wiio liad voluntarily signed a paper, (which he delivered in,) being a strong assurance of their future proper behaviour.

the mo8t leading and active, in taking the powder at Ninety-Six, and the late camp. They were long ont before taken, and have been some time since in durance, from which circumstances they of course will make but a despicable appearance, adding also, that the spirit of humility and contrition takes place of the opposite character." * * * * ^^j ^^^^ ^^ 3^ loss to know how to recommend ray brother Colonel, will say his behaviour has been as becomes him, and deserves your notice."

Pains have been taken to quote all of these details of these two expeditions into the back country, not only to show the part taken in them by Colonel Thomson and the 3rd regiment, but also to show that, after all, the disaffection of the people living in that section of the Districts of Orangeburgh and Ninety-Six, between the Broad and Saluda rivers, was not so serious in its consequences. We have seen how the Ninety- Six troops, assisted by only a portion of the forces from the adjoining districts, twice vanquished them with scarcely any bloodshed. We have seen them wavering from side to side, accordingly as the most plausible speeches were made them; we have seen them intimidated by a powerful force; but we have seen the final triumph of the Whigs. Col. Richardson tells us that his own regiment could "have done the business" in the second expedition, but there never was a time after that when the Ninety-Six Whigs could not handle with ease the Ninety-Six Tories. Pickens and Williams did it in the darkest days of the Revolution, and were only restrained by the British regulars - and Tories from other States thrown in, for Cruger's regiment of six hundred Tories that garrisoned Ninety-Six in 1780-81, were every one men that he had enlisted in New York and New Jersey.

The mission of Messrs Drayton and Tennent in the first expedition was of a diplomatic nature; that of Col. Thomson was both of a diplomatic and a military nature, and how he succeeded the records themselves show. In the second expedition, his excellent work is vouched for by his fellow officer. Col. Richardson, in his reports. That Col. Thomson never received a brigadier's commission in the Continental service was no fault of his. May posterity ever award him the honor that the Continental Congress failed to bestow.

We cannot refrain from adding here some extracts, anent these expeditions, from Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Carolina, which not only concern the 3rd regiment, but the conduct of the whole people of South Carolina during the Revolution. It has been charged by partisan historians that South Carolina furnished no troops to the Continental Establishment; that troops from New England had to fight her battles for her; that the State was overrun with Tories; and that the majority of her people were lukewarm in the cause of American independence. The paragraphs from Dr. Ramsay, besides giving us a short account of the Tory uprisings of 1775, speak eloquently in refutation of these slanders. Dr. Ramsay published his history in 1785, just three years after the close of the war. while events wei'e still fresh in the minds of men, and he had been a prominent figure in the Revolution, in South Carolina, and he therefore WTote with authority. He cannot be accused of undue partiality, for he was a native of Penns3dvania. He says, Vol. I., p. 67:

"Though there were some royalists in every part of the province, the only settlement in which they outnumbered the friends of Congress, was in the country between the Broad and Saluda rivers.* When it was determined to raise troops, the inhabitants of that part of the province could not be persuaded that the measure was necessary. Feeling themselves happy and free from present oppression, they were averse from believing that any designs, inimical to American liberty, had been adopted by the British government. Instead of signing the association, they signed papers at their general musters, declaring their unwillingness to concur in the measures recommended by Congress. The council of safety sent the hon. William-Henry Drayton, and the rev. William Tennent, into their settlement, to explain to them the nature of the dispute, and to bring them over to a co-operation with the other inhabitants. They had several publick meetings, and much eloquence was exerted to induce them to sign the association. Some were convinced and subscribed that bond of union; but the greater number could not be persuaded that there was any necessity for congresses, committees, or a military establishment. Suspicion, that bane of society, began to exert her mischievous influence. The friends of the old government doubted the authenticity of all pamphlets and newspapers, which ascribed to the British troops in Boston, or to the British government, any designs injurious to the rights of the colonists. They believed the whole to be an imposition by artful men, who wished to excite storms, that they might shew their skill in pilotage. The friends of Congress suspected the leading men of the royalists to l)e in the

* "Excepting in tliat jnirt of the country included between tiie Broad and Saluda rivers the non-subscribers were comparatively few. In Charleston, where the jjeneral committee sat, their number amounted to about forty." - Ramsay, page 42. The (Chicago paper that accused Senator Tillman of uttering a falsehood, when he said that South Carolina had "stood to the front in 177(5", was evidently better acquainted with the falsehoods of the Sabines and Sumners than with the truths of the Ramsays.

pay of governor Campbell. Reports were circulated by one party, that a plan was laid to seize the commissioners sent by the council of safefy; by the other, that the third provincial regiment was brought up to compel the inhabitants to sign the association. Motives and designs were reciprocally attributed to erch other of the most ungenerous nature and mischievous tendency. The royalists embodied for reasons similar to those which had induced the other inhabitants to arm themselves against Great-Britain, They suspected their adversaries of an intention to dragoon them into a compliance with the measures of Congress; and they, in their turn, were suspected of a design to commence hostilities against the associators for disturbing the established royal government. Camps were formed in opposition to each other, and great pains were taken to increase their respective numbers. Moderate men employed their good offices to prevent bloodshed. After some days, the leaders on both sides met in conference. Several explications having taken place, a treaty was leciprocally agreed to, by which it was stipulated, that 'the royalists should remain in a state of neutrality.' Both parties* retired to their homes, and a temporary calm succeeded. Mr. Robert Cunningham, who had been a principal leader among the royalists, continued to encourage oj)position to the popular measures, and declared that he did not <*onsider himself as bound by the treaty. Suspicion again began to spread her poison. This declaration was construed as an evidence of a fixed intention to disturb the peace, by another insurrection. To prevent his

*This treaty was signed at Ninety-Six on Sept. 16, 1775, by William Henry Drayton on belialf of the Whigs, and by Thomas Fletehal, Jolm Ford, Thomas Green, Evan McLanrin and Benjamin Wofford on belialf of the Tories. Tlie witnesses to ttie agreement were William Thomson, Ely Kershaw and Francis Salvador.

attempting any thing of that kind, he was apprehended, brought to town, and committed to gaol. Patrick Cunningham instantly armed a party of his friends, and pursued, with the expectation of rescuing his brother. The party collected on this occasion seized a thousand pounds of powder, which was at that juncture passing thi'ough their settlement. This was publick property, and had been sent by the council of safety as a present to the Cherokee Indians. To inflame the minds of the people, some designing men among the royalists propagated a report, that the powder was sent to the Indians, accompanied with instructions to them, to kill every man who should refuse to sign the association.* This charge, entirely false in itself, was not believed by any of the well-informed inhabitants; nevertheless it answered the purposes of party among some of the ignorant multitude. It w^as confidently asserted that some private marks had been agreed on by the popular leaders and Indian chiefs, to distinguish the associators from the nou-ai?sociators; the former of whom were to be spared, and the latter sacrificed. Clreat pains were also taken to exasperate the inhaliitants against the council of safety, for furnishing the Indians with powder at a time when the white people could not be supplied with that necessary ai-ticle.

*''Tlius Pearis swears, that lie 'is assured, from what I said to the Indians, I intended to employ them ajfidnst tlie white men, for the although it is notorious, at the great store at the Congarees, that I never saw the Indians but in public, and that the speec^i I made to them was by an inter|)reter, in a crowded room, and that several copies were taken froni the original draught of it, now depcjsited emong the public papers, in which draught and copies there is no foundation for Pearis' oath and charge in this j)articular." - Drayton's "address to the inhabitants of the frontier settlements". Journal of Council of Safety, Dec. 6th, 1775, Collections S. C. Hist. >Soc., Vol. Ill, pages 55, 5(i.

favour of Congress, went in quest of the party which had taken the publick powder, but was soon obliged to retreat before their superior numbers. The royalists, irritated by the capture of Cunningham, and flushed with success in seizing the powder, were at this time more numerous than at any other period. Major Williamson was reduced to the necessity of retreating into a stockade fort, in which he and his party w^ere confined without any water, till, after three days, by digging they obtained a scanty supply. The royalists possessed themselves of the gaol at Ninety- Six, and from that station tired into the fort. Monsieur St. Pierre, an ingenius French gentleman who had settled there some years before, and had made considerable progress in the cultivation of vineyards, was killed by the fire of the royalists, and some others were wounded; but on the whole, very little execution was done. After some days the assailants hoisted a flag, and proposed a truce. Reciprocal permission was given to forward expresses from the royalists to the governor, and from major Williamson to the council of safety. Both parties once more dispersed, and retired to their homes.

"Domestick division at this time was particularly to be dreaded. An invasion from Great-Britain was soon expected. A British fleet and army in front, and disaffected inhabitants in rear, threatened destruction to the friends of Congress. Lord William Campbell had uniformly recommended to the royalists to remain quiet till the arrival of a British force. The advice, so well calculated to distract the views of the popular leaders, had been providentially frustrated. Similar reasons of policy to those which induced the royal governor to recommend inaction to the royalists, operated with the council of safety to crush their intestine foes before that force should arrive. Their late insurrection, in violation of the treaty of Ninety- Six, gave ground to doubt of the sincerity of their engagements to continue in a state of neutrality. From their past conduct it was feared, that, as soon as a proper opportunity should offer itself, they would throw their weight into the royal scale. It was therefore judged necessary, for the publick safety, to march an army into their settlements before that event

"The provincial congress did not rest their cause on reasoning alone, but enforced their measures with an army sufficiently numerous to intimidate opposition. The}^ sent a large body of militia and new raised regulars, under the command of colonels Richardson and Thomson. They were also joined by seven hundred militia of North-Carolina, commanded by colonels Polk and Rutherford, and two hundred and twenty regulars commanded by colonel Martin. In a little time Congress had an army of several thousand men under their direction, with instructions 'to apprehend the leaders of the party which had seized the powder, and to do all other things necessary to suppress the present and prevent future insurrections'. Colonel Richardson proceeded in the execution of these orders with great moderation and propriety. A demand was made that the persons who had seized the powder should be delivered up to the justice of their country. Assurances were publickly given that no injury should be done to inoffensive persons, who would remain quietly on their plantations. The leaders of the royalists found great difficulty in persuding their followers to embody. They were cut off from all communication with governor Campbell. Unconnected with their brethren in other parts, there was no union in their measures. They were 'a rope of sand' with- out order and subordination, and without that enthusiasm which inspired the friends of Congress. Their leaders were destitute of political knowledge and without military experience. The unanimity of the whigs, and the great numbers which, from all sides, invaded the settlements of the royalists, disheartened them from facing their adversaries in the field of battle. They saw resistance to be vain, and that the new government had much greater energy than they had supposed. The whigs acted by syssteni, and in concert with their brethren in the adjacent states, and were directed by a council of safety composed of the greatest and wisest men in the province. They easily carried every point - seized the leaders of the royalists - and dispersed their followers. In erecting this business they did not lose a single man, and only one of their number, major Polk, was wounded. This decided superiority gave confiden(^e to the popular leaders, and greatly strengthened their hands. The vanquished royalists retired to their plantatious; but on all occasions discovered as much obstinacy in opposing their countrymen, as their countrymen did firmness in opposing Great-Britain. Several of them, and of others who were averse from fighting, retired over the mountains, where, remote from the noise and bustle of war, they enjoyed that independence for which so many were contending. In the year 1778, when every inhabitant was called on to take an oath of allegiance to the state, many of them voluntarily abandoned their country for the barren sands of East- Florida. In the same year, when the alliance between France and the United States of America was published, others of them nominally joined the Congress. Mr. Robert Cunningham and two or three more of their leading men, were elected members of the legislature. After the reduction of Savannah, a consider- able party rose a second time in favour of royal government; but they were completely routed on their way to the British encampments in Georgia.* They afterwards remained quiet till the British obtained possession of Charleston.

"Excepting these ill-concerted insurrections; no publick body in the province, prior to the British conquests in the year 17S0. gave avowed evidence of their

"Vigorous decisive measures characterized the popular party; while their opposers either acted without system, or from timid counsels which w^ere feebly executed.

"No revolution was ever effected with greater unanimity, or w ith more oi'der and regularity. The leading men in every part of the province, with very few exceptions, from the first njoments of the contest, exerted themselves in the cause of their country. Their abilities and influence gave union and system to the proceedings of the people. A few persons in the colony hated republican governments, and some ignorant people in the back country were induced to believe that the whole was an artful deception, imposed upon them for interested purposes, by the gentlemen of fortune and ambition on the sea coast. But among the independent enlightened freemen of the province, who loved liberty, and had spirit to risk life and fortune in its support, there were very few to be found who took part with the royalists."

We have it, therefore, from Dr. Ramsay, an eye-witness, that the only place in South Carolina where the Toiies outnumbered the Whigs, was in that little triangle between the Broad and Saluda rivers - the great- er part of which was in Ninety Six District and the lesser part in Orangeburgh District. And that little triangle constituted a very small part of South Carolina, and the people there dwelling constituted a very small portion of the population of South Carolina, and we further have it from Dr. Ramsay that they were either ignorant, or selfish, republic haters, or timid - and we might add - or criminals, and that it was not a difficult matter foi' the well oi-ganized Whigs to control them, as they had no organization, system or ability. We have already seen how they were thrice brought into line, the first time by Drayton's persuasion, - although he had Col. Thomson's regiment along - the second time by Richardson and Thomson, and the third time, just after the fall of Savannah in 1778.

And the fact is that nowhere else in South Carolina did the Tories attain any strength, and if the State was ever overrun by Tories it was in 1780, after the fall of Charleston, and it was not South Carolina Tories that did the overruning. but it was Clinton's overwhelming army of regulars, assisted bi/ Tories direct from the Northern States; those fron) East Florida, who were the offscourings of the whole thirteen colonies; those of Georgia, wheie there were many settlers only lately from Great-Britain; and the few furnished by South Carolina. And with all of these odds against them - to say nothing of tlie bad management of Lincoln and Gates - the people of South Carolina were fighting their own battles and driving out and defeating the enemy at the very moment that General (ireene was sent down to their assistance.

Toward the close of 1775, the Council of Safety in Charletown received intelligence of the approach of a powerful British fleet and army destined for the re- dnction of Chai'lestown. The Council immediatelj^ began to make preparations for defending the coast. With that object in view the following letter was addressed to Col. Hichardson:

''Sir - We have judged it necessary to detain your messenger Newton, upon an information which we have received by express from the Committee at George-Town, of a fleet of ships having been seen sailing southerly on Christmas evening, said to be eighteen sail, five of which are very large - the weather has ever since been l)oisterous and thick, in which no ship could with safety approach the land^ - the first clear day will probably confirm or remove our apprehensions. In the mean time we shall direct Col. Thomson to march his Regiment of [{angers immediately to Monck's Corner, and if you can prevail upon a body of volunteer foot, fronj 500 to 1,000 men, under proper officers, also to march to the same place, we desire you to do so. The conimanding officer, upon his approach, will give notice to this board, and we will transmit the necessary orders for his further proceedings, and we shall give orders after their encampment that payments be regularly made to the troops, and rations of provision duly served to the companies. We confine our application wholly to volunteers, because we would not harrass the militia who have already been engaged in a severe service, nor call upon them out of turn but by their own consent.

his army for the service of the colony, you are directed to march that part of your regiment of Rangers now with you, with all expedition to Monck's Corner, and upon your approach to that place, to give notice to this board.

Col. Thomson was next placed in charge of the fort at Dorchester, as will be seen by the following extract from an order from the Council of Safety, dated January 3rd, 1776, to Col. Joseph Glover, then commanding at Dorchester: "You will, at the end of the stated time for service of the draughts now upon duty, discharge the whole, and have the command with the othcer of the Regiment of Rangers."

Next we extract from the Journal of the Council of Safety for January 12th, 1776:* "Col. Huger, Col. Motte, Col. Thomson and Col. Roberts, being ordered to attend, and attending accordingly, were conferred with.

''Ordered, That Col. Thomson do cause a detachment of fifty or sixty of such of his rangers as are good riflemen and will volunteer to go on the service, to proceed to Sullivan's Island, immediately, for the better securing the possession thereof.

''Ordered, That Col. Thomson be immediately supplied with twenty-five pounds of gun-powder and one hundred pounds of lead, for the use of the said detachment."!

"Sir - You are to detach as many of your regiment of rangers with rifles and other good guns, in failure of rifles, as will voluntarily go,* to Sullivan's Island, under the command of Major Mayson; who must apply to Capt. Edward Blake early to-morrow for proper means of transportation; which will be provided by him.

On January 14th, "Col. Thomson of the Rangers, reported, that sixty-six rank and file, and eight officers, of his regiment, had embarked for Sullivan's Island, together with twenty-eight of the prisoners under his charge, who declared themselves willing to give all possible assistance in forwarding the works to be erected there."!

"Col. Thomson also reported the names of some other prisoners less criminal than the rest, iiaving been misled, as objects of the council's mercy, and fit to be disciiarged." - .Journal of the Council of Safety, Jan. 14th, 177(). Six prisoners were discharged on this recommendation.

"Col. Thomson accjuainted the board, that he had brought down all such of those prisoners sent to tf)wn by Col. Richardson, as had not been already discharged, or gone to work on Sullivan's Island." - Journal of Council of Safety, .Tan. 15, 177(). The last of the prisoners were thereupon discharged.

III the midst of all of these prepa rations for war. Col. Thomson was obliged to turn his attention to a matter of discipline in his regiment, for, from the Journal of the Council of Safety, for January 23rd, we learn that on that day Colonel Thomson "applied for a warrant to hold a general court martial", which was granted. From the Journal of the Council of Safety for January 29th we learn that William Morris was tried by this court-martial for nuitiny, and that he was convicted, and sentenced by the court-martial to receive two hundred and fifty lashes and be sent a prisoner on board the ship Prosper. This sentence was approved by the Council, except as to sending Morris on board the Prosper.

At tliis time Col. Thomson's regiment was ver}' much divided up. About one hundred of his men were on duty in Charlestown;* Capt. Caldwell, with his company, was stationed at Fort Charlotte;! Capt. Purvis,

"We desire you will augment the numl)er of militia now on duty in Fort Charlotte to the full luunher of militia and rangers which are there at present, and put them under the command of an otlicer in whom you can confide." - * " * "When this order is carried into effect, Capt. Caldwell will withdraw the rangers and march to Charlestown; we therefore recommend it to immediate execution."

"('apt. Caldwell has presentKl to us an account for work done at the Fort by certain Carpenters, in which the charges appear to be extremely high, and the Captain has nothing to say in support of them, and declares himself a bad judge of such matters; the amount moreover is neither certified nor attested. We tiierefore take the liberty of enclosing it un<ler this cover, and we desire you will cause a projjcr iiupiiry to be made, and give us the needful hiformation." - Council of Safety to Maj. Willamson, Jan. 25, 1776.

with his company, was stationed at Dorchester;* and perhaps other detachments were serving elsewhere, but from the [leadings of the letters iii Col. Thomson's order book we are led to conclude that his headquarters during the spring of 1776. were about the Ten Mile House. The following is a copy of one of Col. Thomso!i's orders during this pei-iod of preparation for a British attack:

"Dear Sir: - 1 expect to see you at Nelson's Ferry l)y Friday next, or Saturday at farthest, with your old Company and all your new recruits. If you will call on me Thursday or Friday, 1 will go to Nelson's Ferry. Please to order Lieut, Liles to recruit men for Capt. Donaldson.* as he is in his Company. [ hope your Company will be full very soon.

On the first of June advices were received in Charlestown that a fleet was at anchor off Charlestown bar. The next day orders were sent to the country troops to repair to the defense of Charlestown. Col. Thoni-

"lu the Council of Safety, I Jan. 27th, 1776. " i "Sir - We desire you will order ('apt. Caldwell to return to Fort Charlotte; and as soon as Major Williamson shall have put into that post as many militia men as will replace Capt. Caldwell's company, iie is to march to Charles-Town, with that company, and report his arrival to the Congress or this hoard. "By order,

"Read a return of the gunpowder and other stores at Dorcliester, received from Capt. Purves, dated 1st inst." - Journal of Council of Safety, Fel>. 3, 177().

son's regiment was mHrched down from the Ten Mile House, and the 2nd and 3rd regiments of regulars, under Colonels William Moultrie and William Thomson, respectively, were stationed on Sullivan's Island. On June 8th, Gen. Charles Lee, who commanded all the forces in and about Charlestown, issued the following order to Col. Moultrie:

"As we have received information that a body of the enemy have landed, and are lodging themselves on Long-Island, and as the nature of the country is represented to me as favorable to riflemen, I must request that you immediately detach Thomson's and Sumpter's regiments; Capts. Alston's, Mayhara's, and Coutirier's companies to that Island, vvith orders to attack, and if possible, dislodge this corps of the enemy; . . . but you must above all, take care, that their retreat across the breach from Long-Island to Sullivan's Island, is secured to them in case of necessity. For which purpose, you are desired to move down to the point, commanding the breach, two field-pieces; . . . the sooner it is done the better: . . . you are therefore to exert yourself in such a manner that the attack may be made at break of day.

In another letter to Col. Moultrie of the same date. Gen. Lee wrote: "I have ordered a considerable reinforcement of riflemen to join Colonel Thomson, which, with the advantages of ground ought to make you totally secure."

"I just now received your orders for detaching Thompson and Sunipter's regiment;^, AUston, Mayham and Coutirier's companies. By the date of your letter it seems as if you intended this business to have been done this morning, but your letter came too late to hand for that purpose, 1 shall send the detachment to our advance guard, there to remain with their boats for crossing them, hid till night, then shall embark them for Long-Island, where they may be reconnoitreing till day-light." * * *

-'I am just returned from an excursion into the country .... As the large ships are now over the l)ar, and as your bridge must be finished: 1 would wish you would lay asside all thoughts of an expedition against Long-Island, unless your scouts bring such intelligence as almost to insure a successful stroke.

In a letter to Col. Moultrie, dated the 11th, Gen. Lee wrote: "I hope the point of your Island, opposite to Long-Island is secui'e against the enemy lodging there." The task of guarding that point had been enti-usted to Col. 'IMiomson.

strong, who commanded at HaddreH's Point, on the mainland: "Col. Thompson is now with me, and informs me that he has taken particular notice of the movement of the enemy, he observed about 10 o'clock, 200 grenadiers, and a small battalion, (which he imagines came from Dewee to cover the landing of the rest) where they posted themselves, about one mile from our advanced guard, and waited until about seventeen hundred men were landed. They then marched off to Dewees' Island, he observed every six men carried something like a tent; they are still landing as fast as the boats can bring them. Col. Thompson begs that he may have at least his own men which are over with you (one hundred) without whom he cannot undertake to prevent their landing on this island, should they attempt it. We are all in high spirits, and will keep a good look out to prevent a surprise. Col. Thompson requests as a favor, if you have time, that you would come over and take a ride on the island to observe what a length of ground we have to defend." To this Gen. Armstrong replied, on the same day: "I shall do my utmost to comply with yours and (]ol. Thompson's request, respecting the residue of his regiment, no passage over, unless you can send boats in the morning." * * * * ^q y^^ no reason why you may not also reinforce Col. Thomson: nay, if they appear indeed to land on Sullivan's it must be done, and the point at the island where they may best land, prudently and vigorously defended at all events. Let the Col. know this.'*

On the 21st, Cen. Lee wrote to Col, Moultrie: "Those two field pieces at the very end of the point, are so exposed that 1 desire you will draw them oflf' to a more secure distance from the enemy ... in their present situation it appears to me, they may be carried oft' when ever the enemy think proper."

"On their sending their first reconnoitering party upon Long Island, one of their men was shot by one of our Riflemen. He was dressed in red, faced with black, and had a cockade and feather in his hat and a sword by his side. By which it appears that he was an officer; but that is all we know about him. Some time after there happened an affair of a very tragicomical nature; when they began to effect a landing on Long Island our President offered a premiurii of tliirty guineas to any of the Riflemen who should first take one of the King's troops prisoner'. Accordingly three of them went over one night for that purpose. Two of them agreed to keep together, the other determined to go by himself. In the morning by twilight the one that was alone descried the two others at a distance, and imagining that they were the King's troops, took up his gun to fire at them, thinking, I snppose, to kill one and then take the other alive; one of the others seeing his piece presented, was quicker than he was and shot him through the thigh, upon which he fell. They immediately ran up, dragged him to the boat, threw him in and pushed off, all thinking that he was one of the King's troops. They had got a considerable distance from the shore before the poor man was sufficiently recovered from his fright to speak. As soon as he spoke they discovered their mistake. He is likely to recover.'* * * * * "There was a sham battle the other day between our men on Sullivan's Island, and the troops on Long Island. Some of our Riflemen had been over in order to endeavor to obtain the President's premium, and on Friday morning last, the King's troops tracked them down to the Breach between the two islands.

which tit low water is foixlable. As soon as our guard upon Sullivan's Island discovered them, they fired upon them with a field piece, which they returned l)y Platoons of Musketry. They continued firing at each other in this manner across the Breach for several hours. One of our men had one of his hands blown off by our own Field-Piece, which went off while he was loading it, owing to its not having been sponged. Two others were wounded by tlie enemy. We have not learnt what loss they have sustained."

"Inclosed is a letter for Col. Thompson: I send it open that you may read it: for allowing for the difference of his circumstances as a rifle officer, the spirit of the order is to extend to the whole: no vague uncertain firing either of rifles, muskets, or cannon is to be permitted." And Gen. Lee was probably referring to the three adventurers, referred to by Mr. Hutson, when he continued, in the same letter: "Soldiers running at random wherever their folly directs, is an absolute abon)ination not to be tolerated."