Savannah, Georgia - History (part 3 of 16)

Showing that every precaution was used to avoid attacks by enemies from outside, an account of the visit of some South Carolina gentlemen, published in the Gazette of that province, March 22d, 1733, contained this statement : "Some time before we came to the Landing the Sentinel challenged us, and understanding who we were, admitted us ashore," and, in praise of Oglethorpe, continued, "Mr. Oglethorpe is indefatigable, takes a great deal of Pains; his fare is but indifferent, having little else at present but salt Provisions. He is extremely well beloved by all his People; the general Title they give him is Father. If any of them is sick he immediately visits them and takes a great deal of care of them. If any difference arises, he is the Person that Decides it. Two happened while I was there, and in my presence ; and all the Parties went away, to outward Appearance, satisfied and contented with his Determination. He keeps a strict Discipline: I neither saw one of his People drunk, nor heard one swear all the time I was there ; he does not allow them rum, but in lieu gives them English beer. It is surprising to see how cheerfully the men go to work, considering they have not been bred to it ; there are no idlers there; even the boys and girls do their Parts."

The first plan of the town of Savannah was made by Peter Gordon, of whom our knowledge is not very extensive. This plan was made a little more than a year after the landing of Oglethorpe's colonists, and bears this dedicatory inscription: "To the Honorable, the Trustees, for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America this View of the Town of Savannah is humbly dedicated by their Honours Obliged and most Obedient Servant, Peter Gordon." We have seen that the common council made "a deed dated the 7th of November, 1732, appointing Peter Gordon, William Waterland, and Thomas Christie, bailiffs of Savannah," and that at the same time Peter Gordon and six others were appointed "conservators to keep the peace in the said town." For some reason not mentioned, action as to him was re-considered and George Symes named in his place. By the action alloting lands to the colonists, Peter Gordon drew as his share garden lot 10E and farm lot 7 in Frederick tything, Derby ward. Whether he was employed to make the plan there is no way for us to ascertain, as the minutes of both the trustees and the common council are silent on this point; but we do find the entry in the latter, under date. April (i. 1734: "Ordered that sixteen guineas be paid to Mr. Peter Gordon as a consideration for his Draught of Savannah." On May 10, 1735, he appeared before the common council and

"delivered in a Memorial to the Trustees with several Letters and Papers from several of the Inhabitants of Savannah." And that is about the substance of all the information we have of the man. The plan gives us this information: At that time stairs had been built leading from the margin of the river np to the top of the bluff, and slightly to the' east of the place where General Oglethorpe pitched his tent which is shown under the four pine trees near the edge of the bluff.

If this plan is accurate, then the stone seat lately erected by the Georgia Society of Colonial Dames of America to mark the place where Oglethorpe's tent was placed is much too far westward of the true spot. In truth it is located too far from Bull street and too near to Whitaker street. The crane and bell were placed just midway between those two streets. The tabernacle and courthouse were at the corner of Bull street and Bay street lane; the public hall was in the center of the lot facing Bryan street, from Bull to Whitaker, and occupied that lot entirely through to St. Julian street; south of that hall, on the north side of- St. Julian and precisely opposite was the house for strangers, church just where Christ church stands, bounded by Bull, Congress, Drayton and St. Julian streets. Facing Johnson square on Bull street, and extending north and south from Bryan to St. Julian, stood the public stores, but occupying only about one-fifth of the lot which runs back to Drayton. The fort was built on the northeast corner of South Broad and Drayton streets, and the parsonage was directly opposite the church, on the southeast corner of Drayton and St. Julian. On a line with the eastern side of Drayton street, extending from Bay southward to Bryan street, the palisades were located. At the foot of Drayton, on Bay street north, were placed the guardhouse and battery of cannon. By this plan it seems that in the course of a little over one year the number of houses erected for the people exclusive of public buildings, -was about eighty.

It is a fact not to be accounted for that Mr. Gordon did not, in what he called his "view" of the town, give the names of the streets. The names of those public-spirited South Carolinians, Joseph Bryan, Mr St. Julian, Mr. Whitaker and Mrs. Ann Drayton, who so materially assisted the first settlers, were given to the streets which still bear theii names, and one street was named for the Earl of Abercorn, who was a generous benefactor of the colony. Barnard street was named for Sir John Barnard who contributed liberally to the fund of the trustees. Jefferson street was then the western limit of Savannah, but apparently had no name given to it, but when the city grew beyond its west side, the city council by ordinance of January 12, 1791, declared that the street parallel to Montgomery (named in the same instrument) which street "is the one between the old limits and the present addition on the west common, shall he called Jefferson street.'' Within the limits shown on Peter Gordon's "view" were included what were probably at the time of their laying out called King, Prince, and Duke streets. Those names remained unchanged until the year 1803, when, by ordinance of February 21st, they were changed in the following words: "Whereas, the names or titles of King, Prince, and Duke are unknown to the constitution of Georgia, or the United States, and the permitting or suffering several streets in the city to be still called by those obnoxious names reflects highly on the police (sic) thereof:

"No. 517. (1.) The streets now called King street, Prince street, and Duke street, shall be, hereafter, called and known by the names following: That is to say, the street now called King street shall be called President street ; the street called Prince street shall be called State street, and the street called Duke street shall be called Congress street."

Mr. Peter Gordon did not indicate the locality of the trustees' garden which was at that time perhaps just beginning to show the results of the care bestowed upon it from its first planting in the preceding year. It is hardly necessary to say much about this matter, considering the fact that it was not kept up many years, but. as it was deemed of great importance when laid out, and as it formed an important adjunct to the town as long as it was cultivated, the description of it by Secretary Moore, in his Voyage to Georgia in 1735 has been given in full in Chapter III.

Religious, Moral And Industrial

Pioneer Churches - Oglethorpe Returns to England - Unpopular Colonial Deputy - Intoxicated with Power and Pride - Anti-Rum and Anti-Slave Laws - The Trustees Against Slavery - Whitefield in Favor of Slavery.

The manifestly great importance of the actual settling of Savannah and the incidents connected with that matter, including the work done in improving the place and in making the soil as productive as possible, necessitated the use heretofore of considerable space, and henceforward the many incidents to follow in this history will be recited in a more condensed form. Wherever it was possible, the facts have been given in the very words of the documents found in all cases - surely the best evidence to be had.

Apprehending trouble with the Spaniards on the southern frontier, Oglethorpe's first separation from his people occurred in January, 1734, when, early on the 23d, he departed, with Captain Ferguson and sixteen men, including two Indian guides, on a reconnoitering trip. Then it was that the sites for the future towns of Frederica and New Inverness (afterwards Darien) were chosen.

The first minister to the colony was, as we have seen, the Rev. Dr. Henry Herbert, who volunteered to act in that position, performing all necessary services without compensation. Religious services were held at first, according to t lie statement of Francis Moore, in a hut thirty-six feet long and twelve feet wide, made of split-boards, which was built for a courthouse at the time of the first landing.* On the return of Oglethorpe from his first visit to England in 1735, he "ordered a house to be erected in the upper square which might serve for a Courthouse and for divine service till a church could be built." The hut which was the first place of worship was on the northeast corner of Bay street lane and Bull street, and the second place mentioned was on the lot bounded by Bull. President, Whitaker and York streets, where the postoffice now stands; and the Colonial Dames have marked the spot with a bronze tablet recording the fact that there stood the courthouse built by Ogle- thorpe as well as the information that John "Wesley preached in that building from May 6 to November 27, 1726. Doctor Herbert's term of service as rector of the church of the colony did not last long, and we have no information as to the exact time or the cause of his leaving. We only know that he was succeeded probably before the expiration of a year, by the Rev. Samuel Quincy, who himself was succeeded in 1736 by the great John Wesley. From the time of Moore's voyage until the arrival of Mr. Wesley the affairs in the town apparently went on in a quiet way, as no matters of interest during that period have been found recorded anywhere.

The Salzburgers, on coming to Georgia, settled at a point south of what is now the thriving town of Springfield, in Effingham county, to which they gave the name Ebenezer, and Oglethorpe feeling the relief from the anxiety which his concern for that people had caused, felt that it was a proper time to return to England and render in person an account of the progress made in a little more than a year, of experience as the steward of the trustees. We have seen how he carried out his plan of taking with him his friend Tomo-Ghachi and others of the Indian tribe whose kind treatment had helped materially in the successful development of the settlement. To Mr. Thomas Causton he committed the care of the town and province, and that man, who was the storekeeper of the trustees as well as a bailiff of the court, was assured of the advice and counsel of Mr. James St. Julian, a South Carolina gentleman deeply interested in the Georgia people, and of Mr. Francis Scott who had cast his lot with Oglethorpe's band and was a man of influence and integrity.

In the allotment of lands Causton had drawn garden lot 8E and farm lot 10 in Frederick tything G of Derby ward. To his suburban place he gave the name Oxstead, of which the three writers of "A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America," printed in 1741, said: "About three miles southeast of Savannah, upon Augustine creek, lies Oxstead, the settlement of Mr. Thomas Causton, improver! by many hands and at a great charge, where he now resides with a few servants." This place now bears the name Causton 's Bluff.

Though left in charge of the colony during the absence of the leader, Causton was fully advised beforehand as to the duties he was to perform and what authority he should exercise. Notwithstanding this, he acted in such a way as to cause great displeasure to the people and to be the subject of the special rancor of those men who have become known by the title of "malcontents," the authors of the work from which we have just quoted, and from which we again quote. They arraigned him in this language:

" Whilst we labored under those difficulties in supporting ourselves, our civil liberties received a more terrible shock; for instead of such a free government as we had reason to expect, and of being judged by the laws of our mother country, a dictator (under the title of bailiff and store-keeper) was appointed and left by Mr. Oglethorpe, at his departure, which was in April, 1734. whose will and pleasure were the only laws in Georgia. In regard to this magistrate, the others were entirely nominal, and in a manner but ciphers. Sometimes he would ask in public their opinion, in order to have the pleasure of showing his power by contradicting them. He would often threaten juries, and especially when their verdicts did not agree with his inclination or humor, and in order the more fully to establish his absolute authority, the store and disposal of the provisions, money, and public places' of trust, were committed to him: by which alteration in his state and circumstances he became in a manner infatuated, being before that a person of no substance or character, having come over with Mr. Oglethorpe amongst the first forty, and left England upon account of something committed by him concerning his majesty's duties. However, he was fit enough for a great many purposes, being a person naturally proud, covetous, cunning and deceitful, and would bring his designs about by all possible ways and means.

"As his power increased so did his pride, haughtiness and cruelty, insomuch that he caused eight free-holders with an officer to attend at the door of the court every day it sat, with their guns and bayonets, and they were commanded by his orders, to rest their firelocks as soon as he appeared, which made people in some manner afraid to speak their minds, or juries to act as their consciences directed them. He was seldom or never uncovered on the bench, not even when an oath was administrated; and being perfectly intoxicated with power and pride he threatened every person without distinction, rich and poor, strangers and inhabitants, who in the least opposed his arbitrary proceedings, or claimed their just rights and privileges, with the stocks, whipping-post and loghouse, and many times put those threatenings into execution, so that the Georgia stocks, whipping-post and log-house soon were famous in Carolina, and everywhere in America where the name of the province was heard of, and the very thought of coming to the colony became a terror to people's mind." There is much more of the same sort in the pamphlet from which we will make further quotations as we proceed with this narrative.

Among the instructions given to Causton when he was clothed with authority to govern during Oglethorpe's absence was one specially relating to the acts recently adopted prohibiting the use of intoxicating drinks. Legislation on this subject had been forced upon the people by reason of the fact that in the month of August, 1733, several per-' sons residing in Savannah had died, as was then stated, from the use of rum, and, in response to a report to that effect by Mr. Oglethorpe, the common council passed a resolution on the 21st of November "that the drinking of rum in Georgia be absolutely prohibited, and that all which shall be brought there be stored." As no such law existed in the neighboring colony of South Carolina, rum was freely imported of that colony who could get all they wanted supplied the trustees' store at Savannah with it. This law against the sale of rum Mr. C'auston endeavored to enforce, and his action relative thereto was severely criticized by the malcontents. In their tirade against Causton, they asserted that by reason of the punishments alleged to have been inflicted by him the people of South Carolina "who had, in private and public donations, given in upwards of 1,300£ sterling, seeing these things and how the public money was thrown away, began to despise persuaded everybody they could from settling in it." They then declared his efforts to restrain the sending of rum from South Carolina into Georgia as an intentional "design further to exasperate the people of Carolina," adding that "he caused their boats to be searched, and whatever rum was found therein was directly stored, in pursuance of an act, as he alleged, entitled an act against the importation of rum into the colony of Georgia."

At the same time another act was passed by the common council of the trustees which, later, became the subject of much talk and excitement, but which, together with the resolution forbidding the importation of rum, was some sixteen years later rescinded. It was "an act for rendering the province of Georgia more defensible by prohibiting the importation of black slaves or negroes into the same," the reason for its adoption being the fear of the trustees that by the aid of negro labor the people would relax their "habits of labour, industry, economy, and thrift by personal application." Objection to this measure was made by the malcontents in a petition to the trustees calling their attention to the causes of what they called their "personal misfortunes" in these words: "The want of the use of negroes, with proper limitations; which if granted, would both occasion great numbers of white people to come here, and also render us capable to subsist ourselves, by raising provisions upon our lands, until we could make some produce tit for export, in some measure to balance our importation. We are very sensible of the inconveniences and mischiefs that have already and do daily arise from an unlimited use of negroes; but we are as sensible that these may be prevented by a due limitation, such as so many to each white man, or so many to such a quantity of land or in any manner which your Honour shall think most proper."

This question of slavery was a matter of some concern to the trustees, and tin; advisability of changing the positive law on the subject was brought to their attention from time to time. On the 20th of June,. 1739, they declined to accede to the request of the magistrates, and other citizens, in a letter addressed to the latter, in which, after acknowl- edging the receipt of a "representation signed by you, the magistrates and many of the inhabitants of Savannah on the 9th of December last, for altering the tenure of the lands, and introducing negroes into the Province," they go on to say "they direct you to give the complainants this amvser from the Trustees: That they should deem themselves very unfit for the trust reposed in them by his Majesty on their behalf if they could be prevailed upon by such an irrational attempt to give up a constitution framed with the greatest caution for the preservation of liberty and property, and of which the laws against the use of slaves and for the entail of lands are the surest foundations."

Oglethorpe reported to the trustees that their decision had been received and promulgated, and that its effect was noticeable for the good it had accomplished, and they took from the magistrates who had signed the petition their commissions. At the same time the malcontents who had stirred up strife by their unruly behavior in many ways departed from Georgia. In their severe arraignment of the office-holders and others, whose conduct did not meet with their approval, those discontented persons magnified the little mistakes of those whom they despised, made assertions they could not prove, and showed a remarkable degree of spite, while, at the same time, they said some things which were true.

Once before the trustees had positively refused to yield to the demand for the employment of slaves in Georgia, and the tight was kept up so persistently that a modification of the law finally resulted, and slave labor was permitted. Among those who advocated the rescinding of the prohibitory measure, strange to say, was the Rev. George Whitefield who played a prominent part in Georgia's history in connection, principally, with the orphan home established by him. with the aid of Selina, Countess of Huntingdon, at Bethesda, near Savannah. He believed that the bringing of slaves from Africa was demanded by the claims of humanity, and declared that it was greatly to their advantage to be permitted to toil in useful labor, and went so far as to say that it was an established fact that the colony coidd not prosper without the use of slave labor. Ills views were shared by the Hon. James Habersham who came to Georgia with him. These names are here mentioned somewhat out of the regular chronological order because we are now on a subject in the discussion of which it becomes necessary to state their position. It must be borne in mind that this question was under discussion a long time before it was definitely settled and the parts taken in it by these two men was of such importance as to call for a statement of their view of the matter at this point; and we now quote from Mr. Whitefield who thus wrote to the trustees of Georgia from Gloucester, December 6, 174S: "I need not inform you how the Colony of Georgia has been declining, and at what great disadvantages 1 have maintained a large family in that wilderness.* Upwards of £5,000 have been expended in that under- taking; and yet very little proficiency lias been made in the cultivation of my tract of land; and that entirely owing to the necessity I lay under of making use of white hands. Had negroes been allowed, I should now have had a sufficient to support a great many orphans, without expending above half the sum that has been laid out. An unwillingness to let so good a design drop induced me, two years ago, to purchase a plantation in South Carolina, where negroes are allowed. This plantation has succeeded ; and, though I have only eight working hands, in all probability there will be more raised in one year and with a quarter of the expense than has been produced at Bethesda for several years past. This confirms me in the opinion I have long entertained that Georgia never can be a flourishing province unless negroes are employed. # * * Aly chief end in writing this is to inform you that I am as willing as ever to do all 1 can for Georgia and the orphan house, if either a limited use of negroes is approved of, or some more indentured servants be sent from England. If not, I cannot promise to keep any large family or cultivate the plantation in any considerable manner." production. AVhitefield, with his large heart, urging the introduction of slavery into the province of Georgia and almost threatening to abandon his Orphan House unless his proposal be granted! AVhitefield 's honour is best cared for by saying as little about the incident as possible." Hut there were many others in Georgia who were strongly urging the trustees to rescind the act against the use of negroes. Among them, as first stated, was the Hon. James Habersham, founder of the family of that name in Georgia, who came over with AVhitefield in 1738, and whose intercourse with the celebrated preacher was intimate and of the most friendly nature for many years and until broken by death. Others, in close touch with the trustees, stood by these men, and in spite of the repeated failures they met with, stubbornly contended the point until their demand was granted.

John And Charles Wesley

John Wesley and IIis Labors - Abuse of Wesley - New "Secretary of the Trust" - Wesley and Sophia (Hopkins) Williamson - Mr. Wesley's Statement of the Trouble - The Trustees Treat the Matter Lightly' - Charles Wesley Departs for England - Whitefield Succeeds John Wesley.

After a stay of some seven months in England, Tomo-chi-chi returned < to Georgia, reaching Savannah on the 27th of December, 1734. Oglethorpe remained in England resuming his seat in parliament where he saw to the enactment of the laws concerning slavery and rum referred to in the preceding chapter. He secured for the colony a large number of emigrants to go with him on his return, and they, amounting to two hundred and twenty in all, left London on the 13th of October, 1735. The next day Oglethorpe, accompanied by the Rev. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, Rev. Charles Wesley, his brother, student of Christ's Church College, and Reverend Mr. Ingham, of Queen's, went by land to Gravesend, where they embarked on board the Svmonds, commanded by Capt. Joseph Cornish. Besides this ship there was the London Merchant, Capt. John Thomas, which took on board such of the people as could not be accommodated on the Symonds.

Just before this the Moravians, led by the Rev. Gottlieb Spaugenberg and assisted by Count Zinzendorf, arrived in Georgia and made their home on the Savannah river between the town and Ebenezer; and they were closely followed by the Scotch Highlanders, under the care of their spiritual guide, the Rev. John McLeod, who settled at a point about sixteen miles above St. Simon's Island up the Altamaha river which they called New Inverness. Here they lived, and they were a great help to Oglethorpe in the troubles with the Spanish in Florida, as well as to Georgia in her dark days covering the period of the American Revolution. Among these highlanders were the McIntosh family and the Maekavs. A road from their settlement to Savannah was laid out by' Capt. Hugh Mackay, aided by Indian guides furnished by Tomo-chi-chi, which is still known as the Darien road. Darien being the present name of the first settlement known as New Inverness.

John Wesley, in his journal on Thursday, February 19, 1736. says of his arrival: "My brother and I took boat, and passing by Savannah, went to pay our first visit in America to the poor heathens. But neither Tomo-Chachi nor Sinauky was at home. Coming hack we waited upon Mr. Causton. the chief magistrate of Savannah. From him we went with Mr. Spangenberg to the German brethren. About eleven we returned to the boat, and came to our ship about four in the morning." Charles Wesley came to Georgia with a commission from the trustees as secretary of Indian affairs for the colony of Georgia, and was the private secretary to General Oglethorpe. While considering the matter of providing for the spiritual care of the colonists and the conversion of the Indians, John Wesley was named to the trustees as a man well qualified for that work by Doctor Burton, president of Corpus Christi College as well as one of the Georgia trustees. Mr. Wesley was introduced to Oglethorpe by Doctor Burton, and the mission was at once tendered to him but was promptly declined. He was finally persuaded to accept the position and the two brothers together engaged to accept service in the new colony. Of his first act in entering upon his duties John Wesley made this note in his journal under date Sunday the 7th of March. "I entered upon my ministry at Savannah by preaching on the epistle for the day, being the thirteenth of the first of Corinthians." In a postscript to a letter written to the trustees February 27, 1736, Oglethorpe mentioned the fact that "Mr. Wesleys' are gone up to Toina-ehi-chi Mieo, and live with Mr. Musgrove in his neighborhood six miles from Savannah where he has built a new town" and on the 16th of March following lie said: "Mr. John Wesley

At this time there was' some trouble among the Salzburgers, ani that fact is evidently alluded to in the quotation just given. On tie same day Oglethorpe wrote a letter to Mr. Vat, from Frederica, wii.i so clearly shows his ability to handle difficult matters and to t ; impartially in every affair in life that it is here given in full as showing his determination to render justice at all times. "I have received tie favor of yours and am very sorry to find there are any discontents among the Salzburgers. Mr. Von Reck complains much of you. a~ well as you of him. I have wrote to him upon the occasion and sent him the heads of what you objected to him, that he may make his defen cr. I have also desired him to make good what he objects to you, and recommended to the Rev. Mr. John Wesley to state the matter how things have past at Ebenezer, that when I have seen things in a clear light. I may be able to determine them, which I would not do in a matter where such worthy people are concerned, till the truth appeared fully, least . I should by rash judgment injure any man's reputation or character." The trouble was that Mr. Von Reck and Mr. Bolzius preferred charges against Mr. Vat who had been "appointed secretary of the Salzburgers by the trustees and to him were the stores at Ebenezer entrusted," as said Oglethorpe in a letter to Von Reck the same day. and he added: "He is answerable for them, and till such time as by his behavior I am entitled to dismiss him, it is improper for me to take them from his care nor can I determine any more in his than in your case without a hearing. Mr. Bolzius and you have both accused him, therefore, as 1 cannot come myself yet to Savannah I refer examining into the matter to Mr. John Wesley who is there entirely unprejudiced. I must again repeat the uneasiness I am under in not being able to assist them personally."

John Wesley succeeded the Rev. Samuel Quincy as spiritual guide to the colony, although he always averred that he undertook the task of a missionary with the purpose of using all his powers in the conversion of the Indians. "I never promised to stay here one month I openly declare, both before, and ever since my coming hither, that I neither would nor could take charge of the English any longer than till I could go among the Indians." When reminded that his appointment was to be minister at Savannah, he answered: "It was done without either my desire or knowledge. Therefore I cannot conceive that that appointment could lay me under any obligation of continuing here longer than till a door is opened to the heathen; and this I expressly declared at the time l consented to accept that appointment." He had been thoroughly impressed with the idea before consenting to leave England for America, that the work among the Indians would be rewarded with favorable results, and that without any vast amount of persuasion. He took literally to heart the impression conveyed to Oglethorpe in one of his letters that "a door seemed opened for the conversion of the Indians:" but he was doomed to be greatly disappointed, and his discouragement was manifest before he had been in Georgia many weeks. He was very favorably impressed with

Savannah and its climate. In a letter to his mother he said "the place is pleasant beyond imagination and by all I can learn exceedingly healthful even in summer for those who are not intemperate." His disappointment was twofold. Not only did he find the task of leading the Indians into a true knowledge of Christianity hopeless, but he had to admit after trial that his church work was not acceptable to most of his parishioners. Among those whom lie counted as his friends one whom he questioned on this point severely remarked: "I like nothing you do ; all your sermons are satires upon particular persons. Therefore I will never hear you more and all the people are of my mind, for we won't hear ourselves abused. Besides, they say they are Protestants, but as for you they can't tell what religion you are of. They never heard of such religion before. They do not know what to make of it. And then your private behavior, all the quarrels that have been here since you came have been along of you. Indeed there is neither man nor woman in the town who minds a word what you say, and so you may preach long enough, but nobody will come to hear you." His stay in Georgia lasted only a year and ten months, but his experience during that short time was varied and exciting. The month of July, 1737, was spent by him partly in visiting from house to house, and he then estimated the number of inhabitants in the town to be 518, all of whom except 149 were over the age of sixteen years.

The malcontents, of course, made him one of the objects of their abusive publication. They said "And now to make our subjection the more complete, a new kind of tyranny was this summer (1737) begun to be imposed upon us; for Mr. John Wesley, who had come over and was received by us as a clergyman of the Church of England, soon discovered that his aim was to enslave our minds, as a necessary preparative for enslaving our bodies. The attendance upon prayer, meetings and sermons inculcated by him, so frequently, and at improper hours, inconsistent with necessary labor, especially in an infant colony, tended to propagate a spirit of indolence and of hypocrisy amongst the more abandoned ; it being much easier for such persons, by an affected show of religion, and adherence to Mr. Wesley's novelties, to be provided by his procurement from the public stores, than to use that industry which true religion recommends ; nor indeed could the reverend gentleman conceal the designs lie was so full of, having frequently declared that he never desired to see Georgia a rich, but a religious* colony. At last all persons of any consideration came to look upon him as a Roman Catholic," and then follow four reasons for so considering him, as (1) "he most unmercifully damned all dissenters of whatever denomination, who were never admitted to communicate with him until they first gave up their faith and principles entirely to his moulding and direction, and in confirmation thereof declared their belief of the invalidity of their former baptism, and then to receive a new one from him"; (2) "persons suspected to be Roman Catholics were received and caressed by him as his first rate saints"; (3) "his endeavors to establish confession, penance, mortification, mixing vine with water in the sacrament, and suppressing in the administration of the sacrament the explanation adjoined to the words of communicating by the Church of England"; (4) "as there is always a strict connection betwixt popery and slavery, so the design of all this fine scheme seemed to the most judicious to be calculated to debase and depress the minds of the people, to break any spirit of liberty, and humble them with fastings, penances, drinking of water, and a thorough subjection to t he spiritual jurisdiction which he asserted was to be established in his person; and when this should be accomplished the minds of people would be equally prepared for the receiving civil or ecclesiastical tyranny." They charged that, in order to bring about a perfection of his "well concerted scheme" families were divided in parties, spies were engaged in many houses, and the servants of others bribed and decoyed to let them into all secrets of the families they belonged to; nay, those who had given themselves up to his spiritual guidance (more especially the women) were obliged to discover to him their most secret actions, nay even their thoughts and the subject of their dreams."

Mr. Wesley would have done well, and would have succeeded, at least in his work among the colonists, had he followed the advice given him by his friend Doctor Burton who induced him to take up the work in Georgia: "With regard to your behavior and manner of address, you will keep in mind the pattern of St. Paul who became 'all things to all men, that he might gain some. 7 In every case distinguish between what is essential and what is merely circumstantial to Christianity; between what is indispensable and what is variable; between what is of divine and what is of human authority. I mention this because men are apt to deceive themselves in such cases, and we see the traditions and ordinances of men frequently insisted on with more vigor than the commandments of God to which they are subordinate."

At the time that the malcontents wrote their bitter specifications against John Wesley, they charged that Mr. Thomas Causton was his companion and abettor in the mischief which they alleged was being made. And, indeed, at that period the two were good friends and acted to a certain extent in co-operation. Those vilifiers asserted of Mr. Wesley that "Mr. Causton and he were hand in hand." Strange to say, however, this same Causton and his family were the instruments through whom Mr. Wesley's career in Georgia not only ended in failure of accomplishing what he confidently expected to do but brought a lasting sorrow to that good man and brought about his leaving Georgia under a heavy cloud which in the minds of some has never been cleared away. Friendship and close fellowship suddenly turned into bitter hatred and the severing of ties which in this life were never re-united.

Georgia," as appears by the minutes of the common council of the trustees, and on the 27th of the same month "a grant of enfeoffment of five hundred acres of land was made by the same body to the said William Stephens and his third son Thomas, and the father was then sworn in as secretary, anti instructions to the new officer were read, approved, countersigned and sealed by the Secretary of the Trustees. ' ' This was followed by the reading of "a paper of private instructions to William Stephens." For some reason the trustees requested this officer to delay the time of his departure for Georgia, and on the 10th of August they voted to pay him the sum of thirty-one pounds ten shillings "his expenses, he having waited tlmee months at the request of the trust before he was ordered to irnbark for Georgia." From the same minutes we learn that he "sailed the middle of August." He relates in his journal that owing to adverse circumstances he did not reach Charleston, South Carolina, until October 20; that he departed from that place on the 28th; and he arrived at Savannah at ten o'clock in the morning of the 1st of November. His attention was almost immediately called to the trouble between Mr. John Wesley and a number of the inhabitants, particularly the family of Causton and their followers, for, under date Thursday, November 3d, in concluding his record of the events of the day, he adds: "Afterwards 1 heard from different hands a long detail of the cause of discord between Mr. Causton and the parson ever since Mr. Williamson married Miss Hopkins (niece of Mr. Causton) which was told me variously, as the relators were inclined ; but it was carried now to that height as to engage great part of the town which was so divided that Mr. Causton and Mr. Wesley drew their greatest attention, and the partisans on both sides did not stick to throw plenty of scandal against their adversaries."

Unfortunately for Mr. Wesley he had received as a pupil a young woman, Sophia Hopkins, the niece of Thomas Causton, whom he engaged to instruct in the French language. His influence with her was so great that she was converted by his preaching, and joined the church. She was attractive in manners, and was accomplished, and it is generally believed that 51 r. Wesley desired to marry her. Charles Delamotte, who accompanied the Wesleys to Georgia and who was their friend, saw the danger which this intimacy, if continued, was sure to cause, and warned his companion against a too close friendship with his pupil, and it is not a matter of wonder that the clergyman did follow the advice of one whom he knew to be a true friend. 51 r. Delamotte had worked in the greatest harmony with John Wesley, had organized a school of between thirty and forty children whom he is said to have taught to "read, write, and cast accounts," and whom 51r. Wesley catechised every Saturday afternoon and before evening service on Sunday. Added to the admonition of this friend was the advice of the 5Ioravian elders, who also became apprehensive that a marriage between the two seemed possible, and that such union could hardly be a happy one. Thus cautioned, Wesley had the good sense to be more guided in his conduct while with the lady, and his changed manner while in her presence was morti- fying to her, so that she and her friends harbored a feeling of hostility to him which brought to an unhappy end his missionary career in Georgia from which he expected far different results and which he fondly hoped would close in a much more glorious way. He went from one extreme to the other, and. following her marriage to Air. Williamson shortly after, he dealt severely with her in the matter of her conduct as a church member, declaring that in certain matter she was acting in a manner which warranted him in forbidding her to participate in celebrating the Lord's Supper. This, of course, angered her and her relatives, and on the 8th of August, 1737, Wesley was arrested under a warrant issued by the town recorder in the following terms':

" Georgia-Savannah, s.s. - To all Constables, Tythingmen, and others whom these may concern: You and each of you are hereby required to take the body of John

Wesley, Clerk, and bring him before one of the Bailiffs of the said Town to answer the complaint of William Williamson and Sophia, his wife, for defaming the said Sophia, and refusing to administer to her the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in a publick Congregation without cause, by which the said William Williamson is damaged One Thousand Pounds Sterling. And for so doing this is your Warrant, certifying what you are to do in the premises.

Considering the character of Mr. Wesley and his subsequent honorable and saintly life, as well as the circumstances connected with the founding by him of that influential and Godly sect of Christian people, which has done and is still doing, and will continue to do great things in the matter of saving souls, it is only just and proper that his own statement of this unfortunate matter be here given.

The first time lie alludes to any unpleasantness between himself and Mr. Causton's people is in the following words: "Sunday, July 3 - Immediately after the holy communion I mentioned to Airs. Williamson (Mr. Causton's niece) some things which I thought reprovable in her behaviour. At this she appeared extremely angry; said she did not expect such usage from me, and at the turn of the street through which we were walking home went abruptly away. The next day Mrs. Causton endeavored to excuse her ; told me she was exceedingly grieved for what had passed the day before, and desired me to tell her in writing what I disliked; which 1 did the day following.

But first I sent Mr. Causton the following note: "Sir. - To this hour you have shown yourself my friend. I ever have and ever shall acknowledge it. And it is my earnest desire that He who hath hitherto given me this blessing would continue it still. But this cannot be unless you will allow me one request which is not so easy a one as it appears; do not condemn me for doing, in the execution of my office, what 1 think it my duty to do. If you can prevail upon yourself to allow me this, even when I act without respect to persons, 1 am persuaded there will never be, at least not long, any misunderstanding between us. For even those who seek it shall. 1 trust, find no occasion against me, 'except it be concerning the law of my God.'

The next clay he wrote: "Mr. Causton came to my house with Mr. Bailiff Parker and Air. Recorder, and warmly asked 'How could you possibly think I should condemn you for executing any part of your office?7 I said, short, 'Sir, what if 1 should think it the duty of my office to repel one of your family from the holy communion?7 He replied, 'If you repel me or my wife I should require a legal reason, but I shall trouble myself about no one else. Let them look to themselves. 7 "

We find the next item bearing on the subject recorded by Wesley one month later, when he made this record: "Sunday 7 - 1 repelled Mrs. Williamson from the holy communion. And Monday 8, Mr. Recorder of Savannah issued out the warrant following." This warrant has already been quoted in full. He tells us that he was taken by Jones, the constable, to the recorder's court where he met also the bailiff Parker, and Mr. Williamson: there lie denied the charge that he had defamed Mrs. Williamson, and as to the other averment he made answer that "the giving or refusing the Lord's Supper being a matter purely ecclesiastical" he refused to acknowledge the authority of a magistrate to question him on such a point ; that Mr. Parker gave him notice that he must appear at the next court to be held in Savannah, when Mr. Williamson said: "Gentlemen, I desire Mr. Wesley may give bail for his appearance," to which Parker responded, "Sir, Mr. Wesley's word is sufficient."

On Wednesday, August 10th, he writes that "Mr. Causton (from a just regard, as his letter expressed it, to the friendship which had existed between us till this affair) required me to give the reasons in the courthouse why I repelled Mrs. Williamson from the holy communion. I answered I apprehend many ill consequences may arise from my so doing; let the cause be laid before the trustees."

"Thu. 11. Mr. Causton came to my house, and among other sharp words said, 'Make an end of this matter; thou hadst best. My niece to be used thus ! I have drawn the sword, and will never sheath it until I have satisfaction. 7

"Soon after he added 'Give the reasons of your repelling her before the whole congregation.' I answered, 'Sir, if you insist upon it, I will; and so you may be pleased to tell her. 7 He said, 'Write to her and tell her so yourself. 7 I said, 'I will.7 and after he went I wrote as follows: " 'To Mrs. Sophia Williamson:

" 'So many as intend to be partakers of the holy communion shall signify their names to the curate at least some time the day before. This you did not do. "And if any of these have done any wrong to His neighbors, by word or deed, so that the congregation be thereby offended, the curate shall advertise him that in any wise he presume not to come to the Lord's table until he hath openly declared himself to have truly repented." If you offer yourself at the Lord's table on Sunday 1 will advertise you (as I have done more than once) wherein you have done wrong. And when you have openly declared yourself to have truly repented, I will administer to you the mysteries of God.

"Hr. Delamotte carrying this, Mr. Causton said, among other warm sayings, 'I am the person that am injured. The affront is offered to me; arid I will espouse the cause of my niece. I am ill used; and I will have satisfaction if it is to be had in the world. 7

" Which way this satisfaction was to be had I did not yet conceive. But on Friday and Saturday it began to appear: - Mr. Causton declared to many persons timt 'Mr. Wesley had repelled Sophy from the holy communion purely out of revenge; because he had made proposals of marriage to her which she rejected and married Mr. Williamson.'

Tues. 16. Mrs. Williamson swore to and signed an affidavit, insinuating more than it asserted; but asserting that Mr. Wesley had many times proposed marriage to her, all which proposals she had rejected. Of this I desired a copy; Mr. Causton replied: 'Sir you may have one from any of the newspapers of America.'

"On Thursday or Friday was delivered out a list of twenty-six men who were to meet as a grand jury on Monday the 22d. But this list was called in the next day and twenty-four names added to it. Of this grand jury (forty-four of whom only met) one was a Frenchman who did not understand English, one a Papist, one a professed infidel, three Baptists, sixteen or seventeen others Dissenters, and several others who had personal grounds against me. and had openly vowed revenge.

"To the grand jury on (Monday the 22d (Air. Causton gave a long and earnest charge 'to beware of spiritual tyranny, and to oppose the new, illegal authority which was usurped over their consciences.' Then Mrs. Williamson's affidavit was read: after which (Mr. Causton delivered to the grand jury a paper entitled 'A list of grievances presented by the Grand Jury for Savannah this - day of August, 1727.'

"This the majority of the grand jury altered in some particulars, 'and on Thursday, September 1, delivered it again to the Court under the form of two presentments containing ten bills which were then read to the people.

"Herein they asserted upon oath 'That John Wesley, Clerk, had broken the laws of the realm, contrary to the peace of our sovereign lord the King, his crown and dignity.

" '5. By refusing to baptize Mr. Parker's child otherwise than by dipping, except the parents would certify it was weak and not able to bear it ;

"Fri. Sep. 2 was the third court at which 1 appeared since my being carried before Hr. Parker and the recorder. I now moved for an immediate hearing on the first bill, being the only one of a civil nature; but it was refused. I made the same motion in the afternoon; but was put off till the next day. On the next court day I appeared again; as also at the two courts following; but could not be heard because (the judge said) Mr. Williamson was gone out of town.

"The sense of the minority of the grand jurors themselves (for they were by no means unanimous) concerning these presentments may appear from the following paper which they transmitted to the Trustees:

" 'To the Honorable the Trustees for Georgia: AVliereas two Presentments have been made, the one of August 23d. the other of August 31st, by the Grand Jury for the Town and County of Savannah in Georgia, against John Wesley. Clerk :

" 'We, whose names are underwritten, being members of the said Grand Jury, do humbly, beg leave to signify our dislike to the said Presentments. being by many and divers circumstances thor'lv persuaded in ourselves that the whole charge against Mr. Wesley is an artifice of Mr. Causton's, designed rather to blacken the character of Air. Wesley than to free the Colony from Religious Tyranny as he was pleased in his charge to us to term it. But as these circumstances will lie too tedious to trouble your Honors with, we shall only beg leave to give the Reasons of our Dissent from the particular Bills.

" 'With regard to the First Bill we do not apprehend that Air. Wesley acted against any laws by writing or speaking to Airs. Williamson, since it does not appear to us that the said Air. Wesley has either spoke in private or wrote to the said Airs. Williamson since March 12.* except one letter of July the 5th. which he wrote at the request of her aunt, as a Pastor, to exhort and reprove her.

" 'The Second we do not apprehend to be a true Bill because we humbly conceive Air. Wesley did not assume to himself any authority contrary to Law: for we understand every person intending to communicate should "signify his name to the Curate at least some time the day before,'' which Airs. Williamson did not do: altho' Air. Wesley had often, in full congregation, declared he did insist on a compliance with that Rubrick, and had before repelled divers persons for non-compliance therewith.

" 'The Third we do not think a true Bill because several of us have been hearers when he has declared his adherence to the Church of England in a stronger manner than by a formal Declaration; by explaining and defending the Apostles,' the Nieene, and the Athanasian Creeds, the Thirty-Nine Articles, the whole Book of Common Prayer, and the Homilies of the said Church: and because we think a formal Declaration is not required but from those who have received Institution and Induction.

" 'The Fifth we do not think a true Bill because we conceive Mr. Wesley is .justified by the Kubrick, viz.: ''If they (the Parents) certify that the child is weak, it shall suffice to pour water upon it:" intimating (as we humbly suppose) it shall not suffice if they do not certify.

" 'The Sixth cannot lie a true Bill because the said William Gough, being one of our members, was surprised to hear himself named without his knowledge of privity, and did publickly declare it was no grievance to him, because the said John Wesley had given him reasons with which he was satisfied.

" 'The Seventh we do not apprehend to be a true Bill, for Nathaniel Polhill was an Anabaptist, and desired in his lifetime that he might not be interred with the Office of the Church of England. And further, we have good reason to believe that Mr. Wesley was at Frederica, or on his return thence, when Polhill was buried.

" 'As to the Eighth Bill, we are in doubt, as not well knowing the meaning of the word Ordinary. But for the Ninth and Tenth we think Mr. Wesley is sufficiently justified by the Canons of the Church which forbid any person to be admitted Godfather or Godmother to any child before the said person has received the Holy Communion: whereas William Aglionby and Jacob Matthews had never certified Mr. Wesley that they had received it. 7

"This was signed by twelve of the grand jurors of whom three were constables and six more were tithingmen who consequently would have made a majority had the jury consisted, as it regularly should have done, of only fifteen members, viz., the four constables and eleven tithingmen.

"Oct. 7. I consulted my friends whether God did not call me to return to England .' The reason for which I left it had now no force, there being no possibility as yet of instructing the Indians; neither had I as yet found or heard of any Indians on the continent of America who had the least desire of being instructed. And as to Savannah, having never engaged myself, either by word or letter, to stay there a day longer than I should judge convenient, nor ever taken charge of the people any otherwise than as in my passage to the Heathens I looked upon myself to be fully discharged thereupon by the vacating of that design. Besides there was a good probability of doing more service to that unhappy people in England than l could do in Georgia by representing, without fear or favor, to the Trustees the real state the colony was in. After deeply considering these things they were unanimous 'That I ought to go; but not yet.' So I laid the thoughts of it aside for the moment, being persuaded that when the time was come God would 'make the way plain before my face.'

"Thu. Nov. J. I appeared again at the court liolden on that day, and again at the court held Tues. Nov. 22d, on which day Mr. Causton desired to speak with me. He then read me some affidavits which had been made Sept, loth last past, in one of which is was affirmed that I had abused Mr. Causton in his own house, calling him a liar, villain, and so on. It was now likewise repeated before some persons, which, indeed. 1 had forgot, that 1 had been reprimanded at the last court for an enemy to and hindrance of the public peace.

looked for was now come. And the next morning, calling on Air. Causton, I told him I designed to set out for England immediately. 1 set up an advertisement in the Great Square to the same effect, and quietly prepared for my journey.

then serving. But about ten the magistrates sent for me and told .me 1 must not go out of the Province; for 1 had not answered the allegations laid against me. I replied 'I have appeared at six or seven courts successively, in order to answer them. But 1 was not suffered to do so, when I desired it time after time.' Then they said I must not go unless I would give them security to answer those allegations at. their court. I asked, 'What security?' After consulting together about two hours, the recorder showed me a kind of bond engaging me. under a penalty of fifty pounds, to appear at their court when 1 should be required. He added, 'But Mr. Williamson too has desired of us that you should give bail to answer his action.' I then told him plainly. 'Sir, you use me very ill, and so you do the Trustees. I will give neither any bond nor any bail at all. You know your business and 1 know mine.'

"In the afternoon the magistrates published an order requiring all the officers and centinels to prevent my going out of the Province, and forbidding any person to assist me so to do. Being now only a prisoner at large in a place where 1 knew by experience every day would give fresh opportunity to procure evidence of words I never said and actions I never did, I saw clearly the hour was come for leaving this place and -as soon as evening prayers were over, about eight o'clock, the tide then serving, I shook off the dust of my feet, and left Georgia, after having preached the Gospel there (not as I ought, but as 1 was able) one year and nine months."

Mr. Wesley does not state in his journal who went with him, or how the journey was made, except that he landed at Purvsburg the next morning and went thence to Beaufort on foot, and that there he took a boat which conveyed him to Charleston. William Stephens in his "Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," Vol. 1, pp. 41-47, relates that he had as companions from Savannah three men whose character was not good, named Coates, Gough and Campbell, but he seems to have been prejudiced against Mr. Wesley, and it is not likely that Wesley willingly associated, in this emergency, with dissolute persons. Stephens had little use for any clergyman who did not strictly conform to the rules and practice of the Church of England as demanded by the Book of Common Prayer, and he doubtless exaggerated somewhat the facts as they came to his knowledge.

The Trustees did not apparently consider the Williamson-Causton suit against Mr. Wesley a matter of serious import. In the minutes of that body on December 7, 1747. this record was made: "Read several letters from Mr. Williamson of Savannah, complaining of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley's having refused the sacrament to his wife. Mrs. Sophia Williamson, with Mr. Williamson's affidavit thereupon, and two pre- sentments of the Grand Jury of the Rev. Mr. Wesley for the said refusal, and for several other facts laid to his charge. Ordered, that copies of the said letters and affidavit he sent over to the Rev. Mr. John Wesley, desiring him to return his answer for the same as soon as possible; and that a letter be sent to Mr. Williamson to acquaint him of the said copies being sent to Mr. Wesley; and that if he has anything new to lay before the Trustees- he should show it first to Mr. Wesley and then send it over to them; and that the Trustees think he should not have made his application to the World by advertising his complaints before acquainting the Trustees with them."

Not until February 22. 1738, did this matter again appear in the minutes of the Trustees, when it was recorded that "The Rev. Mr. John Wesley attended and delivered into the Board a Narrative of his own relating to the complaints of Mrs. Williamson and three certificates, one signed by James Burnside, dated Savannah, November 1, 1737, another, of the same date, signed by Margaret Burnside, and another signed by Charles Delamotte. dated Savannah. October 25. 1737."

"Resolved. That the authority granted to the Rev'd Mr. John Wesley to do and perform all religious and Ecclesiastical offices in Georgia, dated October 10, 1735. be revoked."

Meanwhile Charles Wesley, the brother, who had accepted the position of secretary to General Oglethorpe, as also secretary of Indian Affairs for the colony of Georgia, and had made Frederica his home, had his own troubles and had. after a stay in Georgia of only five months and one week, departed for England. He landed on Georgia soil on the 19th of February. 1736, and after a short stay in Savannah he reached his new home on St. Simon's island on the 9th of March. His reception was not at all such as he had anticipated and his services were distasteful to the people. His biographer, Southey, says: "He attempted the doubly difficult task of reforming the gross improprieties and reconciling some of the petty jealousies and quarrels with each other; in which he effected little else than making them unite in opposing him, and caballing to get rid of him in any way." Those discontented persons complained to Oglethorpe, and on this point Southey adds: "The Governor, who had causes enough to disquiet him. arising from the precarious state of the colony, was teased and soured by the complaints which were perpetually brought against the two brothers, and soon began to wish that he had brought with him men of more practicable tempers." However, Oglethorpe did not long harbor a spirit of vexation, and felt that he had been unjust toward that godly man who, in his deep distress, wrote concerning the unfriendly conduct of Oglethorpe " I know not how to account for his increasing coldness." But the Christian spirit of the founder of Georgia asserted itself in this as in all other instances, and the reconciliation was as complete as either of the men could have wished. "Writers who have touched upon this matter have referred to this reconciliation as happening at a time when Oglethorpe was "on the eve of setting out upon a dangerous expedition."* This must have been the occasion described on his return in a letter to the Trustees, dated May 11, 1736: ''I have been down to the Southward' to quell a Mutiny among our Frontier Garrison. The Spaniards have, 1 apprehend, detained the persons I sent down to treat with them, contrary to faith, and I have sent up some launches to view us. I am forced to set out immediately to throw succour into the Frontier Garrison, who I expect will be attacked every hour." Charles Wesley describes the scene with his superior, saying that on that occasion General Oglethorpe sent for him and said to him ; "You will soon see the reasons for my actions. I am going to death. You will see me no more. Take this ring and carry it from me to Mr. V . If there is a friend to be depended upon, he is one. His interest is next to Sir Robert's. Whatever you ask within his power he will do for you, your brother, and your family. I have expected death for some days. These letters show that the Spaniards have long been seducing our allies, and intend to cut us off at a blow. I fall by my friends: - Gascoigne whom I have made, the Carolina people upon whom I depended to send their promised succour. But death is to me nothing.

you." "He then gave me a diamond ring," continued Charles Wesley, in his journal, "I took it and said, 'If, as I believe, Postrcmum fato quod te alloquor, hoc cst, hear what you will quickly know to be true as soon as you. are entered upon a separate state. This ring I shall never make use of for myself. I have no worldly hopes. I have renounced the world. Life is bitterness to me. I came hither to lay it down. You have been deceived as well as I. I protest my innocence of the crimes I am charged with, and take myself to be now at liberty to tell you what I thought I should never have uttered.' [Cipher words in the manuscript.] When 1 finished this relation he seemed entirely changed and full of his old love and confidence in me. After some expressions of kindness, I asked him 'Are you satisfied?' He replied 'Yes, entirely.' 'Why then, sir, I desire nothing more upon earth, and care not how soon I folloAv you. ' * * * He then embraced and kissed

Mr. Wesley then describes the departure of Oglethorpe from Frederica, and how they met again' on his return from the South. Returning the ring he said to the general "I need not, sir, and indeed I can not tell you how joyfully and thoughtfully I return this. " To this Oglethorpe replied "When I gave it to you I never expected to receive it again, but thought it would be of service to your brother and you. I had many omens of my death, particularly their bringing me my mourning sword, t but God has been pleased to preserve a life which was never valuable to me, and yet in the continuance of it, 1 thank God, I can re- t Which had been handed to him twice while he was preparing for his going southward and which he refused, taking finally his own sword that had belonged to his father, with which he asserted he had never been unsuccessful.

joice. " Wesley answered " I am now glad of all that has happened here, since without it 1 could never have had such a proof of your affection as that you gave me when you looked upon me as the most ungrateful of villains. "

Charles Wesley fully resolved in the month of June to resign his commission and when he left Georgia he believed another would shortly take his place. He and General Oglethorpe were as good friends as ever, and he was the hearer of important papers from the latter to the trustees. His intention, however, was not made known to the board at that time, and on this subject Air. Wesley wrote what Oglethorpe said to him as follows: ''1 would not let the trustees know your resolution of resigning. There are many hungry fellows ready to catch at the office, and. in my absence, I cannot put in one of my own choosing. The best I can hope for is an honest Presbyterian, as many of the trustees are such. Perhaps they may send me a bad man, and how far such a one may influence the traders and obstruct the reception of the Gospel among the heathen, you know. I shall be in England before you leave it. Then you may either put in a deputy or resign." He retained his office until the- month of

April, 1738, at which time Oglethorpe, who said he was "unwilling to lose so honest and faithful an officer," still tried to persuade him to hold on to the work; but Charles Wesley felt that it was time to let some other man take his place, and his resignation was accepted in May. Thus the service of Charles came to an end in a shorter time than did that of his more famous brother John, althoiigh his troubles were really small compared with those of the latter. The only record in the minutes of the trustees bearing on the subject of the resignation appears in the journal of the common council of that body of May 3, 1738, when it was "resolved that Mr. John Clarke he appointed secretary for the Indian Affairs in the room of the Rev. Mr. Charles Wesley."

In recording the incidents connected with the life of John Wesley in Georgia some writers have used language which may be termed harsh and even bitter. How they could apply to him some of the expressions employed in criticising his conduct, with all the evidence before them, seems incredible. That he was indiscreet in some instances cannot be denied; but that he was the tyrant that some of his enemies would have us believe is utterly untrue. Let these facts not be lost sight of; that his most implacable enemy, Thomas Causton, himself a man of high ambition with the determination at all times of showing his authority and unceasingly endeavoring to assert and enforce it, was a had man, and, as his subsequent career shows, was at the very time he was persecuting Mr. Wesley far exceeding that authority in many respects and held under his lash many who, but for fear of him. would have sided with the latter; that William Stephens, whose journal is made the basis of the worst attacks on Mr. Wesley's character, did not reach Savannah until the matters complained of were .the subject of the town talk, and that he persistently opposed all departures from the forms and customs of the Church of England ; that Causton was, for the time being, what is now termed a "political boss" in the district in which he lived, absolutely controlling the officers of the court and seeing to it that a majority of the jurors drawn for the trial would render a verdict such as would please him; and finally that the incident which led to the abrupt departure of -Mr. Wesley was one which should never have had publicity and that it was made public just because Mr. Causton wanted to humiliate him for his daring to assert authority, even ecclesiastical authority, over one of his household.

Not having the slightest suspicion of the trouble in store for him, and with the anticipation of having a hearty co-worker with him in the good work he expected to do in Georgia, John Wesley, some time between the 3d and the 22d of December, 1736, wrote a letter from Savannah to George AVhitefield, who had been ordained to the ministry in the June previous, saying: "Only Air. Delamotte is with me, till God shall stir up the hearts of some of His servants who, putting their lives in His hands, shall come over and help us, when the harvest is so great, and the labourers so few. What if thou art the man. Air. Whiteficld ? ' ' We are told by Air. AVhitefield himself that in another letter AVesley said: "Do you ask me what you shall have? Food to eat, and raiment to put on; a house to lay your head in, such as your Lord had not ; and a crown of glory which facleth not away;" and AVhitefield adds "Upon reading this my heart leaped within me, and, as it were, echoed to the call. Alany things concurred to make my way clear. * * * These things being thoroughly weighed, I at length resolved to embark for Georgia." He was, indeed, the man, as AVesley predicted, but it so happened that the two men were destined not to work together in the same field. Before AVhitefield sailed from England the clouds began to gather about AVesley, and his way was changed so abruptly that at the time he was entering the port of Deal. England, in February, 1738, as he states it "on the anniversary festival in Georgia, for Air. Oglethorpe's landing there," AVhitefield departed from the same point, as the Rev. Dr. T. AI. Harris said "on a mission; not to be his coadjutor, as he expected, but, as it proved, his successor."*

The strength of John AVesley 's influence and the growth of the powerful church with which his name is indissolubly associated are both attested by the building of that most suitable monument in the form of an ecclesiastical edifice in the heart of the city which was his home and which once spurned his labors and rejoiced in his speedy departure from her borders, but now rejoices in the fact that he did live in her midst and walk her streets.

Oglethorpe's Administration* Approved by English Trustees - Fortifying Georgia's Southern Frontier - Promoted to "General" Oglethorpe - C Alston's Finances go Wrong - Oglethorpe's Self- Sacrifice - The Fall of Causton.

Closely following the events recorded in the last chapter came the downfall of Thomas Causton. Oglethorpe, believing t hat he had placed the southern boundary of the colony in a position of security against the attacks of the Spaniards, left Georgia in the month of November, 1736, to lay before the British ministers an account of the attitude of that people towards the province, and to urge that he be authorized to resort to such measures as would place Georgia in a stronger condition to receive the attacks which he was sure would come from the enemy.

Arriving in England at the close of the year, Oglethorpe received the unanimous thanks of the trustees, at a meeting of the board held January 19, 1737. . The minutes of the trustees show that James Oglethorpe was present at a meeting held on the 12th of January, 1737, and "made a report to the Board of his proceedings in Georgia from the time of his landing there in February last, and of the present state of the colony; and likewise laid before them two treaties of peace between the people settled at Georgia and the Spaniards at St. Augustine concluded and ratified, the first by Charles Dempsey, Esq., (appointed by Mr. Oglethorpe for that purpose) and the Council of War at St. Augustine; the other by the said Charles Dempsey, Esq., and Don Francisco Del Moral Sanchez, governor of St. Augustine, dated October 26th." and following that record this important item was adopted: "Resolved that James Oglethorpe, Esq., be congratulated on his safe return to England, and that the thanks of the Trustees be given to him for the many and important services done by him for the Colony of Georgia."

Oglethorpe remained in England until July, 1738, and on the 5th of that month lie sailed from Portsmouth, arriving at Jekvll sound on the 18th of September. The following day he addressed a letter to Sir Joseph Jekvll, for whom he had on a former trip to the southward named both the sound and the island. He began the letter by saying "I am now got to an anchor in a harbour and near an island that bears your name. God has given me the greatest marks of His visible protection to this colony." Proceeding on his course he landed on the south end of St. Simon's island, and, on the 21st, arrived at Frederica. This place was chosen as a settlement by Oglethorpe when he determined, in 1724, to choose a place which would be of the greatest advantage in protecting the southern border of the colony against the Spaniards and other enemies. It was on the 26th that he and his comrades, Captain Ferguson and sixteen others who started on the trip on the 23d of January, landed on that spot, and "lay all night under the shelter of a large live-oak tree and kept themselves dry." Seeing the importance of having a military station in that portion of his territory, he decided that a fort should be erected there. The plans were matured, and the fort, built of tabby, was finished in April, and a town was laid out which he named Frederica, after the Prince of Wales. Here the people who were to possess the place assembled and took possession of the lots assigned to them on the 19th.

The statement is frequently made that Oglethorpe spent too much of his time while in Georgia at Frederica, and that consequently he neglected to look with proper care over the affairs in the town of Savannah. The malcontents in their "True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America" made this statement:* "In February, 1735-36, Mr. Oglethorpe arrived in Georgia, for the second time, with great numbers of people, in order to settle to the southward, where he soon after carried them. Upon the Island of St. Simon's he settled a town, wThich he called Frederica; and about five miles distance from thence, towards the sea, he placed the independent company which he removed from Port Royal in Carolina, their former station. On one of the branches of the Altamaha he settled the Highlanders in a village which was called Darien. Then he settled a fort on Cumberland, which he named St. Andrews ; and some time after he caused a garrison of about fifty men to be placed upon a sandy island (without fresh water) in the mouth of St. John's river, opposite to a Spanish lookout, where possession was kept for about six months, and several fortifications built; but at last he was obliged to abandon it. after several people had lost their lives by the inconveniences of the place, besides great sums of money thrown away in vain;" and, further on,t "Mr. Oglethorpe staid not long at Savannah, his common residence being at Frederica, where they had, in imitation of us, built a few houses, and cleared some land ; but finding planting not answer, they left it off, and as soon as the regiment came, almost everybody betook themselves to the keeping public houses; and in this manner do the few that now remain live."

In this way Oglethorpe has been often charged with the offense of turning his attention too much to places outside of Savannah; but those who have taken that position do not seem to have directed their atten- tion to the importance of fortifying the southern frontier against the troublesome Spaniards. Had Oglethorpe neglected that one serious feature of his work as he saw it from a military point of view, there is no reason to doubt that advantage of that lack of judgment would have been taken by the commander at St. Augustine, and disaster would have overtaken the young colony of Georgia. His training as a soldier clearly, pointed out the necessity of having a force of troops stationed at a wellfortified post in that neighborhood, and he communicated his views to the Trustees with such telling effect that we tincl this record in their minutes of August 10, 1737: 4 'Read a memorial to his Majesty setting forth that the Colony of Georgia being very much exposed to the power of the Spaniards and become an object of their envy by having valuable posts upon the homeward passage from the West Indies, and the Spanish having increased their forces in the neighborhood thereof ; that the Trustees in consequence of the great trust reposed in them find themselves obliged to lay before his Majesty their inability sufficiently to protect his Majesty's charter against this late increase of forces; and therefore become humble supplicants to his Majesty on behalf of his Majesty's subjects settled in the Province of Georgia, that by a necessary supply of forces the province may be protected against the great dangers that seem immediately to threaten it."

This memorial was answered favorably, and the minutes of October 5, 1737. open with a list of the Trustees present at that time in which Oglethorpe's name appears with the title of colonel prefixed to it, the reason for it being disclosed in the journal of the common council of that body of the same date, in these words: "Mr. Oglethorpe acquainted the common council that in pursuance of the Trustees' memorial to his Majesty, dated August 10, 1737, setting forth the state of the Colony of Georgia and the inability of the Trustees to protect his Majesty's subjects settled there against the dangers which they are apprehensive of from the late increase of Spanish forces at Havanna and St. Augustine, and praying that his Majesty will order a necessary supply of forces for the protection of the province; that his Majesty had ordered a regiment of six hundred effective men to be raised for the defence of the Colony and to be sent thither, and that his Majesty had appointed him Colonel, James Cochran, Esq., Lieutenant-Colonel, and William Cook. Esq., Major of the said Regiment." The title of colonel was soon changed for that of a higher rank, and in a short time he received a commission as "General and Commander-in-Chief of all and singular the forces employed and to be employed in the provinces of South Carolina and Georgia in America."

It is to be presumed that a description of the uniform worn by the officers of Oglethorpe's regiment will he acceptable to some readers who take an interest in even the smallest particulars relating to the affairs of that good man. If the uniform has ever been heretofore described this writer lias not had the good fortune to see it in print, and he takes pleasure in giving it here as written in a letter to the late Bishop William

Bacon Stevens from Professor William MacKenzie of the University of Edinburgh, dated 15th September, 1845. in which the writer said it was a "description of the uniform of Oglethorpe's regiment, taken from a painting of a soldier of that regiment, in a MS. volume in the library of the deceased Duke of York: Hat, old style three cornered, low roofed; coat red and of ample dimensions, wide in the skirts - facings green, with a narrow stripe of white between and the body of the dress."

The rank of general was probably conferred about the 7th of June, 1738, as he is there mentioned with that title in the minutes of both the trustees and the common council.

Added to the suspicions of the trustees that the finances of the colony, as shown by Causton's accounts, were improperly managed, and that the increase in the number of certified accounts was not warranted, came complaints from certain persons of his overbearing spirit as well as representations of the grand jury of Savannah charging him with all sorts of misdeeds. Awakened to the fact that something was wrong, an investigation was made by a committee, and at a meeting held May 1, 1738, the following record was made in the minutes of the common council: "Read a report from the committee on accounts to the following purport : That they had examined several accounts lately received from Georgia whereby they find that large credit has been given to several persons by Mr. Causton for which no orders had been sent from the Trustees, and were of opinion that he must be called upon to give an account to the Trustees why such credits were given."

At a meeting of the Trustees, held on the 7th of June following, a copy of a letter written by order of that body to General Oglethorpe by Harmon Verelst, accountant, was inserted in the minutes. It begins with this statement: "The Trustees being greatly alarmed at the great number of certified accounts, amounting to one thousand four hundred and one pounds thirteen shillings and two pence brought for payment since Tuesday last, immediately met to concert the most proper measures to secure their effects in Georgia and Mr. Causton's person to answer for his conduct." To this letter Oglethorpe replied, "I have the Trustees' order for making an immediate seizure on Causton, his hooks and papers, and shall see them immediately executed. This must be kept with the greatest secrecy, for if he should know the orders before they are executed the effect will perhaps be prevented. 1 have not trusted even my clerk." On the same day the common council met and recorded tins action which was communicated to Oglethorpe: "The Common Council have this day sealed the removal of Mr. Thomas Causton from the office of first Baliff and the appointment of Mr. Henry Parker in his room which they desire you to use or not according to the Trustees' letter of the 2d instant; and Mr. Holland and Mr. Henry Archer being of opinion that after the arresting of Mr. Causton, which must be done at all events, but. if so, legal process to justify the apprehending and detaining him, afterwards it is the most proper the securing his books and papers, allowing him the use of his books and papers to make out his accounts from

Lady Day, 1734, and taking the possession of the Trustees' effects. You should be desired only to continue him in custody, or on sufficient security, until his accounts are examined into."

Oglethorpe's reply to the Trustees is recorded in a long letter, written at Savannah, October 19, 1738, and from that letter the following extracts are taken: "1 rec'd a copy of Air. Verelst's letter dated the 4th August, and in answer to it am very glad that the prudent measures you took to stop all credit here has had an effect (as you mentioned) suitable to your intentions. * * * Upon my arrival I sent Mr. Jones from Frederica and have taken possession of the books and effects in ye store. Mr. Jones will receive them as soon as they can be delivered him regularly. I demanded an inventory of the stores which Mr. G'auston has delivered (but Mr. Jones thinks 'tis imperfect). I send it herewith. * * *

I am very sorry to send you such trilling papers, but they are the only accounts I can yet get. * * * I cannot as yet find that G'auston has been guilty of getting for himself, tho' he has unaccountably trifled away the public money; one of the follies that has brought this mine on is the trusting people that importuned him with goods and provisions of all kinds and let them discharge the debts by day labour in trifling works; whilst money was thus squandered, the real necessary charges of the Colony were not defrayed. The scout boatmen, rangers and others who defended the Province are not paid, and starving whilst the Trustees owe them money, and yet they were not only contented to stay till my arrival, but when I told them the Trustees' circumstances their affection was so great that they offered to serve on until the Trustees' affairs mended. I thanked them, but reduced the Rangers, since I could not feed them with hopes of what I could not make good. The scout boats I have for this month paid out of my own money, since they are absolutely necessary, and I will not charge the Trustees with new debts.

assistance be immediately sent us; I support things for awhile by some money I have in my hands and is the balance of my account with the Trustees, and the rest I supply with my own money, for I will not incur debts nor draw bills upon you; and if the effects here go to pay the certified accounts they will not near pay them, for they will not amount to half the sum of the debts incurred here that are not certified. If this (I know not what name to give it) had not happened, the Colony had overcome all its difficulties and had been in a flourishing condition.

* * * I have already expended a great deal, and as far as the income of my estate and employments for this year will go, I shall sooner lay it out in supporting the Colony (till I can hear from you) than in any other diversion. * * * Another thing may lead you into a mistake in believing that there is money due to the store here, from the account Air. Causton sent you of goods issued from ye store to sundry persons ( a copy whereof you sent me) whereas most of those people were creditors who were paid what was due to them from the store by giving, them credit with the sloop owners. The short state of your affairs is, that this unhappy man Causton hath contracted a debt at home and abroad far beyond what the Trust is possessed of, therefore nothing can be issued from the store except in payment of debt, since all belongs to the creditors. * * * With respect to Causton 's behaviour here, I have already mentioned. I examined him to know what could be the meaning that he dare exceed so excessively your orders and thereby plunging the Colony into its present difficulties. He answered that he made no expenses but what necessity forced him to, and that he could prove tint necessity. * * * He did not pretend to justify himself in not sending over the balance of his accounts. His negligence to bring his accounts to a balance half yearly, or every year at least, has been the occasion of the melancholy situation he has put us in. Some things he alleged that had weight. * * * He said further that he had not been guilty of any fraud, nor converted any of the Trustees' money to his own use. He at first seemed pretty stubborn, but upon a second examination he was more submissive. When I was about to commit him, he pleaded that it was not usual here to commit freeholders for any but capital crimes; that Watson, who was accused of killing a man, and had been found guilty by a jury, was bailed upon his own recognizance. That he submitted to the Trustees, and that all he had acquired in his six years' service and all that he had in the world was laid out in his lot in the Colony, and that he would give all as security to abide and justify his accounts. He has accordingly given security. He has delivered the stores, books, etc., unto Mr. Jones, according to your appointment. * # * I desire to know in what manner you would have me

This matter of Causton 's defalcation, added to other troubles in the colony, worried Oglethorpe probably more than he was willing to admit, and he tried, in his correspondence at that particular time, to show a spirit of unconcern, and even to take a humorous view of his situation, as shown in this bit of pleasantry used in a letter to Alderman Heathcote (whom he addressed as "dear George") on the 20th of November; "I am here in one of the most delightful situations as any man could wish to be : a great number of debts, empty magazines, no money to supply them, a number of people to be fed, mutinous soldiers to command, a Spanish claim and a large body of their troops not far from us. But, as we are of the same kind of spirit, these difficulties have the same effect upon me as those you met with in the city had upon you. They rather animate than daunt me." He several times more referred to the Causton affair, as in a letter to Mr. II. Verelst on the 22d of November; "I cannot yet get Mr. Causton's balance of accounts, nor can I be sure on the debts due in Georgia;" to the Trustees, March 1), 173!): "The store hath received a second advice from you that you have sent back an account certified by Mr. Causton of £772.-1.7 due to Mr. Symonds for goods delivered to the stores here, and that you have ordered it to be paid here;" to the same March 12th: "Mr. Jones hath acted with by Mr. Causton in favour of Mr. Williams for the reasons in his letter. Mr. Williams is very angry. * * * A worse affair hath happened upon the civil letter wrote by the Trustees to Mr. Causton to furnish Colonel Cochran with what he wanted for the Regiment and paying for the same, a credit hath been given to his order to ye amount of £935. Jd. 3 and Mr. Causton hath taken from Colonel Cochran £19S in wines. This debt cannot be demanded of the Regiment, for regiments have nothing but the pay of each individual officer and man." There is very little more about this matter ill the records of that period; and so fell Thomas Causton, the persecutor of John Wesley.

Religion, Commerce And Defence

Coming of Wiiitefield, Wesley's Successor - James IIabersiiam, IIis Successor - Franklin and Oglethorpe on the Orphan Home - Harris and IIabersiiam, Merchants - Pioneers, but Not the First - In Defense of the Colony - Securing the Friendship of the Creeks - The Death of Tomo-ciii-chi.

The Rev. George Wiiitefield, friend of John and Charles Wesley, moved by the spirit in which the elder of those two brothers put the matter before him, offered his services to the Trustees and was given the position in which he fully expected to act only as a colaborer with his friend. In the month of December, 1737, he sailed from England in the Whitaker, of which Captain Whiting was the master, and with him also sailed James Habersham who became associated with him in the noble work of establishing and sustaining the orphan house, at Bethesda, about nine miles from Savannah, and who was a man of much importance in the Province of Georgia.