Athens Township (part 1 of 21)

Athens Township

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Preface

THIS unpretending book is a record of but narrow interest and of purely local events. Its preparation was undertaken at the instance and request of some of the old citizens of

Athens county - a county which, one of the earliest organized in Ohio, contains, perhaps, a greater number of surviving pioneers than any other in the state except Washington. The desire, on the part of these pioneers, to see preserved in a somewhat connected form the annals of the first settlement of the county and of their own labors and struggles in founding society here, is not an unnatural one. '^Near is thy forgetfulness of all things," said Marcus Aurelius, in one of his aphorisms, ^' and near the forgetfulness of thee by all." With something of this feeling,^ it is, perhaps, that the old always dwell with such keen pleasure on the events and associations of their early life. Conscious of approaching change and of waning strength, they love period when the eye was bright, the brain active, and the step elastic. There is, also, a feeling among men that the record of a well-spent and useful life, even if humble, deserves to be remembered. They derive a pardonable pleasure from the thought that posterity will not wholly ignore nor forget them.

It is in recognition of this feeling that these pages have been written. To preserve some account of the lives and labors of the early settlers, who bore so honorable a part in converting a wilderness into a great commonwealth, and to rescue from total oblivion some matters that seem worthy of being narrated, is the modest object of this sketch concerning the history of Athens county.

In endeavoring to accomplish faithfully what was undertaken^ it has been found that the work, notwithstanding its narrow scope, involved considerable labor and diiEculties. Much of the information touching the first settlement of the county has passed out of reach and is lost forever. Nearly three-quarters of a century have elapsed since the first band of pioneers came into Athens and Ames townships, and that generation has disappeared. If this work had been undertaken by some one fifteen or twenty years since, a vastly greater amount of oral and traditional history could have been gained from the then surviving pioneers. But they have passed away, and it is from their sons and successors that many of the fiicts herein have been obtained. It is evident that much of the material so acquired would be more or less vague, confused^ and difficult to arrange. The writer has, however, labored diligently to overcome these obstacles, and hopes that he has been mainly successful. He is well aware that there will be found errors both of omission and of commission in the book, but it is impossible, in a work of this sort, to eliminate all such. The writer is very conscious, too, of the Hterary deficiencies of the book. It has been prepared hurriedly, amid the constant pressure of other duties, and the marks of haste are apparent ; could he have had more time, he would have improved and greatly condensed it. Such as it is, however, if it shall afford any gratification to the good people of the county, where he was born and passed the early portion of Hfs life, the writer will feel pleased and well rewarded. Doubtless it will be discovered that some prominent early settlers, or leading men among recent citizens, have not been mentioned at all, while comparatively too great prominence will be thought to have been given to others; but the best has been done that could be, under the circumstances, and it is hoped such inequalities and defects will be overlooked.

Chapter

EIGHTY years ago the territory included within the limits of the present State of Ohio was an almost unbroken wilderness. The beautiful river that forms its southern boundary had, indeed, been threaded by a few eager explorers; but the white man had not yet established himself upon its banks. So too Lake Krie, on the north, had long before been furrowed by the adventurous craft of civilized men ; but on all its borders there was not a hamlet nor a house. Over the whole region, now so thickly populated, brooded the silence of savage life. The rivers were ploughed only by the swift canoe of the Indian, the forests echoed no sound of productive industry, and the virgin earth

To-day, in wealth and population Ohio ranks third among the states of the Union. Large cities, flourishing towns, peaceful hamlets, and smiling farms enliven and beautify the scene. Huge steamers, laden with passengers and with wealth, ply upon the rivers and lakes which, less than three generations ago, were silent and desolate. Railroads traverse the state in all directions ; busy manufactories give employment to thousands ; institutions of learning and charity abound, and, in all respects, the state ranks as a prosperous and powerful commonwealth.

History does not elsewhere record such an extraordinary case of rapid development, and the political philosopher finds abundant food for thought in tracing, from their first beginning, the causes that have contributed to so great a growth. We propose, in these pages, to chronicle some of the events and to sketch some of the individuals connected with the settlement and development of one small portion of this great state, viz : Athens County.

Before entering, however, upon matters purely local, let us take a general view of the country and its inhabitants prior to its first settlement by the whites, and thus enable ourselves more clearly to appreciate the wildness of the region to which the early settlers came.

\17HATEVER cuHous Speculations may be indulged as to the origin of the Indian races that once inhabited the northwestern territory, it is certain that we have no clear knowledge of them farther back than the middle of the seventeenth, century. Beyond that, they disappear in the mists of the pre-historic period, and, even long after that, much that is written concerning them rests on vague tradition. Whether they were sprung from some of the oriental tribes, or what their origin and whence their travels, are questions that will probably never be answered; they belong to the class of ethnological mysteries which will, in all times, furnish themes for the ingenious researches of learned men, but which will never be solved. It is not proposed to enter into this broad and interesting topic, but merely to glance at the condition of the country and the character of the aboriginal inhabitants of Ohio before its first settlement by the whites.

In 1650, Ohio was an unbroken forest, occupied principally by a tribe of Indians called the ErieSy who had their villages and hunting grounds near the shores of the lake of that name, and whose wanderings were chiefly confined to the present northern portions ot the state. The Wyandot s (or Hurons) held the peninsula between Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario, and their hunting excursions extended as far south as the regions about the mouths of the Maumee and Sandusky, while a tribe called the Andastes possessed the valleys of the Allegheny and the upper Ohio.

During the latter half of the seventeenth century, frequent and terrible incursions were made among these tribes of the west by the more warlike and powerful Iroquois^ from New York. These Iroquois^ so called by the French, were the noted Five Nations, viz: the Mohawks^ OneidaSy OnondagaSy CayugaSy and SenecaSy and they formed the strongest confederation known in Indian history. Tradition relates with what relentless fury and unwearying tenacity the hostile Iroquois warred upon the western tribes until finaHy the latter were wiped out - either massacred, driven away, or merged into other tribes.

Thus, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, Ohio was almost unclaimed and uninhabited by human beings save as it was used as a hunting ground by the IroquoiSy or crossed and recrossed by them in their long war expeditions. But they were not able to maintain complete supremacy over so vast a region, and between 1700 and 1750 Ohio again became occupied by different tribes of savages, which, the active warfare of the Iroquois having measurably ceased, took possession of the whole region as weeds take possession of a neglected field. They probably sprung from the surviving members of the tribes that had been overcome and dispersed by the IroquoiSy and a mere enumeration of them will answer our present purpose. They were.

I. The WyandotSy who were descended, doubtless, from the undestroyed remnant of the once powerful tribe of that name, which, half a century before, had been driven off by the Iroquois. Freed from the vindictive pursuit of their ancient enemies, this tribe returned to their old hunting grounds, and by the middle of the eighteenth century their right was undisputed to the northern part of the state.

1. The DelawareSy whose principal settlements were on the Muskingum river, where they flourished and became a powerful tribe, asserting a possession over nearly one-half of the state.

3. The Shawanese (written also Shawanoese and Shawnees)y who are supposed to have come from the distant south - perhaps from the country bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. They occupied the Scioto and Miami country, and for a long distance eastward, including the present county of Athens and adjacent region, though the Wyandots and Delawares were also frequently found in this section on hunting or war expeditions. The Shawanese had four tribes, or subdivisions, two of which were the Piqua and the Chillicot he tribes; hence the names of those towns. Powerful and warlike, they were among the most efficient allies of the French during the seven years war, and subsequently took an active part against the Americans during the revolution and the Indian war which followed. Their hostility was terminated by the treaty at Greenville in 1795, by which they ceded nearly the whole of their territory. A portion of them, however, again made war against the United States, having, with Tecumseh, joined the British standard during the war of 1 8 12.

4. The Ottawas (or as they were called by the early white settlers, the Tawas)^ who dwelt in the valleys of the Sandusky and Maumee rivers, and who, together with the fVyandotSy occupied portions of northern Ohio.

The foregoing enumeration conveys an idea, sufficiently accurate for our purpose, of the Indian tribes that inhabited Ohio during the middle and latter part of the eighteenth century, and up to the time of the first white settlement, under the auspices of the "Ohio Company." These tribes were roving and active, and in the power to make war by no means contemptible. The long and bloody struggle which they made to keep possession of the country, sufficiently attests their tenacity of purpose and their capacity for concerted action.

There is reason to believe that in some former age, though how remote can only be conjectured, what is now Athens county was a favorite resort of the Indians. Indeed, remarkable traces of their existence are still to be found here. In Athens and Dover townships, on the level plateau called "the Plains," are several of those Indian mounds which, found in various parts of the Mississippi valley, have so long interested American archaeologists. A still more interesting Indian relic in the same township, is the remains of an ancient earthwork or fortification.* Considerably more than an acre is included by an embankment which, though it has been ploughed over for a third of a century, is still very marked with its rude bastions, ramparts, and curtains. It is probable that on this spot, some hundreds of years since, a battle was fought between warring tribes of savages for the possession of the inviting plains of Dover and the lower valley of the Hockhocking. Numerous skeletons have been found in these mounds, together with Indian hatchets and other weapons of stone.

Such, then, were the occupants of Ohio in the middle of the eighteenth century, and such, at least, approximately, were the limits of their homes and haunts. During the half century that followed, while the white men were building up a civil society in the East, and events were slowly drifting toward the collision and war which resulted in American independence, the possessory rights of these savages were but little disturbed in Ohio. Here they roamed, and hunted, and made love or war at their pleasure, little conscious of their approaching troubles and doom. It is no part of the purpose of this narrative to treat in detail of the history of this period, of the intrigues and wars of the French and English for the possession of this Western country, and of the fitful and treacherous alliances of the Indians now with one side and now with the other. Our aim is merely to call attention to the character of the Indian tribes that occupied the country by way of showing in some degree the dangers and the obstacles with which the pioneers had to deal ; this being cursorily accomplished, we pass to events more nearly connected with our subject.

Probably but few of the present inhabitants of Athens county are aware that a fort was established within its limits, and an army marched across its borders, led by an English earl, before the Revolutionary war. The building of Fori Gower at the mouth of the Hockhocking river, in what is now Troy township, and the march of Lord Dunmore's army across the county, thirty years before its erection as a county, forms an interesting passage in our remote history before the earliest settlement bv the whites.

"Dunmore's war" was the designation applied to a series of bloody hostilities between the whites and Indians during the year 1774. It was the culmination of the bitter warfare that had been waged with varying success between the frontier population of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and the DelawareSy Iroquoisy Wyandot Sy and other tribes of Indians. One of the most noted of the many massacres of that period was that of Logan's family by the whites, and, in retaliation, the swift vengeance of the Mingo chief upon the white settlements on the Monongahela, where, in the language of his celebrated speech, he "fully glutted his vengeance."

In August, 1774, Lord Dunmore, then royal Governor of Virginia, determined to raise a large force and carry the war into the enemy's country. The plan of the campaign was simple. Three regiments were to be raised west of the Blue Ridge, to be commanded by General Andrew Lewis, while two other regiments from the interior were to be commanded by Dunmore himself The forces were to form a junction at the mouth of the Great Kanawha and proceed under the command of Lord Dunmore to attack the Indian towns in Ohio.

The force under Lewis, amounting to eleven hundred men, rendezvoused at Camp Union, now Lewisburg, Greenbriar county. West Virginia, whence they marched early in September, and reached Point Pleasant on the 6th of October. Three days later, Lewis received dispatches from Dunmore informing him that he had changed his plan of operations; that he (Dunlo Indian Occupation of Ohio.

more) would march across the country against the Shawanese towns on the Scioto, situated within the present limits of Pickaway county, and Lewis was ordered to cross the Ohio river at once and join Dunmore before those towns.

This movement was to have been made on the loth of October. On that day, however, before the march had begun, two men of Lewis's command were fired upon while hunting a mile or so from camp. One was killed and the other came rushing into camp with the alarm that Indians were at hand. General Lewis had barely time to make some hasty dispositions when there began one of the most desperate Indian battles recorded in border warfare - the battle of Point Pleasant. The Indians were in great force, infuriated by past wrongs and by the hope of wiping out their enemy by this day's fight, and were led on by their ablest and most daring chiefs. Pre-eminent among the savage leaders were Logan and " Cornplanter" (or "Cornstalk"), whose voices rang above the din, and whose tremendous feats performed in this day's action have passed into history. The contest lasted all day and was not yet decided. Toward evening General Lewis ordered a body of men to gain the enemy's flank, on seeing which movement about to be successfully executed the Indians drew oflT and eflTected a safe retreat. The force on both sides in this battle was nearly equal - about i,icx). The whites lost half their officers and

52 men killed. The loss of the Indians, killed and wounded, was estimated at 233.* Soon after the battle Lewis crossed the river and pursued the Indians with great vigor, but did not again come in conflict with them.

Meanwhile, Lord Dunmore, in whose movements we are more interested, had, with about twelve hundred men, crossed the mountains at Potomac Gap, reviewed his force at Fort Pitt (now Pittsburg), and descended the Ohio river as far as the mouth of the Hockhocking, within the present limits of Athens county. Here he landed, formed a camp, and built a fortification which he called Fort Gower. It was from here that he sent word to General Lewis of the change in his plan of campaign, and he remained here until after the battle of Point Pleasant. Abraham Thomas, formerly of Miami county, Ohio, who was in Dunmore's army, has stated in a letter published many years ago in the Troy Times, that by laying his ear close to the surface of the river on the day of the battle, he could distinctly hear the roar of the musketry more than twenty-five miles distant.

Leaving a suflicient force at Fort Gower to protect the stores and secure it as a base. Lord Dunmore marched up the Hockhocking toward the Indian country. There is a tradition that his little army

He marched across the present limits of the county and up the Hockhocking as far as where Logan now stands ; and from there westward to a point seven miles from Circleville, where a grand parley was held with the Indians. It was at this council, by the way, that the famous speech of the Mingo chief was made, beginning " I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry and he gave him not meat," etc. After the execution of a treaty with the Indians (for we do not propose to detail the movements of General Lewis or the operations of the campaign, except as they had some connection with what is now Athens county). Lord Dunmore returned to Fort Gower by nearly the same route he had pursued in his advance, viz: across the country and down the valley of the Hockhocking to its mouth. It is probable that his army was disbanded at this point, and returned in small parties to their homes.

^' In 1 83 1 a steamboat was detained a few hours near the house of Mr. Curtis, on the Ohio, a short distance above the mouth of the Hockhocking, and General Clark, of Missouri, came ashore. He inquired respecting the remains of a fort or encampment at the mouth of the Hockhocking river. He was told that there was evidence of a clearing of several acres in extent, and that pieces of guns and muskets had been found on that spot; and also that a collection of several hundred bullets had been discovered on the bank of the Hockhocking, about twenty-five miles up the river. General Clark then stated that the ground had been occupied as a camp by Lord Dunmore who came down the Kanawha with three hundred men in the spring of 1775, with the expectation of treating with the Indians here. The chiefs not making their appearance, the march was continued up the river twenty-five or thirty miles, where an express from Virginia overtook the party. That evening a council was held and lasted till very late at night. In the morning the troops were disbanded, and immediately requested to enlist in the British service for a stated period. The contents of the dispatches, received the previous evening, had not transpired when this proposition was made. A major of militia, named McCarty, made an harangue to the men against enlisting, which seems to have been done in an eloquent and effectual manner. He referred to the condition of the public mind in the colonies, and the probability of a revolution which must soon arrive. He represented the suspicious circumstances of the express, which was still a secret to the troops, and that appearances justified the conclusion that they were required to enlist in a service against their own countrymen, their own kindred, their own homes.

*' The consequence was that but few of the men re-enlisted, and the majority, choosing the orator as leader, made the best of their way to Wheeling. The news brought out by the courier proved to be an account of the opening combat of the Revolution, at Lexington, Mass., April 20, 1775.

Of this account, Mr. Whittlesey says it was related to him "by Walter Curtis, Esq., of Belpre, Washington county, Ohio, and transmitted by me in substance to the secretary of the Ohio Historical Society. Mr. Curtis received it from General Clark, an eminent citizen of Missouri, a brother of General George Rogers Clark, of Kentucky." Mr. Whittlesey admits that, " though it comes very well authenticated, it seems to contradict other well-known facts." We are decidedly of opinion that General Clark's statement was erroneous in respect of the time, nature, and object of Lord Dunmore's expedition up the Hockhocking, and that he never made but one expedition to that region, which was the one we have already described. In the first place, there is not a scrap nor particle of history extant to show that Dunmore made any western expedition in the "spring of 1775." Secondly, we know that he was there in the summer and autumn of 1774, that Fort Gower was built at that time, and, probably, the buried bullets, etc., were deposited at the same time. Thirdly, hostilities with the mother country had begun in the spring (April) of 1775; Lord Dunmore was one of the most active and determined royalists in the colonies, and it is not likely that he was spending his time chasing after the Indians when his master's empire in America was crumbling to pieces. Finally, we know that Dunmore was at Williamsburg, Virginia, on the 3d day of May,

1775, for on that day he issued a proclamation to **the disaffected persons of the Colony," calling on them to return to their allegiance.* There is evidence that he was there in April of the same year; and in June, 1775, ^ letter written from Baltimore says: "A gentleman who last night came here from Williamsburg, which he left on Friday last, June 9th, brings an account of Lord Dunmore having the day before gone on board a man-of-war at York, with his lady and family, for safety/'f These considerations we think, render it quite clear that Lord Dunmore did not make an expedition to the .Hockhocking country in the spring of 1775, and doubtless the one made in the summer of 1774 was the only one he ever made to this region.

" At a meeting of the officers under the command of his Excellency, the Right Honorable the Earl of Dunmore, convened at Fort Gower, situated at the junction of the Ohio and Hockhocking rivers, November 5, 1774, for the purpose of consid- ^ ering the grievances of British America, an officer present addressed the meeting in the following words : and ourselves, it only remains that we should give our country the strongest assurance that we are ready, at all times, to the utmost of our power, to maintain and defend her just rights and privileges. We have lived about three months in the woods, without any intelligence from Boston or from the delegates at Philadelphia. It is possible, from the groundless reports of designing men, that our countrymen may be jealous of the use such a body would make of the arms in their hands at this critical juncture. That we are a respectable body is certain, when it is considered that we can live weeks without bread or salt ; that we can sleep in the open air without any covering but the canopy of heaven, and that our men can march and shoot with any in the known world. Blessed with these talents, let us solemnly engage with one another, and our country in particular, that we will use them to no purpose but the honor and advantage of America in general, and of Virginia in particular. It behooves us then, for the satisfaction of our country, that we should give them our real sentiments, by way of resolves, at this very alarming crisis.'

"Whereupon the meeting made choice of a committee to draw up and prepare resolves for their consideration, who immediately withdrew ; and after some time spent therein, reported that they had agreed to and prepared the following resolves, which were read, maturely considered, and unanimously adopted by the meeting:

*' Resolved^ That we will bear the most faithful allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third, whilst his Majesty delights to reign over a brave and free people; that we will, at the expense of life and everything dear and valuable, exert ourselves in support of the honor of his Crown and the dignity of the British Empire. But as the love of liberty, and attachment to the real interests and just rights of America, outweigh every other consideration, we resolve that we will exert every power within us for the defense of American liberty^ and for the support of her just rights and privileges ; not in any precipitate, riotous, or tumultuous manner, but when regularly called forth by the unanimous voice of our countrymen.

^^ Resolved, That we entertain the greatest respect for his Excellency the Right Honorable Lord Dunmore, who commanded the expedition against the Shawanese ; and who, we are confident, underwent the great fatigue of this singular campaign from no other motive than the true interest of this country.

On his return to Virginia, Lord Dunmore received the congratulations of various towns, and the thanks of the Assembly, on the successful issue of his expedition and his execution of a treaty with the Indians. He at once ardently espoused the cause of the King, was one of his most influential and obstinate adherents in the colonies, and spent the remainder of his brief stay in this country in the vain eflTort to resist the consummation of American independence. But the doom of the cause which Lord Dunmore thus earnestly espoused was as clearly written in the book of fate as was that of the savage race, against whose towns he had marcMfed up the banks of the Hockhocking. f sub-commissioner of the British government, embarked at Pittsburg, with some friendly Indians, intending to visit the Wabash and Illinois country, and conclude a treaty with the Indians. Five days from Pittsburg, he notes in his journal that "we passed the mouth of Hocbocen, or Bottle River** This translation of the word Hochocen or Hockhocking, is also given by Heckewelder and Johnson, and is undoubtedly correct. The Shawanese called the river fVeatbakagb-qua, which meant, in their dialect, the same as Hockhocking; and one of the other tribes called it by a name signifying Boto river. All of these names had reference to the winding, crooked course of the stream. The origin of the name Hockhocking - Bottle river - is thus explained by a writer in an old number of the American Pioneer^ who says : '' About six or seven miles northwest of Lancaster, there is a fall in the Hockhocking of about twenty feet; above the falls, for a short distance, the' stream is very narrow and straight, forming a neck, while at the falls it suddenly widens on each side, and swells into the appearance of the body of a bottle. The whole, when seen from above, appears exactly in the shape of a bottle, and from this fact arose the Indian name of Hockhocking."

It is to be regretted that the name of the river is now almost invariably abbreviated to Hocking. True, it takes longer to write or pronounce the real name - Hockhocking ; but the whites have never rendered such distinguished favors or services to the Indian race as to entitle them to mutilate the Indian language by altering or clipping the few words that cling to the geography of the country. Some of these Indian names are not only expressive in their original signification, but are really musical. The following verses, written many years «go> h)c a former editor of Cincinnati - Mr, William J. Sperry, of the Globe - though not highly poetical, are worth insertion in this connection :

Chapter Ii

ALL of the present county of Athens was included in the original " Ohio Company's Purchase." It formed a part of Washington county until the year 1805, so that for a period of sixteen years, or until the date of its severance from Washington and erection into a separate county, their histories were, in some sense, identical. The fortified and well-protected settlement of Marietta, begun in 1788, very soon pushed its outposts into the interior, and many of those who first located within the limits of Washington, died within the limits of Athens county. The number of instances is still greater in which the second generation of pioneer families is found to have removed from one county to the other. In view of these facts we may with propriety introduce into this narrative some account of the formation of "The Ohio Company** and its founders, and of the first colony planted under its auspices at Marietta in 1788, by which Washington and Athens counties became

The conclusion of the Revolutionary war, as of all earnest and protracted wars, witnessed the sudden throwing-out of employment of a great many men. There were patriotic officers who had risked their lives and sacrificed their property in the contest, and no less patriotic soldiers who, though they had not sacrified so much, found themselves at the end of the war with an abundance of liberty but no property, and their occupation gone. The eastern states abounded with these men. They were men of character, energy, and enterprise, full of patriotism and true democratic ideas, proud of their manhood and of their ability to labor. Nor were they in every case men of merely physical resources; in. many instances they had enjoyed the advantages of scholastic training, and had mingled the culture of science with the profession of arms. Others of them, though not educated, in the usual acceptation of the term, had that strong native sense and " mother wit " which avail far more in the world than the knowledge of mere pedants however extensive. Bold, active, and adventurous, they had the fullest confidence in the future of their country, and longed to bear a further part in its history and development. Added, doubtless, to such considerations was a desire to rebuild their shattered fortunes, and to regain, under the large lil)erty and equal laws of the new republic, some portion of the wealth they had sacrificed in fighting for it. The following sketch of one of these retired warriors will revive the memory of a good and pure man, who was for many years very closely identified with the first settlement of Washington and Athens counties.

RuFUs Putnam was born at Sutton, Massachusetts, on the 9th of April, 1738. His father, Elisha Putnam, was the great-great grandson of John Putnam who emigrated from Buckinghamshire, England, and settled at Salem, Massachusetts, in 1634, just fourteen years after the landing at Plymouth Rock. Rufus was the youngest of six children. His father, who is spoken of as "a very useful man in the civil and ecclesiastical concerns of the town " where he lived, died in 1745. Thus orphaned at the tender age of seven, the boy Rufus was sent to live with his maternal grandfather, Mr. Jonathan Fuller, in Danvers, Massachusetts, where he remained less than two years. While here he had such school advantages as the place and times aflTorded, and learned to read. These advantages, however, meager as they were, were quickly ended; for about this time his mother married again, and Rufus went home and lived there till he was fifteen years old. His stepfather was not only an illiterate man, but despised learning and scouted at the idea of studying books. He not only did not aid his stepson in his efforts to learn, but denied him all opportunities for instruction. The boy was not allowed to go to school, was refused the means of adding to his little store of books, and was even denied a candle at night by which to study. But, he verified the adage ** Where there is a will there is a way," and proved anew that a youth with a thirst for learning was never yet baffled in his resolve to quench it. The stepfather kept a kind of public house, and Rufus, by diligently waiting on chance travelers, acquired a few pence of his own. With these he bought powder and shot, and, being something of a sportsman, raised money enough by the sale of game to purchase a spelling book and arithmetic. With these invaluable aids he made fair progress, teaching himself meanwhile to write and compose sentences.

When nearly sixteen years old he was apprenticed to a millwright in Brookfield, Massachusetts, with whom he remained four years. Here he learned the purely mechanical parts of the trade, but he had no further instruction. He pursued, however, his course of self instruction, getting such books as he could, and toiling painfully along in the study of arithmetic and geography. His working hours were devoted to acquiring the practical art of the millwright and to farm labor, and his leisure time to reading and the study of such books as he could procure. Thus, by the time he was eighteen years old, he was, physically, a thoroughly developed and powerful man, and, in mental culture, had laid a good foundation for future acquisitions, and gained a stock of ideas by no means despicable.

At the age of nineteen his apprenticeship was completed. The war between Great Britain and France had then (1757) been in progress about three years, and young Putnam was no sooner free to choose his own course than he enlisted as a private soldier in the provincial army. His patriotic instincts at that time led him to fight for, as in later life they forced him to fight against, the King. The company to which he belonged joined the army in the vicinity of Lake George, New York, in May, 1757. He served from this time in all of the campaigns till the close of the war, undergoing with patient heroism all the toils and dangers of the service, and discharging his duty with fidelity and zeal. At the close of the war, in December, 1760, he returned to his home in New Braintree, and in the following spring, April, 1761, married Miss Ayres, of Brookfield, who died in childbed in the ensuing winter.

For seven or eight years after the conclusion of the French war, Mr. Putnam devoted himself exclusively to his trade as millwright. Being now master of his own time, he habitually gave certain portions of it to self improvement, especially in the practical branches of mathematics, in which he felt himself deficient. By persevering industry, he so far acquired the principles of surveying and navigation as to be able to practice them. Later in life his knowledge of surveying was of the greatest value to him. In January, 1765, being then twenty-seven years old, he married a second time. His wife was Miss Persis Rice, of Westborough, Massachusetts. They lived together more than fiftyfive years, and raised a numerous family of children.

We have very little record of Mr. Putnam's life during the next ten years. It is probable that he pursued the joint vocations of farmer and millwright* rearing his family, meanwhile, according to the thrifty code of New England. These were the piping times of peace, from 1765 to 1775, and the crisis had not yet arrived when men of action like Putnam showed to advantage. We are, however, informed of one undertaking in which he engaged during this interval, which indicates that he was full of enterprise and alive to the movements of the day. This was an effort to colonize in Florida, by an association styled "The Military Company of Adventurers." It was composed of those who had served in the provincial army during the French war, and the association expected to obtain grants of land in "West Florida" (now Mississippi), from the British government. Mr. Putnam was chosen one of the explorers. The necessary preparations for the voyage and service having been completed, the party sailed from New York in January, 1773. After a long voyage they arrived at Pensacola, and there, to their great disappointment and chagrin, found that the

Governor had no authority to grant them lands as had been represented. Considerable time was spent in negotiations on the subject, and exploring the rivers and adjacent country; but no settlement was made, and Mr. Putnam finally returned to Massachusetts.

The contest between England and her American colonies had now reached the acme of bitterness. On one side was evinced a disposition to oppress, and on the other a determination to resist. Reconciliation was out of the question, and what shrewd men had long foreseen was now to become a reality. War began. On the 19th of April, 1775, the battles of Lexington and Concord were fought, and immediate and open hostilities followed. Among the first to take up arms in defense of the country was Mr. Putnam. He received a commission as lieutenant-colonel in Brewer's regiment, one of the first that was raised. From this time till the close of the war, he was ardent, active, and efficient in his support of the colonial cause. In August, 1776, he received from Congress an appointment as engineer, with the rank of colonel, in which rank he served several years with great efficiency. In 1782 there were two vacant brigadiergeneralships in the Massachusetts line, to one of which Col. Putnam felt that his long and meritorious service entitled him to be promoted. Owing, however, to certain local intrigues, not necessary to be detailed, no promotion was made, and the places were kept vacant for a considerable time, much to Col. Putnam's annoyance and disgust. Washington, whose entire confidence Putnam enjoyed, and who fully appreciated his services and ability, interested himself in the Colonel's behalf. Hearing that Putnam thought of quitting the army in disgust, he wrote him as follows:

^^ Sir : I am informed you have had thoughts of retiring from service, upon an arrangement which is to take place on the ist of January. But as there will be no opening for it unless your reasons should be very urgent indeed, and as there are some prospects which may, perhaps, make your continuing more eligible than was expected, I have thought proper to mention the circumstances, in expectation that they might have some influence in inducing you to remain in the army. Col. Shepherd having retired, and Brig.-Gen. Patterson being appointed to the command of the first brigade, you will, of consequence, be the second colonel in the line, and have the command of a brigade, while the troops are brigaded as at present. Besides, I consider it expedient you should be acquainted that the question is yet before Congress, whether there shall be two brigadiers appointed in the Massachusetts line. Should you continue, you will be a candidate for this promotion. The Secretary at War is of opinion the promotion will soon take place ; whether it will or not I am not able to determine, and, therefore, I would not flatter you too much with expectations which it is not in my power to gratify. But if, upon a view of these circumstances and prospects, the state of your affairs will

On receipt of this letter, Col. Putnam, who was at the time absent on furlough, immediately repaired to camp and reported for duty. On the 8th of January following, he was commissioned a brigadier-general, which position he held during the brief remainder of the war.

The friendship of Washington was extended to Gen. Putnam after he retired from the military service, as was evidenced by his appointment to various offices at different times.

In the summer of 1783, just before the final reduction of the army took place, some two hundred and fifty officers petitioned Congress for a grant of land in the Western country. Gen. Putnam, who was himself personally interested in the measure, and was revolving ideas of emigration, addressed a letter to Washington on the subject, setting forth the plan in some detail, and requesting the latter to use his influence with Congress in favor of the grant. It is an interesting document, as illustrating the difficulties that had then to be dealt with in the subjugation of the Western wilderness, and shows decided ability and foresight on the part of the writer. The letter is as follows:

^^ New fVindsor^ J^^f 1 6, 1783. " Sir : As it is very uncertain how long it may be before the honorable Congress may take the petition of the officers of the army, for lands between the Ohio river and Lake Erie, into consideration, or be in a situation to decide thereon, the going to Philadelphia to negotiate the business with any of its members, or committee to whom the petition may be referred, is a measure none of the petitioners will think of undertaking. The part I have taken in promoting the petition is well known, and, therefore, needs no apology, when I inform you that the signers expect that I will pursue measures to have it laid before Congress. Under these circumstances, I beg leave to put the petition in your Excellency's hands, and ask, with the greatest assurance, your patronage of it. That Congress may not be wholly unacquainted with the motives of the petitioners, I beg your indulgence while I make a few observations on the policy and propriety of granting the prayer of it, and making such arrangements of garrisons in the western quarter as shall give effectual protection to the settlers, and encourage emigration to the new government ; which, if they meet your approbation, and the favor be not too great, I must request your Excellency will give them your support, and cause them to be forwarded, with the petition, to the President of Congress, in order that, when the petition is taken up. Congress, or their committee, may be informed on what principles the petition is grounded. I am, sir, among those who consider the cession of so great a tract of territory to the United States, in the western world, as a very happy circumstance, and of great consequence to the American empire. Nor have I the least doubt but Congress will pay an early attention to securing the allegiance of the natives, as well as provide for the defense of the country, in case of a war with

Great Britain or Spain. One great means of securing the allegiance of the natives, I take to be, the furnishing them with such necessaries as they stand in need of, and in exchange receiving their furs and skins. They have become so accustomed to the use of fire-arms, that I doubt if they could gain a subsistence without them, at least they will be very sorry to be reduced to the disagreeable necessity of using the bow and arrow as the only means of killing their game ; and so habituated are they to the woolen blanket, etc., etc., that absolute necessity alone will prevent their making use of them.

This consideration alone, is, I think, sufficient to prove the necessity of establishing such factories as may furnish an ample supply to these wretched creatures ; for unless they are furnished by the subjects of the United States, they will undoubtedly seek elsewhere, and, like all other people, form their attachment where they have their commerce; and then, in case of war, will always be certain to aid our enemies. Therefore, if there were no advantages in view but that of attaching them to our interests, I think good policy will dictate the measure of carrying on a commerce with these people ; but when we add to this the consideration of the profit arising from the Indian trade in general, there can not, I presume, be a doubt that it is the interest of the United States to make as early provision for the encouragement and protection of it as possible. For these and many other obvious reasons. Congress will no doubt find it necessary to establish garrisons in Oswego, Niagara, Michilimackinac, Illinois, and many other places in the western world.

The Illinois, and all the posts that shall be established, on the Mississippi, may undoubtedly be furnished by way of the Ohio, with provisions at all times, and with goods whenever a war shall interrupt the trade with New Orleans. But in case of a war with Great Britain, unless a communication is open between the river Ohio and Lake Eric, Niagara, Detroit, and all the posts seated on the great lakes, will inevitably be lost without such communication ; for a naval superiority on Lake Ontario, or the seizing on Niagara, will subject the whole country bordering on the lakes to the will of the enemy. Such a misfortune will put it out of the power of the United States to furnish the natives, and necessity will again oblige them to take an active part against us.

Where and how this communication is to he opened, shall next be considered. If Capt. Hutchins, and a number of other map-makers, are not out in their calculations, provisions may be sent from the settlements on the south side of the Ohio, by the Muskingum or Scioto to Detroit, or even to Niagara, at a less expense than from Albany by the Mohawk, to those places. To secure such communication (by the Scioto, all circumstances considered, will be the best), let a chain of forts be established ; these forts should be built on the banks of the river, if the ground will admit, and about twenty miles distant from each other, and on this plan, the Scioto communication will require ten or eleven stockaded forts, flanked by block-houses, and one company of men will be a suflicient garrison for each, except the one at the portage, which will require more attention in the construction, and a larger number of men to garrison it. But besides the supplying the garrisons on the great lakes with provisions, etc., we ought to take into consideration the protection that such an arrangement will give to the frontiers of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York. I say New York, as we shall undoubtedly extend our settlements and garrisons from the Hudson to Oswego. This done, and a garrison posted at Niagara, whoever will inspect the map must be convinced that all the Indians living on the waters of the Mohawky Oswego^ Susquehanna, and Alleghany rivers, and in all the country south of the lakes Ontario and Erie, will be encircled in such a manner as will effectually secure their allegiance and keep them quiet, or oblige them to quit their country.

Nor will such an arrangement of posts from the Ohio to Lake Erie be any additional expense ; for, unless this gap is shut, notwithstanding the garrisons on the lakes and from Oswego to the Hudson, yet the frontier settlers on the Ohio, by Fort Pitt to the Susquehanna, and all the country south of the Mohawk will be exposed to savage insult, unless protected by a chain of garrisons which will be far more expensive than the arrangement proposed, and, at the same time, the protection given to these states will be much less complete ; besides, we should not confine our protection to the present settlements, but carry the idea of extending them at least as far as the lakes Ontario and Erie.

These lakes form such a natural barrier, that when connected with the Hudson and Ohio by the garrisons proposed, settlements in every part of the states of New York and Pennsylvania may be made with the utmost safety ; so that these states must be deeply interested in the measure as well as Virginia, who will, by the same arrangement, have a great part of its frontier secured, and the rest much strengthened ; nor is there a state in the Union but will be greatly benefited by the measure, considered in any other point of view, for, without any expense, except a small allowance of purchase money to the natives, the United States will have within their protection seventeen million five hundred thousand acres of very fine land, to dispose of as they may think proper. But I hasten to men- tion some of the expectations which the petitioners have respecting the conditions on which they hope to obtain the lands. This was not proper to mention in the body of the petition, especially as we pray for grants to all members of the army who wish to take up lands in that quarter.

The whole tract is supposed to contain about seventeen million four hundred and eighteen thousand two hundred and forty acres, and will admit of seven hundred and fifty-six townships of six miles square, allowing to each township three thousand and forty acres for the ministry, schools, waste lands, rivers, ponds, and highways ; then each township will contain, of settlers' lands, twenty thousand acres, and in the whole, fifteen million one hundred and twenty thousand acres. The land to which the army is entitled, by the resolves of Congress, referred to in the petition, according to my estimate, will amount to two million one hundred and six thousand eight hundred and fifty acres, which is about the eighth part of the whole. For the survey of this, the army expect to be at no expense, nor do they expect to be under any obligation to settle these lands, or do any duty to secure their title in them ; but in order to induce the army to become actual settlers in the new government, the petitioners hope congress will make a further grant of lands on condition of settlement, and have no doubt but that honorable body will be as liberal to all those who are not provided for by their own states, as New York has been to the officers and soldiers that belong to that state ; which, if they do, it will require about eight million acres to complete the army, and about seven million acres will remain for sale. The petitioners, at least some of them, are much opposed to the monopoly of the lands, and wish to guard against large patents being granted to individuals, as, in their opinion, such a mode is very injurious to a country, and greatly retards its settlement ; and whenever such patents are tenanted, it throws too much power into the hands of a few. For these, and many other obvious reasons, the petitioners hope that no grant will be made but by townships of six miles square, or six by twelve, or six by eighteen miles, to be subdivided by the proprietors to six miles square, that being the standard on which they wish all calculations to be made; and that officers and soldiers, as well as those who petition for charters on purchase, may form their associations on one uniform principle, as to number of persons or rights to be contained in a township, with the exception only, that when the grant is made for services already done, or on condition of settlement, if the officers petition, with the soldiers, for a particular township, the soldier shall have one right only to a captain's three, and so in proportion with commissioned officers of every grade.

These, sir, are the principles which gave rise to the petition under consideration ; the petitioners, at least some of them, think that sound policy -dictates the measure, and that congress ought to lose no time in establishing some such chain of posts as have been hinted at, and in procuring the tract of land petitioned for, of the natives; for, the moment this is done, and agreeable terms offered to the settlers, many of the petitioners are determined not only to become adventurers, but actually to remove themselves to this country ; and there is not the least doubt, but other valuable citizens will follow their example, and the probability is that the country between Lake Erie and the Ohio will be filled with inhabitants j and the faithful subjects of the United States so established on the waters of the Ohio and the lakes, as to banish forever the idea of our western territory falling under the dominion of any European power ; the frontiers of the old states will be effectually secured from savage alarms, and the new will have little to fear from their insults.

It will be noted that Gen. Putnam, in the foregoing letter, suggests townships of six miles square, and the allowance to each township of "3040 acres for the ministry, schools, waste lands, rivers, ponds, and highways." This was, it is believed, the first suggestion of these points, and to Gen. Putnam belongs the honor of devising and first urging these practical and beneficent measures. His advice as to the size of townships was subsequently adopted, and has continued to be the standard of a surveyed township ever since. The other suggestion as to school and ministerial lands was applied to the Ohio Company's and to Symmes's Purchase (on the Miami), but never became of general application.

Washington addressed a communication to congress, strongly approving Gen. Putnam's letter and the application of the officers for a land grant, but no definite action was taken by that body.

'* Dear Sir : Being unavoidably prevented from attending the general meeting of the Cincinnati at Philadelphia, as I had intended, where I once more expected the opportunity in person of paying my respects to your Excellency, I can not deny myself the honor of addressing you by letter, to acknowledge with gratitude the ten thousand obligations I feel myself under to your goodness, and most sincerely to congratulate you on your return to domestic happiness ; to inquire after your health, and wish the best of Heaven's blessings may attend you and your dear lady.

The settlement of the Ohio country, sir, engrosses many of my thoughts, and much of my time, since I left the camp, has been employed in informing myself and others, with respect to the nature, situation, and circumstances of that country, and the practicability of removing ourselves there. And, if I am to form an opinion on what I have seen and heard on the subject, there are thousands in this quarter who will emigrate to that country as soon as the honorable congress make provisions for granting lands there, and locations and settlements can be made with safety, unless such provision is too long delayed; I mean till necessity turn their views another way, which is the case with some already, and must soon be the case with many mo^. You are sensible of the necessity, as well as the possibility of both officers and soldiers fixing themselves in business somewhere, as soon as possible, as many of them are unable to lie longer on their oars, waiting the decision of congress, on our petition, and, therefore.

must unavoidably settle themselves in some other quarter ; which, virhen done, the idea of removing to the Ohio country will probably be at an end, with respect to most of them. Besides, the commonwealth of Massachusetts have come to a resolution to sell their eastern country for public securities, and should their plan be formed, and propositions be made public before we hear anything from congress respecting our petition and the terms on which the lands petitioned for are to be obtained, it will undoubtedly be much against us, by greatly lessening the number of Ohio associates.

Another reason why we wish to know, as soon as possible, what the intentions of congress are respecting our petition, is the effect such knowledge will probably have on the credit of the certificates we have received on settlement of accounts ; those securities are now selling at no more than three shillings and six pence, or four shillings on the pound, which, in all probability, might double, if not more, the moment it was known that government would receive them for lands in the Ohio country. From these circumstances, and many others which might be mentioned, we are growing quite impatient, and the general inquiry now is, when are we going to the Ohio? Among others, Brig. Gen. Tupper, Lieut. Col. Oliver, and Maj. Ashley, have agreed to accompany me to that country, the moment the way is open for such an undertaking. I should have hinted these things to some member of congress, but the delegates from Massachusetts, although exceeding worthy men, and, in general, would wish to promote the Ohio scheme, yet, if it should militate against the particular interest of this state, by draining her of inhabitants, especially when she is forming the plan of selling the eastern country, I thought they would not be very warm advocates in our favor ; and I dare not trust myself with any of the New York delegates, with whom I was acquainted, because that government is wisely inviting the eastern people to settle in that state ; and as to the delegates of other states, I have no acquaintance with any of them.

These circumstances must apologize for my troubling you on this subject, and requesting the favor of a line, to inform us in this quarter, what the prospects are with respect to our petition, and what measures have been or are likely to be taken, with respect to settling the Ohio country.

" Dear Sir : I could not answer your favor of the 5th of April, from Philadelphia, because Gen. Knox, having mislaid, only presented the letter to me in the moment of my departure from* that place. The sentiments of esteem and friendship which breathe in it, are exceedingly pleasing and flattering to me, and you may rest assured they are reciprocal.

Its waters, than I am about to do. After this matter and information respecting the establishment for peace, were my inquiries, as I went through Annapolis, solely directed ; but I could not learn that anything decisive had been done in cither.

On the latter, I hear congress are differing about their powers ; but as they have accepted of the cession from Virginia, and have resolved to lay off ten new states,* bounded by latitudes and longitudes, it should be supposed that they would determine something respecting the former before they adjourn ; and yet I very much question it, as the latter is to happen on the 3rd, tliat is to-morrow. As the congress who are to meet in November next, by the adjournment will be composed from an entire new choice of delegates in each state, it is not in my power, at this timcj to direct you to a proper correspondent in that body. 1 wish I could ; for persuaded I am, that to some such cause as you have assigned, may be ascribed the delay the petition has encountered, for surely^ if justice and gratitude to the army, and general policy

* The plan reported by the committee (consisting of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Howell) on the 19th of April, 1784, provided for the division of the northwestern territory into ten states, by parallels of latitude and meridian lines. The names of the new states, beginning at the northwest and proceeding southwardly, were to be Sylvania, Michigania, Chersonasus, Assonisipia, Metropotamia, Illinoia, Saratoga, Washington, Polypotamia, and Pelisipia. (Journals of Congress, April 23d, 1784.) The report of the committee was debated for several days, during which it underwent very essential changes. Looking at the foregoing list of horrible names, the innocent people of the western states may well tremble at their narrow escape.

of the Union were to govern in this case, there would not be the smallest interruption in granting its request. I really feel for those gentlemen, who, by these unaccountable delays (by any other means than those you have suggested), are held in such an awkward and disagreeable state of suspense, and wish my endeavors could remove the obstacles. At Princeton, before congress left that place, I exerted every power I was master of, and dwelt upon the argument you have used, to show the propriety of a speedy decision. Every member with whom I conversed, acquiesced in the reasonableness of the petition. All yielded, or seemed to yield to the policy of it, but plead the want of cession of the land, to act upon ; this is made and accepted ; and yet matters, as far as they have come to my knowledge, remain in statu quo. * * * I am, dear sir, with very sincere esteem and regard.

Though his favorite scheme for an organized emigration to the western country failed in 1784, Gen. Putnam was destined not only to witness its success a few years later, but to live to see the most marvelous results of civilization follow the accomplishment of his sagacious policy.

The next few years were spent by Gen. Putnam in part attending to his private affairs and in part discharging the duties of public surveyor and land agent of the state of Massachusetts, in which position he gave entire satisfaction. From 1788 his career was in a great degree identified with the operations of the

Ohio Company, and the colony at Marietta; and we shall, in that connection, obtain further insight into the excellence of his character and the simplicity of his life.' He died at Marietta, beloved and mourned by the whole community in May, 1824, at the age of eighty-six.

^' He was probably the member of the Ohio Company who had the greatest influence in imparting confidence to emigration from New England to Ohio. When he moved there it was one compact and boundless forest He saw that forest &11 on all sides under the axe ; and, in the progress of improvementy comfortable and then splendid dwellings rise around him. He saw his favorite settlement survive the accumulated horrors of an Indian war. He saw its exhaustless fertility and its natural advantages triumph over all. He saw Marietta making advance toward an union of interest with the Gulf of Mexico by floating down to its bosom a number of sea vessels built at that place. He saw such a prodigious increase of navigation on the Ohio as to number a hundred large boats passing his dwelling within a few hours. He heard the first tumult of the steamboats as they began to be borne down between the forests. He had surrounded his republican mansion with orchards bending with fruit. In the midst of rural abundance and endeared friends who had grown up around him ; &r from the display of wealth, the bustle of ambition and intrigue, the father of the colony, hospitable and kind without ostentation and without effort, he displayed in these remote regions the grandeur, real and intrinsic, of those immortal men who achieved our revolution. He has passed away. But the memory of really great and good men, like Gen. Putnam, will remain as long as plenty, independence, and comfort shall prevail on the shores of the Ohio." *

Contemporary with Gen. Putnam, and a companion in arms and friend of his, was Gen. Benjamin Tupper. Born in 1738 at Stoughton, Massachusetts, of parents whose immediate ancestors came from England, he reached manhood in time to bear arms during the French war, in which he served as a subaltern in the provincial army. In November, 1762, he married Miss Huldah White at Easton, Massachusetts. At the commencement of the Revolutionary war, Tupper, who was then a lieutenant of militia at Chesterfield, ardently espoused the cause of the colonies. The first act of his military career was arresting and adjourning the supreme court, in 1776, which was sitting at Springfield under the royal authority. From this time he served continuously till the close of the war, rendering eflicient service to the cause in the various grades which he successively filled, of major, colonel, and brigadier general.

of public lands in the West, under the ordinance of May 2oth, 1785, providing for the execution of that work. This appointment had been tendered to Gen. Putnam, who, for private reasons, declined it. He, however, used his influence to secure the oflice for his friend Tupper, who was appointed by the following resolution of congress :

Whereas^ Mr. Rufus Putnam, appointed a surveyor under the ordinance of the 20th of May, from public engagements with the commonwealth of Massachusetts, can not attend to the business of his appointment during the year : Resolved^ that Mr. Benjamin Tupper be and hereby is appointed a surveyor, with authority to perform the duties of that office, until Mr. Putnam shall actually join the geographer and take the duties upon himself." *

In the autumn of the same year Gen. Tupper started for the northwest, intending to prosecute the land surveys of that region, but, owing to Indian troubles, did not proceed further than the present site of Pittsburg. In the summer of 1786, after the Indians had been temporarily quieted by treaty made in January previous. Gen. Tupper made a second journey to the west, and completed, during that season, the survey of "the seven ranges."

On his return to Massachusetts from his first visit to the northwest, during the winter of 1785-6, Gen. Tupper's mind was filled with the idea of removing to the Ohio country - an idea which appeared so visionary to most of his friends that they could not regard it as serious. He, however, was thoroughly in earnest, and knew where to find a person who would enter into his plan. This was his friend Gen. Putnam. Tupper visited him at his residence in Rutland; and thus were brought together again, after the war, the two men who originated the idea of the famous Ohio Company. What they talked of the night of Tupper's visit, history does not wholly record. We fancy them sitting before a blazing fire in the old-fashioned open fire-place, where hickory logs were steaming and sparks flying up the chimney. Putnam's sword and spurs, perhaps, hung on the wall, relics of the late war, and mute reminders of common perils. If the little Putnams were permitted to sit up that evening later than usual, to listen to the conversation, it may, with tolerable certainty, be conjectured that they dreamed of strange western countries, wild men and beasts. Perhaps the elders recounted the trials and adventures of the war; doubtless, they discussed the politics of the day, and the perils that beset the cumbrous and rickety government of the liberated colonies (for the constitution was not yet framed, and those were the dark days of the "confederation"); but one thing we know of which they discussed long and thoroughly, and that was western land and emigration. The next day their ideas on this subject were so far matured that they united in an advertisement which was published in the newspapers of the state, on the 25th of January, 1786, as follows:

"The subscribers take this method to inform all officers and soldiers who have served in the late war, and who are, by a late ordinance of the honorable congress, to receive certain tracts of land in the Ohio country - and also all other good citizens who wish to become adventurers in that delightful region ; that from personal inspection, together with other incontestible evidences, they are fully satisfied that the lands in that quarter are of a much better quality than any other known to New England people \ that the climate, seasons, products, etc., are in fact equal to the most flattering accounts that have ever been published of them ; that being determined to become purchasers and to prosecute a settlement in this country, and desirous of forming a general association with those who entertain the same ideas, they beg leave to propose the following plan, viz: That an association by the name of The Ohio Company be formed of all such as wish to become purchasers, etc.^ in that country who reside in the commonwealth of Massachusetts only, or to extend to the inhabitants of other states as shall be agreed on. In order to bring such a company into existence, the subscribers propose that all persons who wish to promote the scheme, should meet in their respective counties at 10 o'clock a. m. on

Wednesday, the 15th day of February next, and that each county meeting then assembled choose a delegate or delegates, to meet at the Bunch of Grapes Tavern in Boston on Wednesday, the first day of March next at 10 o'clock a. m., then and there to consider and determine on a general plan of association for said company ; which plan, covenant, or agreement being published, any person (under condition therein to be provided), may by subscribing his name become a member of the company.

In response to this call county meetings were held and delegates appointed, who convened at the Bunch of Grapes Tavern, in Boston, March ist, 1786. The delegates were Winthrop Sargent and John Miles from Suffolk county; Manasseh Cutler from Essex; John Brooks and Thomas Gushing from Middlesex; Benjamin Tupper from Hampshire; Crocker Sampson from Plymouth; Rufus Putnam from Worcester; John Patterson and Jelaliel Woodbridge from Berkshire, and Abraham Williams from Barnstable.

** From the very pleasing description of the western country given by Generals Putnam and Tupper and others, it appearing expedient to form a settlement there, a motion was made for choosing a committee to prepare the draft of a plan of an

Akoy resolved that this committee shall consist of five. Gen. Putnam, Manasseh Cutler, Col. Brooks, Major Sargent, and Capt. Cushing were elected.

Preamble. The design of this association is to raise a fund in continental certificates, for the sole purpose and to be appropriated to the entire use of purchasing lands in the Western Territory belonging to the United States, for the benefit of the Company, and to promote a settlement in that country.

Article 1st. That the fund shall not exceed one million of dollars, in continental specie certificates, exclusive of one year's interest due thereon (except as hereafter provided), and that each share or subscription shall consist of one thousand dollars, as aforesaid, and also ten dollars in gold or silver, to be paid into the hands of such agents as the subscribers may elect.

Article 2d. That the whole fund of certificates raised by this association, except one year's interest due thereon mentioned under the first article, shall be applied to the purchase of lands in some one of the proposed states northwesterly of the river Ohio, as soon as those lands are surveyed, and exposed for sale by the commissioners of congress according to the ordinance of that honorable body passed the 20th of May, 1785, or on any other plan that may be adopted by congress, not less advantageous to the company. The one year's interest shall be applied to the purpose of making a settlement in the country and assisting those who may be otherwise unable to remove themselves thither. The gold and silver is for defraying the expenses of those persons employed as agents in purchasing the lands, and other contingent charges that may arise in the prosecution of the business. The surplus, if any, to be appropriated as the one year's interest on the certificates.

Article ^tb. That the prosecution of the Company's designs may be the least expensive, and at the same time the subscribers and agents as secure as possible, the proprietors of twenty shares shall constitute one grand division of the Company ; appoint their agent, and, in case of vacancy by death, resignation, or otherwise, shall fill it up as immediately as can be.

Article $th. That the agent shall make himself accountable to each subscriber for certificates and monies received, by duplicate receipts, one of which shall be lodged with the secretary \ that the whole shall be appropriated according to these articles of association, and that the subscriber shall receive his just dividend according to quality and quantity of lands purchased, as near as possibly may be, by lot drawn in person or through proxy, and that deeds of conveyance shall be executed to individual subscribers, by the agent, similar to those he shall receive from the directors.

Article 6th, That no person shall be permitted to hold more than five shares in the Company's funds, and no subscription for less than a full share will be admitted ; but this is not meant to prevent those who can not or choose not to adventure a full share, from associating among themselves, and by one of their number subscribing the sum required. ^

Article ']th. That the directors shall have the sole disposal of the Company's fund for the purposes before mentioned ; that they shall, by themselves, or such person or persons as they may think proper to entrust with the business, purchase lands for the benefit of the Company, where, and in such way, either at public or private sale, as they shall judge will be most advantageous to the Company. They shall also direct the application of the one year's interest, and gold and silver, mentioned in the first article, to the purposes mentioned under the second article, in such way and manner as they shall think proper. For those purposes, the directors shall draw on the treasurer from time to time, making themselves accountable for the application of the moneys, agreeably to this association.

Article %th. That the agents, being accountable to the subscribers for their respective divisions, shall appoint the directors, treasurer and secretary, and fill up all the vacancies which may happen in these offices respectively.

^ Article ()th. That the agents shall pay all the certificates and moneys received from subscribers into the hands of the treasurer, who shall give bonds to the agents, jointly and severally, for the faithful discharge of his trust ; and also, on his receiving certificates or moneys from any particular agent, shall make himself accountable therefor, according to the condition of his bonds.

Article lOth. That the directors shall give bonds, jointly and severally, to each of the agents conditioned that the certificates and moneys they shall draw out of the treasury shall be applied to the purposes stipulated in these articles ; and that the lands purchased for the Company shall be divided among them within three months from the conipletion of the purchase, by lot, in such manner as the agents or a majority of them shall agree ; and that, on such division being made, the directors shall execute deeds to the agents, respectively, for the proportions which fall to their divisions, correspondent to those the directors may receive from the commissioners of congress.

Article 1 1 /A. . Provided^ That whereas a sufficient number of subscribers may not appear to raise the fund to the sums proposed in the first article, and thereby the number of divisions may not be completed, it is therefore agreed that the agents of divisions of twenty shares each, shall, after the jjth day of October, next, proceed in the same manner as if the whole fund proposed had been raised.

Article 1 2/A. Provided^ also. That whereas it will be for the common interest of the Company to obtain an ordinance of incorporation from the honorable congress, or an act of incorporation from some one of the states in the Union (for which the directors shall make application), it is therefore agreed that, in case such incorporation is obtained, the fund of the Company (and, consequently, the shares and divisions thereof) may be extended to any sum, for which provision shall be made in said ordinance or atrt of incorporation, anything in this association to the contrary notwithstanding.

Article lyh. That all votes under this association may be given in person, or by proxy, and in numbers justly proportionate to the stock holden, or interest represented."

The foregoing report was adopted March 3, 1786, and subscription books were opened at once. A year passed before a sufficient number of shares were sub- scribed to justify further steps. On the 8th of March, 1787, a called meeting of the shareholders was held at Brackett's Tavern, in Boston, and Samuel H. Parsons, Gen. Rufus Putnam, and Dr. Manasseh Cutler were appointed directors to make proposals to congress, "for a private purchase of lands, and under such descriptions as they shall deem adequate for the purposes of the Company." Major Winthrop Sargent was elected secretary of the Company. The election of the other two directors (five being the number required) and treasurer was postponed till a future meeting. The directors employed Dr. Manasseh Cutler* to make a contract with congress for a body of land in the " Great Western territory of the Union."

* In an original memorandum concerning the transactions of the Ohio Company, in the handwriting of Dr. Cutler, now before us, he says: "In April, 1787, the directors empowered Gen. Parsons, of Connecticut, to apply to congress for the purchase of lands on the Maskingum river. He petitioned congress, and a committee was appointed to confer with him. To that committee he proposed a purchase on the Scioto river. The proprietors here were generally dissatisfied with the situation and lands on the Scioto, and much preferred the Muskingum. The directors then appointed Sargent and myself agents to go on to congress, and, if possible, make the purchase on Muskingum - which we did. This business was precipitated through fear of other purchasers taking the lands we wished to purchase, as several other companies were making applications to congress at that time. This circumstance occasioned an earlier appointment of a majority of directors, and less formality than there would otherwise have been.*'

Dr. Cutler left his home In Hamilton, Massachusetts, in June, 1787, for New York, where the congress was then sitting. The constitutional convention, engaged in framing the Federal constitution, was sitting at the same time in Philadelphia, and Dr. Cutler bore letters of introduction to leading men in both cities. His Journal of this trip is before us, and we insert, at length, those portions of it which relate to his negotiations with congress, as a part of the chronicles of the Ohio Company.* The good Doctor's Journal shows that the art of " lobbying " was not altogether unknown even at that early period of our history. The portions omitted are entirely personal or have no relation whatever to the negotiation.

^^ Sunday, June 24, 1787. - Exchanged with Mr. Parsons, of Lynn. After meeting, called on John Carnes, Esq., to receive his commands, if any, for New York. Rode to Cambridge. Spent the evening at Dr. Williams's, in company with Mr. Winthrop, the librarian. Proposed going to President Wil-

* For this very interesting document, as for other valuable material, we are indebted to Mrs. Sarah Cutler Dawes, of Washington county, Ohio> a granddaughter of Dr. Cutler. The Journal ought to be published entire; our space only allows such extracts as are here jaserted touching the history of the Ohio Company.

Monday^ June 25/A. - Waited on Dr. Willard this morning, who favored me with a number of introductory letters to gentlemen at the southward. Received several from Dr. Williams, and went with him to Boston. Received letters of introduction from Gov. Bowdoin, Mrs. Winthrop, Dr. Warren, Dr. Dexter, Mr. Guild, Mr. Belknap, etc. ; conversed with Gen. Putnam \ received letters ; settled the principles on which I am to contract with Congress for lands on account of the Ohio Company."

** Monday J July 2. - It was nine o'clock this morning before Gen. Parsons and I had settled all our matters, with respect to my business with Congress. He favored me with a large number of letters to members of Congress and other gentlemen in New York.

July ^th. * * * About three o'clock I arrived at the city (New York) by the road that enters the Bowery. Put up my horse at the sign of the Plough and Harrow, in the Bowery Barns. After dressing myself, I took a walk into the city. When I came to examine my letters of introduction, I found them so accumulated that I hardly knew which to deliver

The first letter I delivered was to Mr. Hugh Henderson. He is a wholesale merchant, and lives in a genteel style on Golden Hill street, New York. Mr. Henderson received me very politely. After tea, he proposed a walk about the city, but first gave me a specimen of Scotch generosity - urged me to take lodgings with him while I tarried in the city, assigned me one of the front chambers, and ordered his servant, Starling, to attend me. After finding that no apology would avail, I accepted his invitation, and his servant was sent for my baggage. We rambled over a considerable part of the city before dark, delivered a number of my letters, and returned and spent the evening very agreeably at Mr. Henderson's.

Friday, July bth. - This morning delivered most of my introductory letters to members of Congress. Prepared my papers for making my application to Congress for the purchase of lands in the western country for the Ohio Company. At eleven o'clock, I was introduced to a number of members on the floor of Congress chamber, in the City Hall, by Colonel Carrington, member from Virginia. Delivered my petition for purchasing lands for the Ohio Company, and proposed terms and conditions of purchase. A committee was appointed to agree on terms of negotiation, and report to Congress. Dined with Mr. Dane.

and several other gentlemen. Was introduced, by Mr. Swing and Mr. Rittenhouse, to Mr. Hutchins, geographer to the United States. Consulted him where to make our location. Dined with Gen. Knox.

Monday^ 'July gtb. - Waited this morning, very early, on Mr. Hutchins. He gave me the fullest information of the western country, from Pennsylvania to the Illinois, and advised me, by all means, to make our location on the Muskingum, which was decidedly, in his opinion, the best part of the whole western country. Attended the committee before Congress opened, and then spent the remainder of the forenoon with Mr. Hutchins.

Attended the committee at Congress chamber ; debated on terms, but were so wide apart that there appears little prospect of closing a contract. * * Called again on Mr. Hutchins, consulted him further about the place of location. Spent the evening with Dr. Holton, and several other members of Congress, in Hanover square.

July lO/A. - This morning, another conference with the committee. As Congress was now engaged in settling the form of government for the Federal territory, for which a bill has been prepared and a copy sent to me (with leave to make remarks and propose amendments), which I had taken the liberty to remark upon, and propose several amendments, I thought this the most favorable time to go on to Philadelphia. Accordingly, after I had returned the bill with my observations, I set out, at seven o'clock."

July 18/A. - Paid my respects, this morning, to the President of Congress, Gen. St. Clair. Called on a number of my friends. Attended at the City Hall on members of Congress and their committee. We renewed our negotiations.

yuly igth. - Called on members of Congress very early in the morning, and was furnished with the ordinance establishing a government in the western Federal territory. It is, in a degree, new modeled. The amendments I proposed have all been made except one, and that is better qualified. It was, that we should not be subject to continental taxation, unless we were entitled to a full representation in Congress. This could not be fully obtained; for it was considered in Congress as oiFering a premium to emigrants. They have granted us represenution, with the right of debating but not of voting, upon our being first subject to taxation. As there are a number in Congress opposed to my terms of negotiation, and some to any contract, I wish now to ascertain the number for and against, and who they are ; and must then, if possible, bring the opponents over. This I have mentioned to Col. Duer, who has promised to assist me. Grayson, R. H. Lee, and Carrington are certainly my warm advocates. Holton, I think, may be trusted. Dane must be carefully watched, notwithstanding his professions. Clark, Bingham, Yates, Kearney, and Few are troublesome fellows. They must be attacked by my friends at their lodgings. If they can be brought over, I shall succeed ; if not, my business is at an end. Attended the committee this morning. They are determined to make a report to-day, and try the spirit of Congress. Dined with Gen. Knox and about forty-two gentlemen, officers of the late continental army, and among them Baron Steuben. Gen. Knox gave us an entertainment in the style of a prince. I had the honor to be seated next the Baron, who is a hearty, sociable old fellow. He was dressed in his military uniform, and with the ensigns of nobility, the star and garter. Every gentleman at the table was of the * Cincinnati,* except myself, and wore his appropriate badges. Spent the evening at Dr. Holton's with Col. Duer and several members of Congress, who informed me that an ordinance was passed in consequence of my petition, but, by their account of it, it will answer no purpose.

July 20th. - This morning the Secretary of Congress furnished me with the ordinance of yesterday, which states the conditions of a contract, but on terms to which I shall by no means accede. I informed the committee of Congress that I could not contract on the conditions proposed; that I should prefer purchasing lands from some of the states, who would give incomparably better terms ; and therefore proposed to leave the city immediately. They appeared to be sorry no better terms were effected, and insisted on my not thinking of leaving Congress until another attempt was made. I told them I saw no prospect of contracting, and wished to spend no more time and money in a business so unpromising. They assured me that I had many friends in Congress, who would make every exertion in my favor ; that it was an object of great magnitude, and that I must not expect to accomplish it in less than two or three months. If I desired it they would take the matter up that day on different grounds, and did not doubt they should obtain terms agreeable to my wishes. Col. Duer came to me with proposals from a number of the principal characters of the city.

to extend our contract and take in another company - but that it should be kept a profound secret.* He explained the plan they had concerted, and offered me generous conditions if I would accomplish the business for them. The plan struck me agreeably ; Sargent insisted on my undertaking, and both urged me not to think of giving the matter up so soon. I was convinced it was best for me to hold up the idea of giving up a contract with Congress, and making a contract with some of the states, which I did in the strongest terms, and represented to the committee and to Duer and Sargent the difficulties I saw in the way, and the improbability of closing a bargain when we were so far apart ; and told them I conceived it not worth while to say anything further to Congress on the subject. This appeared to have the effect I wished. The committee were mortified, and did not seem to know what to say; but still urged another attempt. I left them in this state, but afterward explained my views to Duer and Sargent, who fully approved my plan. Promised Duer to consider his proposal. We had agreed last evening to make a party to Brooklyn, on Long Island, which is a small village opposite New York, divided from it by East river. Duer, Webb, Hammond, Sargent, with others, were of the party. When we landed, we ordered a dinner of fried oysters at the Stone House tavern. We took a walk on the highlands, and viewed several of the old forts

* This refers to the ** Scioto Company," whose French settlement at Gallipolis was one of the most disastrous episodes of the day. The confiised and mysterious accounts of it can not, even at this disunce of time, be read without lively pity for the sufFerings of the poor Frenchmen, and indignation at the authors of their misfortunes. With this, however, neither Dr. Cutler nor the Ohio Company had anything to do. Their action was all in good faith.

erected by the British. Our dinner was elegant. I spent the evening closeted with Colonel Duer, and agreed to purchase more land, if terms can be obtained, for another company, which will probably forward the negotiation.

Saturday J July list. - Several members of Congress called on me early this morning. They discovered much anxiety about a contract, and assured me that Congress, on finding I was determined not to accept their terms, and had proposed leaving the city, had discovered a much more favorable disposition, and believed, if I renewed my request, I might obtain conditions as reasonable as I desired. I was very indifferent, and talked much of the advantages of a contract with one of the states. This I found had the desired effect. At length I told them that if Congress would accede to the terms I proposed, I would extend the purchase from the tenth township from the Ohio and to the Scioto inclusively ; by which Congress would pay more than four millions of the public debt ; that our intention was an actual^ a large and immediate settlement of the most robust and industrious people in America ; and that it would be made systematically, which must instantly enhance the value of Federal lands, and prove an important acquisition to Congress. On these terms I would renew the negotiation, if Congress was disposed to take the matter up again. Dined with Gen. Webb, at the Mess House, in Broadway, opposite the Play House. Spent the evening with Mr. Dane and Mr. Milliken. They informed me that Congress had taken up my business again.

July 23</. - My friends had made every exertion, in private conversation to bring over my opponents in Congress. In order to get at some of them so as to work powerfully on their minds, we were obliged to engage three or four persons before we could get at them. In some instances we engaged one per- son, who engaged a second and he a third, and so on to the fourth before we could effect our purpose. In these maneuvers I am much beholden by the assistance of Col. Duerand Major Sargent. The matter was taken up this morning in Congress and warmly debated until three o'clock when another ordinance was obtained.* This was not to the minds of my friends, who were considerably increased in Congress, but they conceived it to be better than the former, and they had obtained an additional clause empowering the Board of Treasury to take order upon this ordinance and complete the contracts on the general principles contained in it, which still left room for negotiation.