Orangeburg County, South Carolina - The whole text, 1898 (part 8 of 9)

"This party had proceeded for several hours on their way, and had nearly reached the spot where the wagons, of their leader had been burned the day before, and wdiich was the scene of his perilous escape, when they were informed that the Tories, not far below, were feeding their horses near the road and were wholly unprepared for an attack. The patriots were prepared for an attack. The patriots were extremely anxious to be led to the charge. Just before their eyes were the evidences of the wanton destruction of property by the Tories, and their momories could readily supply numberless instances of their horrid barbarity, rapine and murder. They proceeded at a quickened pace along the road and soon their enemies appeared in the situation in which they had been described, with their horses carelessly feeding with their saddles on, their bridle-bits out of their mouths and their riders lying about in groups, or sleeping apart from the rest on the ground. No surprise could have been more complete. The Tories discovered their opponents at the distance of three or four hundred yards and at once prepared for fight. They soon caught their horses, bridled them and in an instant were

*Houselighter, who was then a mere boy, lived to a great old age, and there are several old gentlemen of this section who well remember him and his quaint Dutch expressions. He often told how Cuningham's men took his own wagon whip and flogged him severely with it.

mounted and flying in every direction. 'Save, who can', was the only word. Capt. Runiph and his troopers dashed down upon them and as the Tories scattered, everyone for himself, the patriots were oljliged to single out and pursue, as they were nearly equal in number, almost every one his man. Various were the results of that fight and pursuit.

'Tt was the fortune of Lieut. Parker, the officer in command of the Tories, to be singled out by Lieut. Wannamaker, of Capt. Rumph's Troop. Wannamaker was a man of singular boldness and true devil-maycare sort of spirit. He was a fine horseman, and on this occasion was uncommonly well-mounted. In this respect, however, he was not superior to Parker; for after a chase of nearly two miles Wannamaker had gained but little, if any, upon Parker, but, unfortunately for the latter, after keeping well ahead for that distance, and while looking back to see if the enemy was gaining upon him, his horse carried him under a stooping tree, which struck him a violent blow upon the left shoulder as he rode under it and knocked him nearly off, and in his struggle to recover himself his saddle turned and got under the belly of his horse. In that situation he rode for some distance at an evident disadvantage, and Wannamaker began to gain upon him. Parker's horse, however, broke the girth and the saddle fell, so that Parker was again, for a while, able to keep Wannamaker at a safe distance. But it soon became apparent to Parker's great dismay, that his horse's wind was failing from being ridden without a saddle. In vain he whipped and spurred his jaded horse. Wannamaker was shortening the distance between them at every leap. Parker beheld him nearly within pistol shot, and, frightened beyond measure, he took oft' his hat and beat his horse on the sides with it to accelerate his speed. It sue- ceeded for a moment, but the fagged horse had done his utmost. Wannamaker was just behind, and called out to him with presented pistol: 'Parker, halt! or I will kill you.' Parker heeded not, but continued with renewed violence his blows with his hat. Wannamaker approached nearer and called to him again, but still he rode on. Wannamaker called to him again, the third time, and offered him quarter, but the unhappy man knew that he had no right to expect that mercy which he had never given, and halted not. 'Halt, Parker!' said Wannamaker. 'I have told you the last time.' Parker rode on. Wannamaker, fearing something might occur to incline the chances against him, approached the doomed man within half a horse's length, and fired. Parker rode erect for a moment, but his hold soon relaxed - he fell backwards on his horse, rolled heavily off, and expired. J."

That "J." was mistaken in saying that history had not recorded the names of the patriotic men of Rumph's company is attested by the resurrection of the original roll, and its publication in the Alabama paper. It has several times been reprinted in South Carolina newspapers. Lieut. Wannamaker often said, after he had had time to reflect upon the matter, that he regretted having killed Parker, as he had often thought that perhaps Parker had been stunned by his contact with the tree, and could not hear him calling to him. But, on the other hand, it is quite likely that Parker preferred to die the death of a soldier than run the risk of being hung by Capt. Rumph; for traditionary accounts of Rumph say he was a perfect martinet, and seldom showed his enemies quarter.

From the traditionary accounts handed down to Mr. McMichael we also learn that it was Capt. Rumph who drove "Bloody Bill" Cuningham to his deeds of violence. The account says that Cuningham was a mem- ber of Rumph's compan}' in the early days of the war,* and a ,a:ood soldier: hut that he had a brother, who was a Tory. One day this hrotherf was captured by Rumph's men, and Rumph, as w^as his custom, ordered him to be immediately hanged. William Cuninghara came up and begged that his brother be spared, and said to Capt, Rumph: '*If you will let him go I will guarantee that he will quit the Tories and join our company and make as good Whig as any man in the company", but Rumph was obdurate, and had the brother struug up. Cuningham quietly mounted his horse, and riding up to Capt. Rumph remarked: "From this day forth I am your deadly enemy. I have nothing against your men, but we must go different roads", and he rode off in a gallop. Capt. Rumph ordered his men to shoot liim, l)ut such was the esteem in which he had been held, and such was the sympathy for him, that not a man obeyed the order: and from that time on Cuningham was the enemy of the Whigs, and the especial enemy of Capt. Rumph. Lorenzo Sabine's work, "American Loyalists", also states that Cuningham was first a Whig and then a Tory,:|: but does not state why he changed. And a careful reading of J.'s article, above quoted, will disclose the existence of a vendetta-like hatred between Cuningham 's men and Rumph.

Upon one occasion, when Rumph's men bad put Cuningham's troops to flight, Lieut. Golson singled out Capt. Cuningham and gave chase. They were both riding rapidly through the woods, when suddenly Cun-

*He was a member of Capt. John Caldwell's company of regulars, but possibly lie was attached to Rumph's command on some scouting expedition or other like service.

ingham spurred his horse over a little ditch, and wheeling it in an instant, presented his pistol at Golson, and said: "Stop, Clolson! I have nothing against you, and I don't want to kill yon, nor do I want to he killed hy you, l)ut if you cross that ditch to-day one of us must die; so you had better go your way and let me go mine." Oolson said afterwards that he had never seen eyes in a huiuan head that looked as Cuninghani's did on that occasion. He said it was a tigerish look - more of animal than of human being. He, however, did not farther interfere with Cuningham, but returned to his company, and no one would ever have known of this incident had not Golson related it himself.

On another occasion Rnmph's company come upon Cuningham's men taking their noonday naps, in fence corners, and before Cuningham awoke RuiBph was upon him, and placing his sword at Cuningham's throat would have thrust it through his neck in another instant, but awaking suddenly, Cuningham, with a stroke like lightning, thrust aside the sword, sprang over the fence, and, mounting his horse, was off like an ai'row, with a shower of bullets hissing all around him; but he was never touched. He seemed to bear a charmed life - he had declared a vendetta, and he lived to make his very name cause a chill of horror to those who read the story of his bloody deeds.

Upon one occasion, while Kumph's partisans were scouting in the "Upper Bull Swamp" section of Orangeburg District, they came to a deserted settlement. Rumph sent his men to hide in the swamp, near- the opening in which the houses were situated, and he took Paul Stroman with him and went up to the front of the houses. When they got there they saw a tall man walking in the yard. Capt. Rumph proposed that they give him a shot, and he and Stroman tired at him, breaking one leg, but nothing daunted the man began to turn handsprings so rapidlj% using his arms and tlie good leg, that he would have escaped had he not run (or rather turned) into the ambuscade in the swamp, where he was shot down and killed. When Capt. Rumph came up Lieut. Wannamaker asked who the man was and what he was, but no one could tell, and Lieut. Wannamaker always held that the stranger should not have been killed, as he might have been a friend and not a foe. He described him as a n)agniHcent specimen of manhood, and said he looked like a gentleman and was well dressed.

Another story told of Rumph is that upon one occasion he was complained to by some women who had been on a trading expedition toCharlestown - doubtless before its fall - ^that a party of marauders had stopped their wagons below Orangeburgh and robbed them of their purchases. Rumph immediately collected some of his partisans and went in pursuit of them, and succeeded in capturing the whole party of them. He took them up to his "Imll pen", and, the robbed women having identified them, he proceeded to hang them on the big oak. There was among the marauders a red-headed man named Billy Sturkie. When the rope was placed about his neck and he was about to be jerked up one of the women cried out, "Stop! that red-headed man did not take anything, but tried to keep the others from stealing". The other woman confirmed her statements, and Sturkie was turned loose, but his fright had been so great that he was only able to feebly exclaim, "You might as well ahung me."

It seems rather peculiar that all of the best known historians of this State have totally neglected to say anything of Rumph's command, notwithstanding the fact that at least one. Dr. Joseph Johnson, knew^ of the existence and work of this command. In his

"Traditions of the Revolution", pages 548-50, speaking of the fight between the Tories and the Whig company, under Capt. Michael Watson, near Dean Swamp, in Orangeburgh District, he says: "Some of Watson's company, who had also taken to flight on seeing their captain fall, took possession of a farm-house neai- by, occupied only by a mother and her child. There was little or nothing to eat on the premises, Jind they now feared pursuit more than ever, believing that the woman would report them to their enemies. One of them was chosen by lot, and sent off to Orangeburg for help. Colonel Rumph came out to them as soon as possible, but, before the arrival of his company, the poor woman and child, with their unwelcome guests, were ail nearly starved out,"

Dr. Johnson seems to presume that the reader well knows who "Col. Rumph" was, for it is the only mention made of him in the book. He also calls him by his post-bellum title, ''Colonel", yet speaks of "his company." Capt. Rumph did not attain the i-ank of colonel until after the war, when he was chosen colonel of a militia regiment. Some years later he attained the rank of brigadier general of militia.

Sonje interesting stories are told of some of the individuals of Rumph's company. One of these is about John Amaka - and, l)y the way, there are two John Amakas mentioned on the roll of the company, above given - who was an actual illustration of late popular song, for "One of his legs was longer than it really ought to have been"; that is to say, he had one leg shorter than the othei'. When the Whigs had commenced to make it unpleasant for the Tories and those of Tory sentiments, njany of them left the State and went to East Florida. One day John Amaka passed by the house (jf George McMichael (grandfather of Mr. C. M. McMichael) and inquiied of him the way to

East Florida. Mr. MrMichael told him the way, but further remarked to him. '-John j'ou can't get there on those legs of yours, so if you are going to turn Tory you had better stay here and run your chances." Amaka, however, continued on his journey, but in a day or so he hobbled back, and it seems decided to cast his fortunes with Rumph's partisans.

Paul Stroman, who lived where Mr. James H. Fowles's "Durham" place now is, has been accused of Toryism, but the traditions of his family and the appearance of his name on Rumph's roll tend to disprove the accusation. The charge was probably based on the ground that upon one occasion he, it seems, refused to obey some order of Rumph's, and it so aroused that officer's ire that he rode down to Stroman's place to arrest him. Stroman saw him coming and hid in his barn with his rifle by him. He afterw^ards declared that if Rumph had discovered him he (Stroman) would have shot him.

Mr. W. W. Culler, of this County, tells a good story of Capt. Rumph's wit. He relates that one night Capt. Runiph called for his grandfather, Benjamin Culler, who was a member of Rumph's company, and, with several others, they went out to waylay and capture some "outlyers". They secreted themselves in some pine brush by the road side, and after awhile a woman, the wife of one of the "outlyers", came along and began to call her husband. After calling several times she called out, "0, honey, 0, honey!" At that Capt. Rumph remarked to his companions; "If that fellow is any honey, the devil was the bee,"

Mr. Culler also says that his grandmother has often told him that "Bloody Bill" Cunningham had on sevoccasions come to her house and made her run down and kill and cook chickens for him to eat, and that

It is related that upon one occasion Capt. Rnmph had two sick members of his company staying in liis house. One night he was suddenly aroused hy one of his slaves, who ran in and shouted; "Run Massa de Tory comin!" Capt. Rumph quickly awakened his sleeping friends and told theni to run for their lives, but one of them complained that he was too sick to run. "Then you are a dead man"' shouted Capt. Rumph, and ran out of the house. Just then the Tories entered from the opposite direction, and finding the sick man, dragged him out into the yard and cut his head off with an axe.

Old James Knight, of the Limestone section, who died about forty years ago, had b^en a member of Cuningham's company during the Revolution, and he was often heard to tell how he escaped on one occasion when Rumph's men had put Cuningham's to flight. Be said he simply lay down on his horse, threw his arms around the animal's neck, slapped his spurs to him with all his might and dashed through a thicket.

Another militia company of Oi'angeburgh District, which doubtless also belonged to Howe's regiment, and of which there are many traditions, was that of Capt. Henry Felder, who has been mentioned several times heretofore in these pages as holding various civic offices, and as a member of the State Legislature, during the Revolution.

The traditions of the Felder family say that Captain Felder had his seven sons, Henry, Jacob, John, Frederick, Samuel, Abraham and Peter, in his company. It is said that John was killed dui'ing the war. He was captured with his step-mother's brothei", Snell, and while the British soldiers were at dinner on the l)anks of the Congaree river, they attempted to escape. Snell escaped to the wcods, but John jumped into the river and swam across while his hands were tied, the guard shooting at him all the while, but after he reached the opposite bank a bullet struck him in a vital place and killed him on the spot. And, strange to say, he was killed by his own gun in the hands of the guard.

The late Col. Paul S. Felder often said that when he was a young man he met an old gentleman named Rice of Barnwell District, who told him that he (Rice) had been a uiember of Capt. Felder's company during the Revolution, and that he was present with the company upon one occasion when they whipped a body of Tories at Hoi man's Bridge over the South Edisto river in Orangeburgh District.

Capt. Felder had two dwelling houses burned by the Tories daring the war. and at the burning of the last one he lost his life. The following notice, in reference to the burning of the first house, appeared in the Gazette of the State of South Carolina, October 7tli and 14th, 1778:

"WHEREAS the subscriber s house was plundered and burnt on the third inst. and all his papers either burnt or destroyed: To prevent fraudulent demands that may hereafter be made on him, he gives this public notice, that those persons who have any lawful demands on him, either in books of account, bond, note of hand or otherwise, are desired to make demand on or before the first day of January next ensuing, and receive payment: And all persons indebted to him are likewise entreated to make payment as far as may be consisent with their knowledge.

"This gentleman was a very active partisan in tlie Revolution. He brought his love ot liberty from his native canton, and, like Tell, of his fatherland, he was willing to peril all, rather than siilmiit to tyranny. He guided (leneral Sumter in his approach to Orangeburg, and bore a part in the capture of that post.

"At or about the close of the war, the Tories sur- I'ounded his house: the gallant Swiss, by the aid of his wife and servants, who loaded his guns while he tired, killed more than twenty of his foes. His house was at last fired, and he was thus forced to fly. In attempting to escape, he was shot, and killed."

The traditionary account of the above affair, as received from the late Col. Paul S. Felder, who not only heard it from his fathei' and other members of his family, but from the lips of an old negro servant, who, as a young man, had been an eye witness of a part of the tragedy, is as follows: One day Capt. Felder received a message from Samuel Rowe, a good Whigfriend, that the Tories intended to attack his home the next day. With his sons, and his overseer, whose name was Fry, he defended his house, defeated the Tories and drove them off. As soon as they had left he sent his sons through a by-path to waylay and ambush them, but before reaching the ambush the enemy returned to the siege, and setting fire to a load of hay that was under a shed near the house they thereby set the house on fire. Capt. Felder put on some of his wife's (dothes and attenipted to escape, but was recognized by his boots as he jumped the yard fence and was filled with bullets. He continued his flight for several hundred yaids, however, and dropped from exhaustion and loss of blood just as he reaidied the woods. The same negro above mentioned was cutting wood nearby and went to his master's assistance. He was not yet dead, and help being procured, he was taken to a place of safety where he lived a day or two before he died.

In the fight he is said to have killed about twenty of the Tories with the assistance of Fry, his wife and servants loading the guns, while he and Fry shot.

There are two old cannons used as corner posts in Oi'angeburg, that are said to have been used by him on the occasion of the siege of Orangeburgh by Sumter. However that may l)e, one of the guns has cut on it. ^-H. Felder 17S1" and the other has cut on it the mark PF.

After the death of the father, his son, Henry Felder. commanded the company; and after the war this company formed a part of the District militia.*

It is also quite likely that another of these companies was commanded by Capt. John Salley. On page 12 of Tarleton Brown's Memoirs the Cowpens of *'Captain Salley" are mentioned, and in a grant of land made to him shortly after the Revolution he is called "Captain John Salley." These are the only documentary evidences we have of the fact that he bore any title at all during the Revolution.

Tradition has preserved two anecdotes of Capt. Salley's Revolutionary life that are worth recording. He lived near the river swamp about half a mile from the village of Orangeburgh,! and one tradition is that whenever he slept at home a faithful old negro stood sentinel under his window, and whenever he heard the tramp of horses he jumped up and rapped on the window to warn his master. When thus warned he would slip out, and if be found that Tories were

The other tradition is that he owned a very hne bhjoded horse which he very much feared the Tories would steal, so he carried him to his own house, the lower story of which was of brick, with a basement, or cellar. He took the horse into this basement and bricked him up in there, leaving st>me secret entrance through which food could be carried, and doubtless there were some sort of air holes, (Traditions never provide such things.) but, at any rate, the Tories found out the horse was there, and stole him out. This must have happened while the owner was absent, for, if he was as fond of horses as his numei'ous descendants are, (and he evidently was) he would have defended him with his life had he been present.

From the commencement of hostilities up to Prevost's attempt on Charlestown, in May 1779, operations in South Carolina were confined to the coast and along the line of the Savannah river; with the exception of the two expeditions among the Toi"ies of the backcountry in 1775, and the expedition against the Cherokee Indians in 1776. Some account of these various operations has been given in the section on the 3rd regiment.

While Clen. Lincoln lay with his army at Purisburg, in 1779, protecting our frontier from an invasion by the British from Georgia, Governor Rutledge conceived the idea of forming a grand militia camp at Orangeburgh, as is shown by the following extract from a letter written by Gen. Moultrie to Col. Charles

Pincl\ne3% dated at Pnrisburgh, March 2nd, 1779: "I observe in a letter from the governor to general Lincoln, that he intends forming a camp at Orangebiirgh, of 2,700 men, the I3th instant: and that he also intends augmenting them to 5,000. from Thomas', Lisle's, Neal's, and Williams' I'egiments, f ro n the Ninety-six regiment.* wdthout interfering with the measures necessary for defending

The wisdom of establishing this encampment was questioned by Col. Charles Pincdvney (who was President of the Senate and a member of the Council of Safety) in a letter to Gen. Moultrie, dated March 19th, as follows: 'T have received your favor of the 15th, and am glad to hear of the enemy bending their force downwards to Savannah; even though they should take a trip to our borders; especially as you say, you are of opinion we should manage them better there than where they are, w^hich opinion 1 think just; this movement 1 think should alter the orders for our grand camp at Orangeburgh, and place it nearer the capital for fear of a coup-de-main, I think you military men call it: and perhaps may be so soon: but at present it is the ruling opinion that the other place is near enough to receive succors from, in due time, should they be wanted. 1 wish it may be so"; and again on March 22nd, Col. Pinckney wrote Gen. Moultrie: "His excellency has been obliged to pospone his setting off for his camp until to-morrow noon: I am told that there are not above one thousand men in that camp; but tliat their number, in a few days, will be increased to double; and in due time, if orders are complied with, the given number (5,000) fixed on, may be there: be they more or less, T wish the camp had been ordered near Charlestown; and I in vain urged it should be so, but could not prevail: If you join me in opinion, T wish you would write the governor on it; for surely the present encampment at Orangeburgh, is, considering our present circumstances of expecting an attack here, much too far to give that necessary assistance that might be wanted."

On March 28th Col. Pinckney wrote Gen. Moultrie: "You wish the post you just now left, may be reinforced with militia; this, in my opinion cannot be conveniently done, otherwise than by detachments from the grand camp at Orangeburgh, under the governoi-, with whom no doubt, you will exchange a letter on the subject: he and his suite are now, and have been for several days past there,* and it is said his

*Wliile iji Orangebiirijch, Goveriior Rntledge made his headquarters at the house of Donald Bruce, wlio was at that time a member of the State legislature fiom Orange Parish. In July, 17.S1, when Lord Rawdon halted for a few days in Orangel>urgh on liis return from tjje relief of Ninety-Six, he also made his headquarters in the Bruce house, hut it is reasonable to suppose that his Lordship did not find as warm welcome there as did the brilliant "Dictator", the 26th chapter of "The Forayers" to the contrary notwithstanding. Many years after tlie Revolution, after the death of the last of the Bruces, Mr. Daniel Larey bought the house, which stood at the southeast

The Bruce House From Photo By T. H. Hitchcock

From his headquarters at Orangeburgh, Governor Rutledge, on April 5th, wrote to Gen. Williamson: '"You will oi'der the prisoners of war, those who are accused of sedition, now in Ninet3^-six goal, to be safely conducted under a sufficient guard to this place." The prisoners were ordered to Orangeburgh, '"as a place of greater security", says Gen. Moultrie in his Memoirs.

Early in April Gen. Moultrie, at Gen. Lincoln's request, visited Orangeburgh to consult with Governor Rutledge. On his return to Black Swamp he i^^^^^rs.^ wrote as follows, to Col. Pinckney: "I have the pleasure to inform you, that I returned from Orangeburgh three days ago, after a ride of two hundred -^^r and twenty miles, a very fatiguing «kn. moultrie. jaunt, both to ourselves and horses, we were (Mr. Kinlock and myself) gone six days; one day we staid with the Governor, and the others in traveling. We expect Col. Simons here to-morrow, with one thousand men of all ranks: this will be a reinforcement to us that will be very acceptable. The Governor has promised more as sijon as they can be collected. I was sorry to see so few" (three or four hundred) "left at Orangeburgh after this detachment mai'ched off; though Col. Neal lay about four miles off", with two hundred and eighty men of his regiment, and was to march in that morning." And on the same day Gen. Moultrie wrote corner of Windsor and Bull ( now Dibble) Streets, and moved it down on the "Five Notch" road about two miles below Orangeburg, where it now stands. It is now the property of Mrs. Lawrence S. Wolfe. In the 2Hth, 29th and 32nd chapters of "The B'orayers", Wm. Gilniore Simms has woven an interesting bit of romance about this historic old house. *By courtesy of Everett Wsiddy Company, publishers ("hnpman's 8chool History of South Carolina.

as follows, to Governor Rutledge: "I have the honor to inform yon, that we arrived at our camp two days ago; nothing extraordinary have happened since we left it: they are much pleased to hear of the reinforcement (1,000) you have sent, and that they are on their march; we expect them here to-morrow. I hope ere long you will send us such another."

On April 29th Lieutenant-Governor Bee wrote to Gen. Moultrie: "The Governor is again returned to Orangeburgh, from whence T hope he will he able to send to Gen. Lincoln", &i'.: and on May Lst, while Prevost was on his march towards Charlestown, Gen. Moultrie wrote, from Coosohatchie. to Gen. Lincoln: "I have sent dispatches to the Gov. at Orangeburgh, and to Charlestown." That sent to Charlestown was to request two or three hundred Continentals; that to Orangeburgh, dated May 1st, was as follows: 'T have here w-ith me about 1,200 men: I wish your excellency would reinforce me speedily; and with as many fieldpieces as possible." On the same day Gen. Moultrie received a letter from Lieutenant-Governor Bee saying; "Yours of the 29th Api-il, directed to the governor came to me this morning; 1 have sent it forward by express to Orangeburgh, fiom whence, if necessary, 1 make no doubt you will be reinforced."

On May 2nd Gen. Lincoln wrote, from Silver Bluff, to Gen. Moultrie: "I have wiitten to the Governor at Orangeburgh, and requested that he would leinforce you by the militia, intended for this army, and Major Gri m ball's artilleiy"; and on the same day Gen. Moultrie wrote to Gen. Lincoln, from Coosohatchie: "I have sent express to the goveinor at Orangeburgh, and to Charlestown. to hasten up the militia to this place." On the same day Governor Rutledge sent Gen. Moultrie a dispatch from Orangeburgh saying that he had written to the Lieutenant-Governor to send Horry's horse to Gen. Moultrie, &c. Lieut. Gov. Bee also wrote to Gen. Moultrie on the same day, saying that he had no doubt hut that the governor would send reinforcements "as speedily as possible, from Orangeburgh"; and that the "reinforceuients must be from Orangeburgh". He further stated that lie had not heard from the governor since he (the governor) left town.

From Tulifiny Gen. Moultrie wrote, at "6 o'clock P. M." on May 3rd, to Governor Kutledge at Orangeburgh: "[ this moment received yours; 1 was in hopes you wM)uld have acquainted me of a sti'oiig reinfoi-cement marching to this place"; and again on the 4th he wrote to the Governor; "'l hope your excellency will hasten your light troops to reinforce me", and to Gen. Lincoln; '"I expect the governor will join me tomorrow from Orangeburgh with the Charlestown artillery; as to w'hat militia he hnd I cannot inform you." On the 5th he wrote again to Gen. Lincoln: "1 shall endeavor to make a stand at Ashepoo: as I will expect the governor will join me there."

On May 3rd Lieut, Gov. Bee wrote: ''Twenty-two of Horry's light horse, marched this afternoon for your camp and will hurry on the party, that went to Orangeburgh with the Governor, who are just returned."

On Sunday evening Governor llutledge wrote, from Orangeburgh, to Gen. Moultrie: "In consequence of your advice, received this afternoon; I will march with Grimball's artillery, and all the force we have here (except about 50, who must remain; and 50 more, who go as an escort to the waggons with corn, &c. for Gen. Lincoln's camp) as soon as possible, to reinforce you. 1 hope to get off to-morrow, and no time shall be lost on the mandi. You will, without doubt, take every step in your power, to pro<'ure all the i-einforce-

From "Edisto saw-mills, at Mr. Charles Elliot's, 12 miles below Orangeburgh", Governor Rntledge wrote, on Wednesday morning, to Gen, Moultrie: "We began our march, with what force we could bring from Orangeburgh, yesterday morning, for your camp; and shall proceed as quickly as the weather and the roads will admit. T hope to bring up, and have very close after me, 500 men (exclusive of officers) horse, foot, and artillery. 1 received yours dated 3d of May at 6 o'clock, about 11 last night; I hope you will be able to withstand the enemy, or stop their progress. I shall send Allston's,* and some other horse, as soon as they come U13 (which I expect to day,) a-head. to join you. T have sent another express for the Catawbas. 1 hope to see you soon."

On Thursday the Governor wrote, from the same point: "Some hours ago, on the march hither, I received yours of last night; and soon after, a letter from Major Butler; in which he says, he heard the enemy were at Ashepoo: therefore, as I think we cannot possibly assist you at Jacksonburgh (it being 24 miles from hence) I have ordered the troops hei'e, to cross the river, (they being now on this side) and proceed, by forced marches, to Charlestown, over fourhole and Dorchester bridges, 1 think you had better move . . , when you do, move, down by Dorchester. You will continue to throw ol)struction in the enemy's way, and advise me of these, and your motions, by ex-

*Oii page 432 of his ''Meiiioir.s", (vol. i) Creti. Moultrie says: "On my retreat from Blaek-swanii), Colonel 8eiif, feom the governor's camp, Orangehurgh, joined me at Ponpon I)ridge, with the racoon eompany, commanded by Captain .John Allston, of about fifty men on horseback."

In his ''Memoirs", under date of May 8th, Gen, Moultrie writes: "At this time there never was a country in greater confusion and consternation; and it may he easily accounted for, when 5 armies were marching through the southern parts of it, at the same time, and all for different purposes: myself retreating as fast as possible to get into town, at first with 1,200 men; but reduced to 600 before I got near the town; the British array of 3,000 men commanded by Gen. Provost in pursuit of me: and Gen. Lincoln with the American army of 4,000, marching with hasty strides to come up with the British: Gov. Rutledge from Orangeburgh, with about 600 militia; hastening to get to town lest he should be shut out; and Col. Harris, with a detachment of 250 continentals, pushing on with all possible dispatch to reinforce me; and my sending two or three expresses every day to the governor and to Gen. Lincoln, to let them know where I was; and to Charlestown frequently, to hasten their works and to prepare for an attack; in short it was nothing but a general confusion and alarm. And the militia from the north part of the country, from every parish making what haste they could to reinforce Charlestown; that I may truly say the whole country was in motion."

On the 9th and 10th the troops marched into Charlestown, and on the 10th General Moultrie issued orders making disposition of his troo[js on the lines. The country militia were ordered to occupy the left wing.

On the morning of 1 1th a detachment of the enemy appeared near the lines. They were attacked by Count Pulaski with his legion and some militia, but they were too strong for him and he lost a considerable number of his men before getting back within the lines, "(len. Provost's whole ainiy*', writes Gen. Moultrie, "soon appeared before the town gates, at the distance of about a mile, the advance of his army being about Watson's house, in the afternoon; when I ordered the cannon at the gate to begin to fire, which stopped their progress: We continued at the lines, standing to our arms, all night, and serving out ammunition to the country militia; who only came in the day before, with the governor: we were in expectation of their attacking us that night."

On the next morning, in order to gain time for Lincoln to come up, Governor Rutledge arranged a parley with the enemy through Gen. Moultrie. After gaining the whole day it was decided, principally by Gen. Moultrie, not to surrender the town but to "fight it out", and the truce was declared at an end; and Prevost, fearing that Lincoln would be upon his rear before he could take the city, withdrew that night, filed off to the left, and went to the sea islands.

The following is the account Ramsay gives of this invasion of South Carolina by Prevost while Lincoln was up the Savannah river and Governor Rutledge encamped in Orangeburgh:*

"The series of disasters which had followed the American arms, since the landing of the British in Georgia, occasioned, among the inhabitants of South- 'Carolina, many well-founded apprehensions for their future safety." * * * * * :k .q^-^ ^^^^^ time of general alarm John Rutledge, esquire, by the almost unanimous voice of his countrymen, was called to the chair of government. To him and his council was delegated, by the legislature, power 'to do every thing that appeared to him and them necessarry for the publick good.' In execution of this trust he assembled a body of militia. This corps, kept in constant readiness to march whithersoever public service might reciuire, was stationed near the centre of the state at Orangeburgh. From this militia camp colonel Simmons was detached with a thousand men to reinforce general Moultrie at Black-Swamp. The original plan of penetrating into Georgia was resumed. With this intention general Lincoln marched with the main army up the Savannah river, that he might give confidence to the country.'' * * * "^ small force was left at Black-Swamp and Purysburgh for the purpose of defending Carolina". * * * "General Prevost availed himself of the critical time when the American army was one hundred and fifty miles up the Savannah river, and crossed over into Carolina". *

* * * * ''Lieutenant-colonel Mackintosh, who commanded a few continentals at Purysburgh, not being able to oppose this force made a timely retreat. It was part of general Prevost's plan to attack general Moultrie at Black-Swamp, to effect which he made a forced march the first night after he landed on the Carolina side, but he was about three hours too late. General Moultrie had changed his quarters, and being joined by colonel Mackintosh's party took post at Tulifinny bridge, in order to prevent the incursion of the British into the state, and to keep between them and its defenceless capital." * * * *

"The position of general Moultrie at Tulifinny was by no means a safe one, for the British might easily have crossed above him, and got in his rear. A general retreat of the whole force towards Charleston was therefore thought advisable." ****** "Governor Rutledge, with the militia lately encamped at Orangeburgh, had set out to join general Moultrie at Tulifinny bridge; but, on the second day of their march, advice was received of General Moultrie's re- treat, and that general Prevosst was pushing towards Charleston. This intelligence determined tlie governor to march with all the force under his command to the defence of the capital." * * * * * * "General Moultrie's retreating army, governor Rutledge's militia from Orangehurgh, and colonel Harris's detached light corps, which marched neai-ly forty miles a day for tour days successively, all reached Charleston on the 9th and 10th of May. The arrival of such seasonable reinforcements gave hopes of a successful defence."

The following extracts concerning these movements by Moultrie, Lincoln, Rntledge and Prevost are taken from Col. Henry Lee's ''Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department", (1812) pp. 82, 83: "Governor Rntledge, with the reserve militia, had established himself at Orangeburg, a central position, perfectly adapted to the convenient reception and distribution of this species of force, which is ever in a state of undulation. He was far on Prevost's left, and, like Lincoln, was hors de combat".

He goes on to describe Prevost's attack on Charlestown, and further says, pp. 83, 84: "The father of the State had removed from Orangeburg with the i-eserve, to throw himself into Charleston, if possible. What was before impossible, had become possible by the forty-eight hours' delay of Prevost. Rutledge joined Moultrie; and Charleston l)ecame safe".

The next important movement was the attack on Prevost at Stono. Many of the "country militia", lately brought down from Oi'angeburgh by Governor Rutledge, were in that engagement.

In September, 1779, when the French fleet, under Count D'Estaing, and the American army, under Gen. Lincoln, moved against the British, under Prevost, in Savannah, the militia of South Carolina were ordered

The next important event of the Revolution was the siege of Charlestown by the British under Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot, from February 11th to May 12th, 1780, when the city was formally surrendered.

"The capital having surrendered", says Ramsay, "the next object with the British was to secure the general submission of the inhabitants. To this end they posted garrisons in different parts of the country." One of these posts was established at Orangeburgh. The brick court-house, which stood about where the old "Marchant House" lately stood, was fortified and a garrison placed in it. Another post was established at "Ninety-Six", and the old road now known as the "Ninety-Six" road was used by the British troops passing between the two points. Another of these posts was established at Granby, in Saxe-Clotha Township, nearly opposite where Columbia now stands, where Friday's house* was fortified and garrisoned. At a later period of the war the houses of Mrs. Rebecca Mottef and Col. William Thomson (Bellville) were also seized and fortified as British posts.

For about six weeks after the fall of Charlestown all military opposition to the progress of the British was practically suspended, but the British were not destinied to make an easy conquest of the State, for scarcely had the panic caused by tlie fall of Charlestown subsided before small bodies of militia arose in all parts of the State to harass the enemy, and, fortunately for the Southern States, Sir Henry Clinton learned that a French fleet was soon expected about New York. This induced the Commander-in-Chief to re-embark for New York early in June, with the greater part of his arm}^ He left Lord Cornwallis as commander-in-chief in the South with about four thousand men.

As early as July 12, a part of Sumter s militia regiment defeated a body of British troops and tories under Colonel Ferguson and Captain H ticks, respectively, in the up-country. Ferguson and Hucks were both killed. Col. Sumter soon raised 600 men and in less than a month fought two more battles with the British at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock. Col. James Williams, of Ninety-Six District, next defeated a considerable party of British and Tories at Musgrove's Mill on Aug. ISth. Various other little engagements were fought, with more or less snccess to the South Carolinians, during July and August.

Meantime an army of continentals and North Carolina and Virginia militia, under Major Generals De Kalb and Gates, successively, had been marching to the relief of South Carolina; reaching this State in August they were joined by various bodies of South Carolina troops, and on the 16th, was fought the Battle of Camden in which Gates's army suffered defeat and rout.

The British were very much elated over the victory at Camden, and again flattered themselves that all opposition in South Carolina was effectually subdued, but the spirit of independence was not to be crushed out in South Carolina, and the partisan organizations once more began to operate as Henry, of the Wynd, did, "'on their own hook". Scores of skirmishes and and fights took place in all parts of the State - some in Orangeburgh District, ah-eady mentioned - and the South Carolina patriots had all but redeemed the State from the hands of the British when Gen. Greene

As an example of what this partisan warfare was, some accounts of the Revolutionary experiences of Tarleton Brown, of that part of Orangeburgh District which was afterwards formed into Barn w- ell District, taken from his "Memoirs", will serve. He relates that when troops were first called for in 1775, a draft was ordered in his section, and that he was among those drafted; and that they were marched to Pocataligo, then under command of General Stephen Bull*, where they were stationed about seven weeks. Nothing of importance happening his company was discharged and returned to their homes. Scarely had they got there, he writes, before there was another draft for the first siege of Savannah.f He escaped draft, but was employed by William Bryant to take his place. They embarked in an open boat on the Savannah River, Capt, Moore commanding the company, and passed down the river to Savannah, which they reached in three days. He writes: "We passed some heavy and mortal shots at the enemy, which were returned with equal fierceness and more deadly effect". * * * * "We stayed at Savannah about seven weeks, and then returned to South Carolina, under the command of Gen. Bull." He then relates that having become attached to the army he enlisted in the regular service, in April 1776, at Fort Littleton, Beaufort District, commanded by Captain William Harden.:]: He next, in July 1777, left Capt. Harden and immediately joined Col. James Thompson's detach ment§ on Pipe Creek, from which point he went

He next relates that during the tinal siege of Charlestown, "Captain Mumford, in attempting to make his way to the American Army, was attacked at Morris' Ford, Saltketchie, hy old Ben John and his gang of Tories, In this encounter the poor fellow lost his lite, and a trner patriot and braver soldier never fell. He now sleeps at the foot of a large pine, on the left hand side of the main road to Barnwell C H., a few rods South of the bridge, just at the turn of the road from which you can see the bridge". * « *

"In conjunction with Joshua Innjan and John Green, I raised a company of horse, which we called the 'Rangers,' with the view of scouting those sections of the country adjacent to the Savannah River, both in Georgia and Carolina, as occasion required."

"A few^ months subsequent to this period, I withdrew frou) the 'Rangers' at Cracker's Neck, and connected myself with a company of militia keeping guard at Burton's Ferry. We exchanged shots almost every day with the British and Tories, who were on the opposite side (Georgia)." *****=;=*

"On one occasion I was under the necessity of goinghome on some important business. Soon after my arrival, a company of horse passed directly in front of our residence. My first impression concerning them was that they were a reinforcement of our guard at the ferry.

phlet, and by the Journal of the Council of Safety, as having been commissioned as captain of the Round O company, of the Colleton County Regiment, Jan. 11, 177(5. As he seems by the above to have commanded a regiment in July, 1777, he must have raised it in the meantime in the section between theEdisto and the Savannah rivers. Major Bourguoin is mentiened as of Thompson's command.

So soon as I had finished my l)usiness, I retarned with all possible speed, overjoyed at the prospect of an accession to our numbers. On reaching the fort, to my astonishment, I found it completely evacuated. My reinforcement turned out to be a gang of Tories from Jackson's Branch, on the Saltl\atchie, commanded b}^ that famous old Tor3% Ned Williams. When they rode up to the ferry, the guard took them to be friends, and gave them a cordial reception, congratulating themselves upon so large an addition to their force. Thus they unconsciously and ignorantly delivered themselves up to the enemy, and were taken across the river and placed in the hands of a large body of British and Tories, stationed at Harbard's store, about two miles from the ferry. The intelligence of this capture reached Col. Leroy Hammond at Augusta, who, without delay, marched down at the head of an effective force, and slew nearly the whole of the enemy, releasing and retui-ning with the Whig captives to Augusta, from whence my father, who was one among the number taken, came safely home". Following this the writer gives some idea of the toils and perils of the Carolina Whigs in those dark days, and then he goes on to tell of an expedition into Georgia, and upon the return to South Carolina he says: "We learnt that Capt. James Roberts, who had been scouting with a company on the Edisto River, had (wdiilst encamping for the night, by some treachery of the Tories,) been delivered into the hands of Col. Chaney and W^illiams, who cruelly butchered many of his men, Capt. Roberts and the rest escaping only with their lives. For this outrage we determined to have satisfaction. So thirty-six men, myself among the number, immediately volunteered under Capt. Joseph Vince, a Hne officer and a brave soldier, to pui'sue these scoundrels, and to avenge the blood of our brave comrades. We overtook some of their number in what is called the 'Fork of Edisto River,' upon whom we visited summary and immediate justice, killing five or six. From thence we proceeded to Captain Salley's 'Cowpens', a few miles distant. Whilst there our commander rode, unaccompanied, to a mill located near the house of the Pens. Here he was fired upon by several Tories lying in ambush hard by and seriously wounded by musket shot - in consequence of which he was disabled fronj doing duty for some time. This unfortunate circumstance interrupting our further march, we were compelled to retrace our steps and return to headquarters, Savannah River".

The writer next describes how a band of one hundred and fifty Tories under Chaney and Williams murdered Adam Wood, one of his neighbors, and burned his house; and relates that after the outrage the Tories started towards Capt. Vince's station, on Savannah River, and that he (Brown) suggested to John Cave that they warn Capt. Vince of his danger, which they did. He states that as Yince's force numbered only twenty-five it was thought best to abandon the fort, which was accordinglj^ done, and when the Tories arrived they found nothing. He then goes on: "Fi'om this point they turned towards their headquarters, on Edisto. In crossing Lower Three Runs, they stopped at the house of a Mr. Collins, a very quiet and inoffensive man, and far advanced in years, say about eighty-five. Whatever may have been the sentiments of this old gentleman, he njaintained a strictly neutral position, shouldering arms on neither side; yet those fiends of darkness dispatched him. with his head as white as snow by the frost of many winters, for an eternal world." He writes that he continued scouting in both Carolina and Georgia until the fall of Charlestown; that after the fall everything looked so dark and gloom}^ in South (yarolina that his brother, Bartlet, and himself determined to refugee to Virginia until the outlook in Carolina should become brighter; but that they had scarcely reached Virginia when they learned that the Tories had been committing many outrages in South Carolina, "particularly in our own district. The substance of which was that McGeart and his company of Tories crossed the Savannah River from Georgia, at Sum merlin's Ferry (now called Stone's Ferry), taking the course of the river, and killing every man he met who had not sworn allegiance to the King, This notorious scoundrel passed in this trip through the neighborhood where my father lived, and brutally murdered seventeen of the inhabitants, among whom were my father, Henry Best, and Moore, leaving John Cave for dead, who afterwards recovered. They burnt my father's house level with the ground, and destroyed everything he possessed - my mother and sisters escaping by fleeing to the woods, in which they concealed themselves until the vile wretches departed. But the work of death did not stop here. This atrocious deed of the sanguinary McGeart and his band was shortly succeeded by another equally, nay, doubly cruel. The British Col. Brown marched down from Augusta with an overwhelming force of Tories and Indians, and taking their stand at 'Wiggins' Hill', commenced a slaughter of the inhabitants. The news of which reached the ears of those brave and dauntless officers. Cols. McCoy and Harden, who soon hastened to the defence of the terrified Whigs, and coming upon the enemy, charged upon them and killed and routed them to a man, Coli Brown escaping to the woods. Cols. McCoy and Harden, having accomplished all that was required of them, retired from the held of action, after which Brown i-eturned with the residue of his force and re- took the 'Hill,' at which he remained until he hung five of our brave fellows - Britton Williams,* Charles Blunt, and Abraham Smith, the names of the other two not recollected - then he decamped for Augusta."

The old veteran then relates that when Bartlet and himself heard of these outrages they at once returned to South Carolina to avenge the killing of their kindred; that at "Kingstree" they found Gen. Marion and joined his brigade. Account is given of several of Marion's engagements, and then the writer once more returns to his own district. He says:

"On the first day of April, 1781, I left Gen. Marion on the Big Pee Dee River, in company with eighty others, forming a detachment under command of Cols. Harden and Baker, and Major John Cooper. The two last named oflicers were from Midway settlement, Georgia. There were also several other brave and energetic men who rendered themselves conspicuous in the war in our detachment, Fountain Stewart, Robert Salley, the Sharps and Goldings, fron) Georgia. Our route lay by the 'Four Holes'. Crossing the Edisto at Givham's Ferry, we fell in with a man who assisted Brown in hanging the five brave fellows at 'Wiggins' Hiir. We gave him his due, and left his body at the disposal of the birds and wild beasts. Pursuing our march, we came to 'Red Hill,' within about two miles of Patterson's Bridge, Saltkatchie. It was now^ in the night, but the moon being in full strength, and not a cloud to darken her rays, it was almost as bright as day. Near this place were stationed a body of Tories, commanded by Capt. Barton. They were desperate fellows, killing, plundering, and robbing the inhabitants without mercy or feeling. A company of men, commanded by Major Cooper, were now sent to see what they could do with those murderers. In a few minutes after their departure we heard them fighting, which continued nearly one hour, when Cooper returned and told us he had killed the greater part of them, with but the loss of one man, John Steward, from Georgia."*

The writer then gives an account of the capture of Pocataligo by Col. Harden. The next day Col. Mc- Coy's detachment came up and the Brown brothers joined him and turned their faces once more toward home. On their way home they chased Ned Williams and his gang of Tories into Saltkahatchie swamp. Continuing he says: "Next morning we went up to the 'Big house,' now^ belonging to Col. Hay, and there found those of my father's family that the Tories and Indians bad left, whom we had not seen before for twelve months."

After recounting various other expeditions iti which he and many of his neighbors took part he goes on to say: ''Although the war had closed, the Tories were still troublesome, plundering and occasionally killing the inhabitants."

"This will be handed to you by Mr. Cannon, who will acquaint you of many particulars, which I can't mention at this present. - On Saturday, on the Four Holes, I came to a musterfield, where I took a Captain and 2-5 men, and paroled them, and on Sunday night got within six miles of Captain Barton, and six men to guard him. I detached Major Cooper and fifteen men who surrounded his house and ordered him to surrender, but he refused; a smart fire commenced and Major Cooper soon got the better, wounding Barton, who is since dead, and one other, killed three and took two prisoners. The Major got slightly wounded and one of his men, and lost a fine youth, Stewart, who rushed up and was shot dead."

feat aiKl rout at Camden, in August 1780, Gen. Gates took a stand at Hillsborough. N. C, where he collected up his scattered army, but moved down to Charlotte at the end of 1780. On December 2nd, 1780. Gates was superseded by Major-General Nathanael Greene. Greene at once commenced operations. On January 17th, following, a part of Greene's force, under Gen. Daniel Morgan, won a signal victory over the British under Col. Tarleton, at Cowpens, and the Americans began at once to recover much of their lost ground. Battle after battle was fought, with more or less success to the Americans, and within one year nearly every fortified position outside of Charlestown had been either captured or so harassed as to cause an evacuation of it.

"Hurry of l)usine.«s ot)l]'«i:e.s me to he laeoniek. I arrived at this place yesterdaj' morning about lour o'clock. Shortly after, attacked the fort, with which I have been ever since engaged. Everything hitherto favorable, and have no doubt but I shall sucfved, if not interrupted by Lord Rawdon, who, T know, will strip his post as bare of men as possible to spare, to obviate which, as far as may be in your power, it is my Avish that you would be pleased to move in such a direction as to attract his attention, and thereby prevent his designs. Timely assistance in this way portends much good to this State. I have also to request that every- inhabitant of this State, westward of Santee be permitted to join their respective Regiments, or rather immediately repair to my station. I desired Col. Marshall, with what men Ave could collect to march down, eastAvard of Camden, and Avill probably fall in with you in good time. I Avish and l)eg that you Jiuiy suppress every species of plundering, as the greatest cA'ils to the publick, as Avell as individuals, are experienced thereby. You cannot be too particular. The enemy oblige the negroes they have to make frequent sallies. This circumstance alone is sutticient to rouse and fix the resentment and detestation of CAeiy American Avho possesses common feelings. I shall be happy to receive an account of the state of things to the East and NortliAvard. If you can, Avith propriety, ad- in Orangeburgh District, and destroyed all the British stores. Lord Rawdon, then commanding the British forces in Sonth Carolina, immediately marched from Camden to the relief of Fort Granby, npon which Gen. Sumter retired. Of this attack Simms says, p. 209: "Such was the vigor with which he pressed the fort, that his marksmen, mounted upon a temporary structure of rails, had reduced the garrison to the last straits, when they were relieved by the unexpected approach of succor under lord Rawdon, who appeared on the opposite bank of the river. Unable to contend with the superior force of the British, Sumter made a sudden retreat." Gen. Moultrie says, Memoirs, p. 273, that Gen. Sumter the next day "appeared before another British post near Col. Thompson's", which was probably "Bellville" itself.

On May 8th General Marion and Col. Henry Lee, of Virginia, (father of General Robert E. Lee) crossed the Santee, and moved up to Fort Motte, and began their approaches,! which (,] x. i- k \n( is maiuon

"P. S. - I am extremely short of ammunition: if you are well-supplied, should be much obliged to you to send some into the neighborhood of Buckingham's ferry." - Letter to Gen. Marion.

were carried on very rapidly until the 12th, wheFi the post surrendered.* Of the siege of Fort Motte, Gen. Moultrie says. Memoirs, p. 280: "They infornied Mrs. Motte, that they were afraid that they should be obliged to set fire to her house, which stood in the centre of the fort: she begged them that they would not consider her house as of any consequence in the general cause; and with great patriotism and firmness, presented them with an African bow, and quivenemy have eA'acnated Camden. They moved out this moriiinj? early, after destroying the mill, the goal, and their .stores, together with many private houses; Avhat may have induced this unexpected and precipitate movement is uncertain, hut the General is of opinion that the same motives which have induced Lord Eawdon to take this step will also induce the evacuation of all the outposts, which the enemy have at Ninety-.Six, Augusta and on the Conga ree. He begs 3'ou to take such measures as may prevent Ihe garrison at Mott'sfroni escaping. The army was to have moved to-morroAv morning towards Friday's Ferry. I will move that way still, though by a different route and perhaps more slowly. It is uncertain which way Lord Rawdon took his route; it was either to George Town or Charles Town and most prohaMy the latter. The Cleneral is lirmly of opinion tlie enemy will, if they can, evacuate all their out-posts. You will therefore take such measures as you think best calculated to prevent their design. "I am, sir, with high respect,

* "The 12th, Motte's fort sub.mitted to Gen'l Marion; the garrison consisted of upward of one hundred and forty men; one hundred and twenty were British or Hessians, with seven or eight officers. Tiie place had been invested the Sth; nor did it surrender till our troops had made their approaches regularly up to the abbatis; the redoubt was very strong, and commanded l)y Lieutenant M'Pherson, a very brave young officer. Great |>raise is due fo General Marion, and the handful of militia that remained with him till the reduction of the fort. Lieut. Col. Lee's Legion, and the detachments under Major Eaton, the artillery under Caj)t. Finlay, and tiie corps of Infantry under Captains Oldham and .^mith, were indefatigable in canying on the siege. There were found, in the fort, one carronade, one hundred and forty muskets, a (piantity of salt provisions, and other stores." - Extract from letter from Gen. Greene to Samuel Huntingdon, Es(i., dated at "Camp at McCord's Ferry", May 14, 1781.

er of arrows, and requested they would burn the house as quick as they could. With the arrows, and vskewers with combustibles tied to them fired from muskets, they soon put the house in a blaze; and the garrison commanded by Lieutenant MTherson* immediately surrendered at discretion. Mrs. Motte who had retired to a house at a little distance from her own, was extremely rejoiced at seeing the garrison surrender, although at the expense of her own elegant house."

"Two days after this surrender", says Gen. Moultrie, "the British quitted their post at Nelson's-ferry,f on the south side of Santee-river, about sixty miles from Charleston, blew up their works and destroyed a great part of their stores. A few days after. Fort Granby, in Granb}', on Congaree-river, (which had been much harrassed by Colonel Taylor's regiment of militia) surrendered to Lieutenant Colonel Lee. J The garrison

"I beg leave to return you iiiaiiv thanks for your politeness in transmitting to nie the letters wiiieh fell into your possession at Motte's house. Lieut. M'Piierson having mentioned to me that you proposed an exchange of the garrison taken at that post, I have only to ])romise, that an equal number of continental ofticers and soldiers shall be immediately set at liberty for all such as General Greene may think proper to send to Charleston." - Extract from letter from Lord Rawdon to Gen. Greene, May 14, 178L

"I am directed by Gen'l Greene to inform you of the surrender of Fort (jrranby ; five pieces of iron Ordnance, nineteen officers and three hundred and twenty nine privates fell into our hands. The army will march this morning on the route to Ninety-Six. The General has directed General Sumter to continue at this post to command and organize the militia. You will be pleased to continue to harrass the enemv and to receive General Sunjter's orders. You will also arrange commanded by Major Maxwell, consisted of about three hundred and fifty men, most of then) militia: in all these different forts, the Americans took a large quantity of stores. Lord Ruwdon l)ping on the south side of Santee-river, marched down immediately to the relief of Fort Granby, but after marching fourteen miles, he met officers of that garrison on their way to town as prisoners of war, and paroled to Charleston; upon which, he returned."

Oil May II th the post at Orangeburgh, consisting of seventy militia and twelve regulars surrendered to General Sumter.* There is a tradition that Sumter came into town by the "Bellville" road, and that as he reached a spot on Russell Street about in front of where the Presbyterian Church is now he stopped and planted his cannon under a large oak tree which stood there then, and which stood there for upward of

*"On the 11th the post of Orangeburgh, defended by eighty men, under tlie command of a colonel and other otlicers, surrendered to Gen. Sumter, who, by his skill in the disposition of his Artillery and Troops, so intimidated the garrison, that the place soon submitted. We thus got possession of a very strong post, without loss either of men or time; a great quantity of provisions and other stores were found in it." - Extract from letter from Gen. Greene to Samuel Huntingdon, Esq.

one Imndrecl years after.* After firing a few shots from this position Gen. Sumter moved on down to a point on Broughton Street, about in front of the residence of the late Harpin Riggs. There he placed his artillery under another large oak, which stood there, and was still there up to about 1S90. Froui this posi-

"A Landmark Removkd. - The old oak that has stood in Russell Street, and shaded that thoroughfare during its whole career, that has been one of Orangeburg's primaeval landmarks since it has been a 'burg, has at last been felled. The grand old tree has been dead for several years, but has stood in the sunshine and the storm, grand even in its decay. Standing right in the road where General Sumter marched to attack tiie British garrison then occupying the jail, his ancient artillery rumbling over its roots, the old oak where it voiced, could tell of historic love. Separated from its hoary comrades of the forest, it has stood in the heart of our growing town, looking and smiling upon its iniprovements. At last in a green old glory, it has 'departed in peace.'

"The town- councd has had it hewn down, and its massy trunk, riven by explosion, has been removed. In the summer afternoon; as the reports of the blasting reverl)erated on the air, they seemed a funeral salute over its remains.

"So alas; must dear and grand old prejudices, smiling as if in reluctant recognition of progressive change and advancement, pass away with things and systems of the past.

"When vengefully, the storms swept by. With maddening roar and livid sky. Was lit with flashings, (piick and dread. Thou'st held aloft, thy sturdy head Like Hector, when his noble dead.

Around him countless lay. Defiant though the feo drove fast, Umnoved amid tlie wildest blast Thy stalwart limbs, stripped bare, and left Of every kindred soul bereft, And front with myriad gashings cleft, tioii Gen. Sumter soon broiigbt the ganison to terms.* Gen. Sumter is said to have been assisted lr>y Capt. Henry Felder with his company of niilitia, and the two old cannons now standing in Oi'angebnrgh - one on the northeast corner of Russell and Church Streets and the other on the southwest coiner of Russell and Market Streets - are said to have been used by him io the siege.

Of the events just narrated Simnis says, p. 226 et seq: "The fall of Camdeiif led to the rapid overthrow of the enemy's chain of posts below, and completed the recovery of the state lo within thirty miles of the sea. Greene, concluding after the evacuation of this place by Rawdon, that it would be the enemy's object to withdraw his posts on the Congaree, and concen-

"How often have the birdlingj?- uuide. Their home within thy plenteous shade, A safe retreat, till icy breath, Of winter wrapped in early death, Thy pride, and scattered far bedeatii

Ty tendrils clinging fast. Changes thou'st seen, of hope and dread Thou'st borne, and wept thy nuniereus dead Thou'st won the fight, 'gainst many a storm, Yet time hath gnarled thy giant form And age hath fed the wasting worm.

* Captain Thomas Young, a Revolutionary soldier, Avho was still living in 1848, wrote an account of some of his experiences, and, among other things, says: "T joined a detachment of whigs, under Colonel Brandon, and scouted through the country until we reached the siege of Fort Motte. There I remained several days, when we joined a detachment, under Colonel Hampton, to take Orangeburg. The State troops out-marched us, for we had a piece of artillery to manage; we arrived the morning after them. As soon as the fieldpiece was brought to bear upon the house, a breach was made through the gable end - then another lower down - then about the centre, and they surrendered."

trate them helov\' the Saiitee. dispatched expresses to Marion and Sumter, to prepare themselves for such an event. He, himself, ordering the army to pi'oceed by the Camden road for the Congaree, took an escort of cavalry and moved down in person to Fort Motte. At McCord's ferry he received the tidings of the capitulation of this place. Fort Motte lies above the fork, on the south side of the Congaree. The works of the British were built around the mansion house of the lady whose name it bore, and from which, in their savage recklessness of shame, the British officers had expelled her.* It was a noble mansion, of considerable value; but not of so much value as to abridge the patriotism of the high spirited owner. Defended by a strong garrison, under a resolute commander, the fortress promised to baffle for a long time the progress of the besiegers. Under these circumstances, Mrs. Motte, who had been driven for shelter to a neighboring hovel, produced an Indian bow, which, with a quiver of arrows, she presented to the American commander. 'Take these,' she said, while presenting them, 'and expel the enemy. These will enable you to fire the house'. Her earnest entreaty that this course might be adopted, prevailed with the reluctant Marion. Combustibles were fastened to the arrows, which w^ere shot into the roof of the dwelling; and the patriotic woman rejoiced in the destruction of her property,

*Rev. C. ('. Pinckiiev, her great grandson, says, "Life of Thomas Pinckney", p. 81: "While comparative peace reigned, Mrs. Motte was invited to occupy a part of the house; but when hostilities were resumed on the arrival of Greene, and Marion and Sumter and other patriotic leaders were assailing the British and their allies, Mrs. JNIotte was removed to her overseer's residence."

at Fort Motte was fon-ed to surrender/^ and the force under Marion was ready tor operation in other quarters. A portion of it, under colonel Lee, was immediately despatched by Greene, as the vmu of the army, for the reduction of Fort Gran by. The fall of Fort Motte increased the panic of the British, and two days after that event they evacuated their post at Nelson's ferry, blew up the fortifications, and destroyed their stores. Fort Granby, after a l)i'ief conflict, was surrendered with all its garrison, consisting of nearly four hundred men. The terms aflbrded by colonel Lee, were greatly complained of by the Carolinians. These terms gave to the enemy the privilege of carrying off their baggage, in whi(di there was included an immense quantity of plunder. The approach of lord Rawdon, with all his army, is said to have hastened the operations of Lee, and to have led to the liberal concessions which he made to the garrison; but he has incurred the reproach of hastening the caj)itulation in order to anticipate the arrival of Sumter and the grand army. The siege had been begun some time before, by Sumter, who had left colonel Taylor with a strong party to maintain his position, while he made a sudden descent upon the enemy's post at Orangeburgh, in which he was thoroughly successful. Sumter, himself, conceived that he had suffered injury by the capitulation, in which nothing was gained but the earlier possession of a post which could not have been held many days longer, and must have fallen, without conditions, and with all its spoils, into the hands of the Americans. It was with bitter feelings that the whig militia beheld the covered wagons of the enemy, drawn by their own horses, which they

"My first news, upon landing- at Nelson's, was, that the post at Motte's house had fallen. It was a simple redoubt, and had been attacked formally by sap. Lieut. M'Pherson had maintained it gallantly till the house in the centre of it was set in flames by fire arrows, which obliged his men to throw themselves into the ditch, and surrender at discretion.

"But as Major M'Arthur joined me with near three hundred foot and eighty dragoons, I conceived I might, without hazarding too far, endeavor to check the enemy's operations on the Congaree. On the 14th, at night, I marched from Nelson's, and on the evening of the 15th I reached the point where the roads from Congarees and M'Cord's ferry unite. Various information was brought to me thither that Greene had passed the Congaree, at M'Cord's ferry, and had pushed down the Orangeburgh road. The accounts though none of them positive or singly satisfactory, corresponded so much, that I was led to believe them, and the matter was of such moment, that it would not admit of my pausing for more certain information; therefore, after giving the troops a little rest, I moved back to Eutaws the same night, but hearing nothing there, I pursued ray march hither."*

"The British", says Gen. Moultrie, "had now lost all their posts in the three Southern States, except that at Ninety-six, one at Fort Golphan, and one at Augusta, in Georgia."!

The day after the taking of (iraDby, (len. (jreene dispatched Col. Lee with his legion to take Fort dolphin,* and to assist Gen. Pickens and Col. Clark in the taking of Fort Cornwallis; while he proceeded with his niain force to Ninety-Six, before which he arrived on the 21st of May, 1781, and immediately began his approaches. The siege was continued until June 18th, when the approach of Lord Rawdon froiu Charlestown,! with reinforcements, compelled him to retreat across the Saluda and Broad rivers to a point above Winnsboro. The subsequent movements of the two armies are best described in the following letter, written by Adjutant-General Otho H. Williams to Maj: Pendleton, Aid-de-Camp to (len. (ireeue:

"After you left us at Ninety-Six we were obliged to retrograde as far as the cross road« above Winusborough. Lord Rawdon's return over Saluda induced the General to halt the army, and wait for intelli-

"The enemy are yet advancing, are some distance above Orangeburgh, their force consideral)le; Ninety-8ix not yet taken; everything with respect to the siege going on well; tinje is all that is needed. I wrote to Gen'l Greene for amnuinition for you, which, if he furnishes, I will have forwanled to meet you. In one day more the enemy's designs imist be known, whether their object is Ninety-Six, or my party, to which they have already given much trouble in marching and counter marching. As their movements have been very singular and with uncommon caution, they are strong in horse. An express this moment from Gen'l. Greene; the post not reduced, but m a fair way. T am, sir, gence respecting his further manoeuvres, and hearing a few days after that his lordship was on his march to fort Gra^b3^ our army was ordered to march towards that place by way of Winnsborough. Before we could arrive at Congaree, Lord Rawdon retired to Orangebargh; and as he had left a considerable part of his army at Ninety-Six, (len. Greene detached the cavalry and light infantry to join Gen. Marion, and endeavor to intercept Col. Stewart, who was on his march from Charleston with the Third Regiment, &c., consisting of about three hundred, conveying bread, stores, &c., of which Lord Rawdon's troops were in great want. Stewart however joined his lordship at Orangeburgh; and Gen. iGreene, from the information he LORD RAWDON. \y^^\ i-ecclved, was encouraged to expect success from an attack upon the British army at that post. Accordingly he collected his troops, and called together the militia and state troops under Gen's. Sumter and Marion (Gen. Pickens being left to watch the motions of Col. Cruger). A junction of the whole formed a very respectable little army, which marched to a small branch of North Edisto,* within four miles ol Orangeburgh, where we halted, and lay the 12th instant from about nine o'clock in the morning till six in the afternoon.

"Gen. Greene reconnoitred the position of the enemy, and found it materially different from what it had been represented. The ground is broken, and natur-

*Turkey Hill Branch on vv hat is now called the old Columbia road, in all probability. fBy courtesy of Everett Waddey Company, publishers Chapman's School History of South Carolina.

ally strong, from the Court-bouse (which is two stories high and built of brick*), to a bridge four or five hundred yards distant, the only pass over the Edisto within many miles. The general had every reason to believe what he had soon afterwards confirmed, that Col. Cruger had evacuated Ninety-Six, and was on his march to join Lord Rawdon, which might possibly be done before we could force his lordship (if he could be forced at all) to a general action, - the issue of which was not certain. These considerations induced the General rather to offer than give battle. The enemy declined the opportunity, and put up with the insult. Gen. Greene, therefore, ordered our troops to retire in the afternoon to Col. Middleton's plantation, from whence we have proceeded by slow easy marches to this place, and not without leaving behind sufficient detachments to intercept their convoys from below, and to create such a diversion at Monk's Corner, Dorchester, &c., as wall very probably oblige his lordship to march to their relief."

Rawdon's operations were now confined almost- entirely within that extent of country which is enclosed by the Santee, the Congaree and the North Edisto. Within these limits, after the late retreat of Greene, Rawdon evidently resolved to canton his forces, but he soon found that the Americans were not to be shaken off. He was no doubt surprised when he found that Gen. Greene had not retreated a great way off, but had faced about to give him battle upon the Congaree. Having divided his force, and left one part of it at Ninety-Six under command of Col. Cruger, he felt himself unequal to an encounter, but fell back before the approaching Americans to Orangeburgh, where he was sheltered on one side by the Edisto, and on the other by strong buildings, little inferior to redoubts. But even these advantages might not have saved him, had not the approach of Cruger compelled Greene to withdraw. Cruger having joined him, Lord Rawdon left the post at Orangeburgh in command of Colonel Stewart, and, with five hundred of his troops retired into Charlestowu, the State troops dogging his footsteps.

Having succeeded in driving Rawdon from Camden, by striking at the posts below, Greene determined to pursue the same course to compel the evacuation of Orangeburgh. With this object in view he let loose in the country below Orangeburgh most of the State troops under Marion and Sumter. These so harassed reconnoitering parties, convoys, escorts and stragglers; so often captured or cut off supplies, and otherwise so annoyed Stewart that his situation at Orangeburgh was becoming precarious, although he had command of nearly three thousand troops.

When Stewart moved, he took post near the junction of the Congaree and Wateree rivers, but on the South side. He left a force at Orangeburgh, and Col. Lee, crossing the Congaree with his cavalry, penetrated between the main body of the British army and the post at Orangeburgh, and in sight of the latter place, drove in, dispersed and captured several of their detachments. The embarrassment produced by such operations; the great difficulty of procuring provisions; and the necessity of lessening his main army to strengthen his posts below; in order to cover his communications between Orangeburgh and Charlestown, rendered the position of Stewart still more critical.

The concentration by Greene of most of his detachments at a general rendezvous, determined the movements of Stewart. Falling back upon his re-inforcements and convoys, he took a position at Eutaw

Springs, about forty miles from Orangeburgh. He was followed by Col. Lee, who was pushed forward to watch his movements, while Gen. Pickens, with his South Carolina militia, advanced with a similar object, in the neghborhood of the enemy's post at Orangeburgh. Meantime, Greene crossed the Congaree, and moved down to Fort Motte,* where he resolved to discontinue the pursuit and await events.

This hesitation seemed to determine Stewart. Halting at Eutaw, he withdrew the garrison from Orangeburgh, and establishing it at Fairlawui Barony,t he prepared for a fight. Greene being joined by Marion, followed up, and on September 8th, 1781, the battle of Eutaw was fought.:|: Although the action was indecisive Stewart retreated towards Charlestowni. And though he succeeded in escaping from his pursuers, the British power in South Carolina was completely prostrated by the battle of Eutaw.

Meanwhile intelligence reached the South that Cornwallis contemplated returning from Virginia to Carolina by land. A movement of Stewart seemed to confirm the report. Having strengthened his army he returned to Eutaw.

"In my dispatches of the 25th of August, I informed your excellency, that we were on the march to Friday's Ferry, with tlie intent of forming a junction with the troops of the State and the corps of militia that were assembled, and to attack tlie Englisli army, encamped near M'Leod's Ferry.

"On the 27th, upon our arrival there, I received advice tliat tlie eneniy had retired. We passed tlie river at Howell's Ferry, and our tirst post was Motte's plantation, where T learnt that the enemy had stopped at Eutaw Springs, about forty miles from us." - Gen. Greene to the President of Gongress.

Col. Henry Lee

The advance of the British to Eutaw did not, on their part, result in any increase of vigor. They took post at Fludd's plantation, three miles above Nelson's ferry. Their force of over tv\'o thousand was so much larger than Greene's that it gave the enemy the undivided command of the country to the South of the Santee and Congaree, and westward to the Edisto. But Greene received reinforcements and within two months of the battle of Eutaw was again ready to act. Marion was ordered to operate between the Santee and Charlestown, and Sumter, with his brigade of State troops, and some companies of his militia brigade, was ordered to take post at Orangeburgh and defend the country against the loyalists from Charlestown.*

Gen. Sumter crossed the river in the beginning of November, and advanced upon the enemy. He soon fell in with a strong party of Tories under Gen. Robert Cuningham, who had advanced upon Orangeburgh, and one of his officers, a Major Morris, suffered himself to fall into an ambuscade, in which he sustained some loss. The forces of Sumter and Cuningham

*"Geii Sumter has orders to take post at Orangeburg, to i^reveut the Tories in tluit quarter from conveying supplies to Town, and liis advance i^arties will penetrate as low as Dorchester; therefore you may act in conjunction with him" &c. - Extract from a letter from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion, Nov. 5, 1781.

"I have some reason to tliink Gen. Greene don't mean to move downward until the lower posts are well explored, and the number and situation of the enemy accurately ascertained." * * * * "The enemy in this quarter are numerous in horse, but not formidable." - Sumter to Marion.

"Would you wish to have a part of tlie militia of Gen. Sumter's Brigade? tliey are at Oi'angeburgh and Four Holes - please to infonii me. I suppose you have heard of the General's resignation; Col. Henderson is thought of to succeed liim." - Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion, March 1, 1782.

being nearly equal, operated as mutual checks upon each other. Cuningham, who had issued from Charlestown on a pillaging expedition into the upper country, was checked in his progress; while Sumter, to continue this restraint upon his enemy, and maintain himself in safety, fell back for the present, and secured himself by a carefully selected position.

About this time the news of the fall of Cornvvallis at Yorktown reached South Carolina. It gave confidence to Greene and caused Stewart alarm.

On November ISth, Greene struck camp at the High Hills, and took up the line of march on the route by Simons's and McCord's ferries, through Orangeburgh, to Riddlespurger's; thence by the Indian field road to Ferguson's mill, wdiere that road crosses the Edisto. The remainder of Greene's operations were to the South of Orangeburg District. The country from the Edisto to the Santee became thrown open in consequence, for a time, to the ravages of the enemy: and a party of Tories, under the command of William Cuningham, ("Bloody Bill.") escaped from the lower country, passed through Orangeburg District, and ascended the Saluda with a body of three hundred horse.*

By the beginning of the year 1782 the British held no posts outside of Charlestown, but they did not formally retire from that city until December 14th, 1782. In the meantime about the only warfare waged in South Carolina was that waged between Whigs and Tories. Several events of this warfare have been recorded. Two by Eh'. Johnson, in his "Traditions'", concern us. Of the first of these he says, p. 54S:

*Dr. Johnsdii, says, p. 505: "Tt is supposed, that wlien Bill Cunningham made liis bloody incursion into tlie up-country, in 17S1, his aim was to surprise and capture Haminond." (Col. Samuel.) But on the other hand he did not surprise Hammond, hut was worried by him until Gen. Pickens joined Hammond and chast'd Cuiiin,i>ham from the Saluda to Orangeburgh.

''Near the close of these troubles in South-Carolina, in May, 1782, Captain Watson* heard of a body of tories in Dean's Swamp, near Orangeburg, and, in conjunction with Captain William Butler - his friend and neighl)or - it was dertermined to attack them. Watson's men were mounted militia, armed with rifles and muskets; Butler's command were cavalry, armed with pistols and cutlasses. In order to surprise the tories, the associates marched forward at sunset with great rapidit}^ captured a disaffected man, named Hutto or Hutton, and hurried him along with them under guard. As they approached the tory encampment, Hutton made his escape, and gave notice to the tories of Watson's approach. They immediately paraded in ambush to surprise and oppose the whigs. When Button's escape was reported to the two captains, Watson declared his opinion that the expedition should be abandoned, but Butler, for various reasons, thought otherwise, and they accordingly continued to advance. When they approached the edge of the swamp, two men were observed, as if endeavoring to hide themselves. Butler, Watson, and Sergeant Vardel - a very brave man - rode rapidly forward to capture them. Watson first discovered that these men were only a decoy, and, w^hen too late, w^arued the others that the whole of the tories were there concealed. They arose, on being discovered, and poured on their assailants a well-directed fire, which brought down Watson, Vardel, and several others of the foremost whigs. Although sorely galled, Butler brought off' the wounded men, and now found, to his mortification, that the infantry had little or no ammunition left, and that the enemy were advancing upon him with double his numbers. In this emergency, he appointed a brave young man, named John

Corley. his liententant, and made a desperate charge on the enemy's line, so unexpectedly as to throw them into confusion. He pressed on them so hotly, n)ingling in their disoi'dered ranks, and hewing them down with his broad swords, that they had not time to rally - their superior numbers only increased their confusion and destruction. Butler continued his impetuous attack, until the tories took refuge in the swamp. As the whigs returned in triumph, the gallant Vardel made an effort to rise and wave his hand in hurra, but fell immediately and expired. They buried him - where the brave are proud to lie - on the field of victory.

"Watson survived until the Americans reached Orangeburg. In that village he was buried with the honors of war, and his grave was w^atered with the manly tears of his fellow soldiers.

"The following in(;idents occurred in this expedition to Dean's Swamp. A smart young man, who had never been engaged in battle, was very anxious to become an officer in Watson's company, and very desirous of distinction. He was elected, and advanced in his command very gallantly to the attack mounted on a beautiful filly. When the enemy were discovered, he dismounted with the rest, and having hitched his horse, was advancing on foot, when the tories rose and delivered their destructive fire. Seeing the number that fell with Captain Watson, the young officer's courage suddenly evaporated from his fingei- ends. He tui'ued his back, and, forgetting his hoi'se, becanie more distinguished in the flight than in the fight, and never stopped until he reached home, spreading a report that the party had been ambushed and all killed but himself. The horse was saved by those who brought off' the wounded. When they reached Orangeburg, finding that the owner would not return to claim her, the}'

"In the latter part of the year 1782, while advancing with his usual impetuosity, and perhaps too much temerity, upon a party of tories that v^ere encamped near Orangeburg, he received a musket ball in his shoulder, which he carried to his grave. Not at all disconcerted or discouraged, although unable to proceed, he ordered, with great presence of mind, his first lieutenant, William Butler, to lead on the attack and continue the pursuit."

This warfare between Whigs and Tories did not even end with the war, though waged without the sanction of the law. But at any rate we will consider the Revolutionary war as closing in South Carolina, and in Orangeburgh District, on the day when the British vessels containing the British army sailed out of Charleston Harbor, Deceniber 14th, 1782.

The following list of battles fought on the soil of what is now Orangeburg County, was kindly furnished by General Edward McCrady from the manuscript of his forthcoming volume on the history of South Carolina during the Revolutionary period:

1. Thomson's Plantation, 22 and 23 February, 1781. Sumter attacks British post at, is repulsed, but next day captures wagon ti"ain and guards on way to Rawdon.

The German people who resided in Orangeburgh District have never received justice in regard to their conduct during the Revolution, at the hands of any of our historians, and for that reason outside historians have been free to declare that the large German settlements in South Carolina were of Tory sentiments.

On this subject Lorenzo Sabine in his work, "American Loyalists", says, speaking of the conduct of South Carolina in the Revolution: "The population, composed as it was, of emigrants from Switzerland, Germany, France, Ireland, and the northern colonies of America, and their descendants, was, of course, deficient in the necessary degree of homogeneity, or sameness of nature, to insure any considerable unanimity of political sentiment." After giving the above as one of the principal reasons why the people of South Carolina were not true to the cause of Independence, Sabine continued by making many asserfioihs to the effect

In his admirable pamphlet, "South Carolina in the Eevolution", Mr. Simms refutes many of the slanders of Sabine, but even he has fallen into the error, that so many otiier historians had fallen into, in regard to the conduct of the German and Scotch elements of our population. Mr. Simms says on p. 17 of his pamphlet: "The Scotch, a people remarkable for their loyalty, were naturally with Great Britain. The German population found no arguments equal to the conclusive fact that George the Third was a Prince of Hanover," Again on p. 71 he says: ''Her numerical force was lessened by the Scotch, German and Quaker settlements of the interior all of which were loyalists."

Dr. Joseph Johnson, in "Traditions of the Revolution", pp. 101-2, makes the same error. He says: "The Germans in South Carolina generally refused to take part in the revolution, either for or against the government, saying that the King was of German descent, and that they did not understand the dispute."

Now. the bulk of the German people of South Carolina lived in the districts of Orangeburgh and Ninety- Six - that part of Ninety-Six now embraced by Newberry and Saluda counties.

This work does not concern the conduct of the Ninety-Six Germans, but extensive research as to the conduct of the Orangeburgh Germans, shows that among them were some of the truest Whigs in South Carolina, and we must insist that only a very small percentage of them were Tories, outlaws or neutrals.

A careful examination of the Giessendanner Record, given in the second chapter of this work, will disclose the names of the German families of Orangeburgh