Savannah, Georgia - History (part 4 of 16)

They had a long passage, and did not land at Savannah until the 7th of May in the following year. Wiiitefield was welcomed by Mr. Delamotte, Wesley's assistant, in the parsonage house, and the next day he read prayers and preached in the courthouse, after which he called upon the magistrates. His labors did not really begin at once, for lie was attacked with fever and ague and was compelled to keep within doors for a week. Naturally, he made it his business to seek out Tomochichi. as he expected to minister to the Indians, and as soon as he was able he paid a visit to the chief, whom he found extremely ill. This illness was the beginning of the breakdown of the physical being of that good old man, who did not survive many months thereafter.

The appointment of Mr. Wiiitefield was made by the Trustees on the 21st of December, 1737, when it was "ordered that a license be made out for the Rev'd Mr. George Wiiitefield to perform ecclesiastical offices in Georgia as a Deacon of the Church of England,'' and following this, on the 30th it was "ordered that the seal of the corporation lie affix'd to an authority for the Rev'd Mr. George Wiiitefield to perform ecclesiastical offices at Frederica in Georgia as a Deacon of the Church of England."

In some way Whitefield learned, before his arrival at Savannah, of the end having come to John Wesley's usefulness as a minister of the Gospel in Georgia, as shown by the following record in the journal of the Trustees, May 10, 1738: "Read a letter from the Rev. George Whitefield, dated at Gibraltar, February 20th. 1737-8, intimating that since his departure from England he hears that Rev'd Mr. John Wesley is returned to England, and is therefore desirous if the Trustees think proper for him to alter his measures they would send their orders to him. Ordered that a letter be sent to the Rev. Mr. George "Wliitefield permitting him to perform ecclesiastical orders as a Deacon of the Church of England in Savannah, as well as Frederica, until another minister is provided for the town of Savannah."

"Sunday, May 7, 1738. - In the evening I was informed that a ship's boat was come up with divers people on it; among whom it was said there was a clergyman, which I thought good news, if his abode was to be at Savannah, too well knowing the want of a good and discreet pastor among us.

"Monday, 8. - He (Causton) went with me to make a visit to Mr. Whitefield, the minister, whom I congratulated on the occasion of his coming, and his safe arrival, promising myself great pleasure in his future acquaintance."

The importance of the advent of Whitefield centers chiefly in his founding of the orphan house in Georgia which is still in existence, said (though this fact is doubted by some) to be the oldest institution of the kind in America and with which his name will always he inseparably connected. Let us take his own words in explanation of the founding of his home, as given in a letter to a friend :

"Bethesda, in Georgia, March 21, 1745-6 - Some have thought that the erecting such a building was only the produce of my own brain; hut they are much mistaken; for it was first proposed to me by my dear friend, the Rev. Mr. Charles Wesley, who, with his excellency, General Oglethorpe, had concerted a scheme for carrying on such a design before I had any thoughts of going abroad myself. It was natural to think that as the Government intended this Province for the refuge and support of many of our poor countrymen, that numbers of such adventurers must necessarily be taken oft', by being exposed to the hardships which unavoidably attend a new settlement. I thought it, therefore, a noble design in the General to erect a house for fatherless children: and believing such a provision for orphans would be some inducement with many to come over, I fell in with the design, when mentioned to me by my friend, and was resolved, in the strength of God, to prosecute it with all my might. This was mentioned to the honourable the Trustees. They took it kindly at my hands, and as 1 then began to lie pretty popular at Bristol and elsewhere, they wrote to the Bishop of Bath and Wells for leave for me to preach a charity sermon on this occasion in the Abbey Church. This was granted, and 1 accordingly began immediately to compose a suitable* discourse. But knowing my first stay at Georgia would necessarily be short, on account of my returning again to take Priest's orders, I thought it most prudent to go and see for myself, and before prosecuting the scheme till 1 come home. '* * * When I came to Georgia, I found many poor orphans who, though taken notice of by the honourable Trustees, yet, through the neglect of persons that acted under them, were in miserable circumstances. For want of a house to breed them up in, the poor little ones were tabled out here and there; others were at hard service, and likely to have no education at all.

"Upon seeing this, and finding that his Majesty and Parliament had the interest of the Colony at heart. I thought 1 could not better show my regard to God and my country than by getting a house and land for these children, where they might learn to labour, read and write, and at the same time be brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. Accordingly, at my return to England, in the year 1738, to take Priest's orders, I applied to the honourable Society for a grant of five hundred acres of land, and laid myself under an obligation to build a house upon it, and to receive from time to time as many orphans as the land and stock would maintain. As I had always acted like a clergyman of the Church of England, having preached in a good part of the London churches, and but a few months before collected near a thousand pounds sterling for the children belonging to the Charity Schools in London and Westminster, it was natural to think that I might now have the use at least of some of these churches to preach in for the orphans hereafter more immediately to be committed to my care. But by that time I had taken Priest's orders, the spirit of the clergy began to be much embittered. Churches were gradually denied me - and I must let this good design drop, and thousands (and I might add ten thousands) go without hearing the word of God, or preach in the fields. Indeed, two churches, one in London, viz., Spitalfields, and one in Bristol, viz., St. Philip's and Jacob, were lent me upon this occasion, but those were all. I collected for the Orphan House in Moorfields two and fifty pounds one Sabbath day morning, twenty-two pounds of which were in copper. In the afternoon I collected again at Kensington Common, and continued to do so at most of the places where I preached. Besides this, two or three of the Bishops and several persons of distinction contributed, until at length, having gotten about a thousand and ten pounds, I gave over collecting, and went with what I had to Georgia. At that time multitudes offered to accompany me ; but I chose to take over only a surgeon and a few more of both sexes that I thought would be useful in carrying on my design. My dear fellow traveler, William Seward. Esq., also joined with them. Our tirst voyage was to Philadelphia, where I was willing to go for the sake of laying in provision. I laid out in London a good part of the thousand pounds for goods, and got as much bv them in Philadelphia as nearly defrayed the family's expense of coming over. Here God blessed my ministry daily * * *.

"January following, 1739, I met my family at Georgia, and being unwilling to lose any time I hired a large house and took in all the orphans I could find in the colony. A great many, also, of the town's children came to school gratis, and many poor people that could not maintain their children upon application had leave given them to send their little ones., for a month or two, or more as they could spare them, till at length my family consisted of between sixty and seventy. Most of the orphans were in poor case; and three or four almost eat up with lice. I likewise erected an infirmary, in which many sick people were cured and taken care of gratis. 1 have now with me a list of upwards of a hundred and thirty patients which were under the surgeon's 'hands, exclusive of my own private family. About March I began the great house, having only about one hundred and fifty pounds in cash. I called it Bethesda, because I hoped it would be a home of mercy to many souls. Many boys have been put out to trades, and many girls put out to service. I had the pleasure the other day of seeing three boys work at the house in which they were bred, one of them out of his time, a journeyman, and the others serving under their masters. One that I brought from New England is handsomely settled in Carolina ; and another from Philadelphia is married, and lives very comfortably in Savannah. We have lately begun to use the plough; and next year I hope to have many acres of good oats and barley. We have near twenty sheep and lambs, fifty head of cattle, and seven horses. We hope to kill a thousand weight of pork this season. Our garden is very beautiful, and furnishes us with all sorts of greens, etc., etc. We have plenty of milk, eggs, poultry, and make a good deal of butter weekly. A good quantity of wool and cotton have been given me, and we hope to have sufficient spun and wove for the next winter's clothing. If the vines live, we may expect two or three hogshead of wine out of the vineyard. The family now consists of twenty-six persons. Two of the orphan boys are blind, one is little better than an idiot. I have two women to take care of the household work, and three men and two boys employed about the plantation and cattle. A set of Dutch servants has been lately sent over. The magistrates were pleased to give me two ; and I took in a poor widow, aged near seventy, whom nobody else cared to have. A valuable young man from New England is my schoolmaster, and in my absence performs duty in the family. On Sabbaths the grown people attend in public worship at Savannah, or at White Bluff, a village near Bethesda, where a Dutch minister officiates. The house is a noble, commodious building, and everything sweetly adapted for bringing up youth. Georgia is very healthy; not above one, and that a little child, has died out of our family since it removed to Bethesda."

Whitcfield had the most hearty cooperation of the Hon. James Habersham in that good work. This gentleman was born at Beverly, in Yorkshire, England, in the year 1712. and of his early life we know scarcely anything. In some way he found Mr. Whitcfield and greatly liked him. We are informed that when Mr. Habersham proposed to accompany his friend to Georgia his family demurred; but young Habersham had a will of his own and he followed his own judgment - that the step he proposed to take was the right one. His interest in the Bethesda scheme was intense, and he was at the head of that institution whenever Whitefield was absent. He attended to tin* removal of the orphans to the new building erected at Bethesda in 1741, and was made the president of the home. The position he held until 1744, when he resigned and entered into business with Air. Francis Harris, and that is supposed to have been the first commercial house established in Georgia. It built up a great business, and was of great assistance to the colony. Mr. Habersham was the founder of the illustrious family which has always stood for what is honorable, just and patriotic in the public affairs of Georgia and of Savannah in particular. He carried on an extensive correspondence, and a large portion of his letters on public matters have been recently published by the Georgia Historical Society. He was appointed one of the assistants t<> the President of the province of Georgia when a change in the form of government was made. During the administration of Governor John Reynolds, in 1754, he was appointed Secretary of the province and one of the Councillors, and in 1767, he was President of the upper house of assembly. While Sir James Wright was Governor he requested leave of absence and begged that Mr. Habersham be appointed to till his place. The request was granted and that gentleman was really the Governor all the time that Wright was in England. He went to New Brunswick, New Jersey, in the summer of 1775, hoping that the trip would benefit his health, which was not good, but he died there on the 28th of August. The Georgia Gazette, printed in Savannah, in noticing his death said of him:

"In the first stations of the Province he conducted himself with ability, honor and integrity, which gained him the love and esteem of his fellow citizens ; nor was he less distinguished in private life by a conscientious discharge of the social duties as a tender and affectionate parent, a sincere and warm friend, and a kind and indulgent master. Mr. Habersham was married by the Rev. Mr. Whitefield to Mary Bolton, at Bethesda, on the 26th of December, 1740, by whom he had ten children, three of whom, sons, survived him, and were zealous in the cause of American liberty. ' '

This story of him is well authenticated: That he was requested by the Rev. Mr. Bolzius, as the best person for that purpose, to prepare a paper on the condition of the province, and that Mr. Habersham, in reply, wrote a letter which so completely covered the subject on which the inquirer wished to be informed, that the letter, which the writer specially desired should be kept from the public, was made known to the Trustees who, contrary to Mr. Habersham's belief that with them it would bring harm to himself, were so pleased with it that it was really the cause of his appointment to the place of assistant in the place of Mr. Samuel Marcer, who had not used the office to the advantage of the trust.

Had Whitefield listened to Benjamin Franklin the home at Bethesda would not have been founded, but Philadelphia would have received that honor. In his autobiography Franklin wrote on this point: "I did not disapprove of the design, but as Georgia was then destitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philu- delphia at a great expense, I thought it would have been better to have built the home at Philadelphia and brought the children to it. This I advised, but he was resolute in his tirst project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore refused to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which 1 perceived that he intended to finish with a collection, and I silently resolved that he should get nothing out of me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me ashamed of that, and determined me to give the silver; and he finished so admirably that I emptied my pocket into the collector's dish, gold and all."

The correspondence of Oglethorpe shows the first mention by him of Whitefield in a letter written from Charleston, April 2, 1740, to the Trustees, enclosing an "answer," as he calls it, "to Mr. Jones' representation relating to the orphans." Mr. Thomas Jones had been appointed to succeed Causton, and he must have made some complaint about the orphan house. As the letter is interesting, it is here given in full : "As for Milledge's brother and sister I think your representation is very just, that the taking them away to the Orphan House will break up a family which is in a likely way of living comfortably. Mr. Whitefield 's design is for the good of ye people and the Glory of God and I dare say when he considers this, he will be very well satisfied with the Boy and Girls returning to their brother John Milledge. since they can assist him, and you may allow them upon my account the provisions they used to have upon the Orphan account. Upon this head I am to acquaint you that I have inspected the Grant relating to the Orphan House. Mr. Seward said that the Trustees had granted the Orphans to Mr. Whitefield, but 1 showed him that it could not be in the sense he at first seemed to understand it. It is most certain that Orphans are human creatures & neither Cattel nor any other kind of Chattels, therefore cannot be granted, but the Trust have granted the care of the helpless Orphans to Mr. Whitefield & have given him 5001' Acres of Land and a power of collecting Charities as a consideration for maintaining all the Orphans who are in necessity in this Province, and thereby the Trustees think themselves discharged from maintaining of any, but at the same time the Trustees have not given as I see any power to Mr. Whitefield to receive the effects of the Orphans much less to take by force any Orphans who can maintain themselves, or whom any other substantial person will maintain. The Trustees in this act according to the Law of England in case Orphans are left destitute they become the charge upon the Parish and the Parish may put them out to be taken care of, but if any person will maintain them so that they are not chargeable to the Parish, then the Parish doth not meddle with them, and since the taking away of the Court of Wards and Liveries the Guardianship of Orphans is in their next Relation, or themselves at a certain age can chuse their Guardians and the Judges, Chancellor, Magistrates &ea., have the same inspection over the effects and persons of the Orphans as they have over those of his Majesty's other subjects, and the effects and persons of Orphans are as much under the protection of the Laws as those of any other of His Majesty's Subjects. I send a copy of this Paragraph to Colonel Stephens and think it would he right in you and him to give an account to the Trustees of this matter and of all other things relating to the Orphan House."

''Copy of General Oglethorpe's Answer to Mr. Jones's Representation relating to the Orphans inclosed in the General's letter to the Trustees dated 2 April, 1740."

The letter above is inserted in the journal of Mr. Wm. Stephens, under date March 5, 1740, with this comment: "In pursuance of his Excellency's opinion this signified Air. Milledge was advised to wait on Mr. Whitefield and desire that he should permit his younger brother and sister to go home to him, that they might be helpful to one another. But upon his so doing this day, he told me that Mr. Whitefield gave him for answer his brother and sister were at their proper home already, and he knew no other home they had to go to, desiring him to give his service to the General, and tell him so."

Mr. James Habersham began life in the colony as the schoolmaster at Bethesda, Whitefield 's orphan home, and when he formed the partnership with Mr. Harris that was not the first mercantile establishment in Georgia, though the statement that such was the case has been repeatedly made. One writer* states that "Bv them was the first ship chartered for a Georgia cargo. This was in 1749, and the articles exported consisted chiefly of' pitch, tar, staves, rice and deer skins," which statement follows one that "To the house of Harris & Habersham is Georgia indebted for the establishment of her earliest commercial relations not only with Philadelphia, New York and Boston, but also with London. They were the first merchants here engaged in exporting and importing." For some years the trustees used what were called "sola bills" which were really the currency of the colony. When issued they were turned over to the agents of the province who paid them out in commercial transactions. They were to be redeemed in England, and were considered as secure as the notes of the Bank of England, and when redeemed they were canceled by two of the trustees and one member of the common council. This is the form used :

, 17 - . Thirty days after sight hereof, we the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, promise to pay this our sola bill of exchange sterling, at our office in Westminster, to answer the like value received in Georgia on the issue hereof, as verified by indorsement hereon, sign'd by the said two who shall issue this bill. £ .

Recognizing the real services of a most valuable character done by the influential firm of Harris & Habersham from the time it was established in the year 174!) and continued through descendants of the junior member of that house until a very recent date, and not with any intention of calling into question the firm belief of the writer just quoted, and others, in the truth of their averment this writer feels compelled not only tc question their statement that the house named was the first mercantile establishment in Georgia, but to produce evidence to show that such statement is wrong. As early as 1787 business transactions of a most important character and involving large amounts of money were carried on in the town of Savannah by which sola bills for sums which were far from being insignificant were paid to the house of Minis and Salomons, and these transactions show that firm to have been, commercially speaking, of a high standard of honor, integrity and importance to the province. Thus, in the common council meeting of April 27, 1737, it was resolved "That until the two thousand pounds granted by Parliament in this session shall lie received, four hundred and thirty-three pounds out of the unappropriated money be paid into the hands of Air. Oglethorpe to pay the following of the above mentioned Sola Bills which Mr. Causton, as per advice, has paid away as received by Mr. Oglethorpe : To Messrs. Minis and Salomons from A No. 50 to 715 at one pound each dated January 27. 1736 .... £215.0.0." May 11, 1737: "Read a certified account from Mr. Causton to Messrs. Minis and Salamons dated December 29, 1736, before their Sola Bills were received, amounting to two hundred and eighteen pounds, seven shillings and five pence sterling." It is useless to multiply examples of such transactions here, but a number of them appear in the minutes of the council, in one of which it is stated that the bill of that firm was for "provisions from New York," and in another that the sum due was "for provisions and necessaries." In 1740, the firm name was changed to Abraham Minis & Company. On the 6th of March, 1738, William Stephens, secretary to the trust, entered in his journal the fact that "A sloop arrived with provisions from New York consigned to Mr. Minis;" and on the 23d of December, the same year, "Two sloops which lately came from New behoof of Messrs. Minis and Provost, both freeholders, finding no prospect upon their stopping at Tybee to dispose of their cargoes, sailed thence for St. Simons."

Again, on the 3rd of March. 1740, Stephens says: "Mr. Minis going south this morning to dispose of the provisions which arrived lately in a sloop there, Capt. Tingley. from New York, which goods were consigned to Minis, I wrote letters by him to the General, in answer to those 1 re- ceived by Capt. McIntosh and Mr. Whitefield and, on the 18th of July, "Capt. Tingley arrived this morning from the South, where he had been to dispose of the cargo * * * and with him came Mr. Abraham Minis * * * whom the cargo was consigned to."

These records seem to have been neglected in any search which may have been made heretofore for facts showing the commercial interests of the province before 1749. It is certain that Mr. James Habersham never stated that his firm was the first of the kind in Georgia, but he did make a statement, some time after its founding, in reference to the bulk of business it transacted which is of sufficient interest to deserve a place here :

"My present thoughts (he wrote) are that the Colony never had a better appearance of thriving than now. Tim re have been more vessels loaded here within these ten months than have been since the Colony was settled. Our exportations for a year past are an evident proof that if proper labouring hands * could have been had years before, this Colony before now would have demonstrated its utility to the Mother Country and the West India Islands. Two days ago a large ship arrived here, addressed to my partner and myself, which is the fifth sea vessel which has been here to load within a year; more, 1 may affirm, than has ever been loaded in this Colony before since its first settlement, with real produce."

With his appointment as general and commander-in-chief Oglethorpe began to place the colony in the best condition possible for its defence, went to Charleston in March, 1738, to notify the governor of South Carolina of his appointment and to make sure of the co-operation of the people there, when his commission was read to the assembly on the 3d of April and regulations in reference to his military authority were agreed on. He returned to Savannah on the 11th of April, remained there until the 18th, when he proceeded to Frederica, where he could observe every movement on the part of the Spaniards to the southward and learn what were their plans for the future. There he remained until July, when, learning of the activity of the enemy in certain respects, he determined to attend an assembly of Indian chiefs at Coweta Town, to counteract any proposed action of those people in accepting service as allies of Spain. This conference with the Indians was well-timed, as immediately after its conclusion war was declared between England and Spain.

The purpose of the meeting with those chiefs was unfolded to the trustees in a letter written by Oglethorpe to Mr. Verelst, then accountant, which was read at a meeting of the board held on the 23d of August, containing "an account that he had received frequent and confirmed advices that the Spaniards were striving to win the Indians, and partieu- larly the Creek Nation, to differ with the English which made it necessary for him to go to the General Assembly of the Indian Nation at the Coweta Town, in order to hinder the Spaniards from corrupting and raising sedition among them; and setting forth that he was obliged to buy horses and presents to carry up to this meeting of the Indians where the Choctaws and Chickasaws are to send their deputies." All that Oglethorpe had to say in a direct way to the trustees on this point was contained in a letter to them, from Savannah, dated July 16th, closing with the statement : ''The French and Spaniards have used their utmost endeavors to raise disturbances amongst our Indians, and the not deciding clearly in the Act relating to them has given such insolence -to the Carolina traders that the Indians have declared if 1 do not come up to them they will take arms and do themselves justice; and have ordered a General Assembly of all the Nations to meet me. I set out this night." His efforts in this assembly were eminently successful, and, from Augusta, on the 5th of September, he wrote to Mr. Verelst a letter in which he said '' I hope the Trustees will accept of this as a letter to them," and made this report: "1 am just arrived at this place from the assembled estates of the Creek Nation. They have very fully declared their rights to and possession of all the land as far as the river Saint John's and their concession of the Sea Coast, Islands, and other lands to the Trustees, of which they have made a regular Act. If I had not gone up. the troubles between them and the Carolina traders, fomented by our two neighboring Nations, would probably have occasioned their beginning a war which, I believe, might have been the result of this general meeting; but, as their complaints were reasonable, 1 gave them satisfaction in all of them, and everything is entirely settled in peace. It is impossible to describe the joy they expressed at my arrival." A further statement is briefly made to the trustees in a letter from Savannah, on the 5th of October, in these words: ''I've been obliged to make large presents to the Indians who are now thoroughly engaged to us."

It is evident from records written at the time that the health of the good old man, Tomo-chi-chi, had been failing for a long time before death came to his lowly home at Yamacraw and bore his spirit away. We have two very interesting accounts of his demise, both of which are here recorded.. The first is from the journal of Mr. William Stephens, the secretary at Savannah, dated October 4, 5 and 6, 1739: "So little intermission was found these few days from attending the General's commands which rather multiplied than abated through the incessant application that the most undesired thing which happened abroad and I thought worth noting was the death of old Mico Thomo Chichi, said to be upwards of ninety years of age; and, as the General always esteemed him a friend of tin* Colony, and therefore showed him particular marks of his esteem when living, so he distinguished him at his death, ordering his corpse to be brought down, and it was buried in the center of one of the principal square, the General being pleased to make himself one of his pall-bearers, with live others, among whom he laid command on me to be one, and the other four were military officers. At the depositing of the corpse seven minute guns were tired, and above forty men in arms (as many as could instantly be found) gave three vollies over the grave which the General says he intends to dignify with some obelisk, or the like, over it, as an ornament to the town, and a memorial to the Indians how great regard the English would pay to all their nations who maintain true friendship with us."

In passing, let it be observed here that a most remarkable fact connected with the death of one who had done so much for the welfare of the Colonists and who undoubtedly had the esteem and friendship of the General is that the General, honoring the illustrious dead, as stated in the account just given and in the one to follow,- did not, so far as is known, even mention the death of Tomo-ehi-chi in any communication which he sent to the Trustees, or to any person of his acquaintance in England, or elsewhere. The other account of the Indian chief's death and burial, is from the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. X, p. 129, as follows:

"King Toma-chi-chi died on the 5th, at his own town, 1 miles from hence, of a lingering illness, being aged about 97. He was sensible to the last minutes, and when he was persuaded his death was near he showed the greatest magnanimity and sedateness, and exhorted his People never to forget the favours he had received from the King when in England, but to persevere in their Friendship with the English. He expressed the greatest Tenderness for Gen. Oglethorpe, and seemed to have no Concern at dying but its being at a Time when his life might be useful against the Spaniards. He desired his Body might be buried amongst the English in the Town of Savannah, since it was he that had prevailed with the Creek Indians to give the Land, and had assisted in the founding of the Town. The Corpse was brought down by Water. The General, attended by the Magistrates and People of the Town, met it upon the Water's Edge. The Corpse was carried into Percival Square. The pall was supported by the General. Col. Stephens, Col. Montaigut, Mr. Carteret, Mr. Lemon, and Mr. Maxwell. It was followed by the Indians and Magistrates and People of the Town. There was the Respect paid of firing Minute Guns from the Battery all the time during the Burial, and Funeral - firing with small Arms by the Militia, who were under arms. The General has ordered a Pyramid of Stone, which is dug in this Neighbourhood, to be erected over the Grave, which being in the Centre of the Town, will he a great Ornament to it. as well as testimony of Gratitude.

"Tomo-chi-chi was a Creek Indian, and in his youth a great Warvriour. He had an excellent Judgment and a very ready Wit, which showed itself in his Answers on all Occasions. He was very generous, giving away all the rich presents he received, remaining himself in a wilful Poverty, being more pleased in giving to others, than possessing himself; and he was very mild and good Matured."

A monument has been reared to the memory of Tomo-chi-chi in Wright Square (originally Percival Square) and it is supposed to be on the spot where he was buried; but from the foregoing it is clearly seen that the grave was dug in the center of the square, and this statement is corroborated by the drawing of the town by De Brahm, attached to his "History of the Province of Georgia,'' called by him "Plan of the City of Savannah and Fortifications." This plan was drawn about the year 1752, and it is very probable that the grave was at that time marked and known as such.

Last Of Oglethorpe Administration

Final Repulse op the Spaniards - Georgia Divided Into Two Counties - First Meeting op Savannah County Board - Oglethorpe's Last Official Appearance - Changes in Land Tenures - William Stephens, Colonial President - Beaulieu (Bewile) Founded by Stephens - The Creek-Bosom worth Imbroglio - Renewed Friendship Almost Severed - -Financial Settlement of Trouble - Oglethorpe's Last Days in Georgia.

An account of the engagements between Oglethorpe's forces and the Spaniards and his final defeat of those people does not come within the scope of this work, and so we will say little more of that matter here. Finding the trouble from that source at an end, and feeling that the colony was safe from attack by outsiders, and that everything was secure, he departed for England.

Concerning this ending of the constant watch which had to be kept against the enemy until his last repulse, we will only quote from one of Whitefield's letters: "The deliverance of Georgia from the Spaniards, one of my friends writes me, is such as cannot be parallelled but by some instances out of the Old Testament. I find that the Spaniards had cast lots and determined to give no quarter. They intended to have attacked Carolina, but. wanting water, they put into Georgia, and so would take that colony on their way. But the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. Providence ruleth all things. They were wonderfully repelled and sent away before our ships' were seen." Peace reigning within the borders of Georgia, and her affairs all in a prosperous condition, Oglethorpe left for England in the fall of 1743, the exact date of his departure being nowhere recorded; but we know that he appeared at a meeting of the trustees in London on the 5th day of December.

In the common council, on March 15th, it was resolved "that the Province of Georgia he divided into two counties called the County of Savannah and the County of Frederica, and that the district of the County of Savannah do include all settlements upon the Savannah River and both banks of the Ogeechee River, and so much further southward of the Ogeechee as shall lie appointed when a proper map of the county shall be sent to the Trustees," and "that the jurisdiction of each county be under a President and four Assistants; that William Stephens l>e appointed President of the County of Savannah; that Henry Parker, Thomas Jones, John Fallowfield. and Samuel Mercer be the four Assistants for the County of Savannah; and that General Oglethorpe be desired to recommend to the Trustees as soon as possible a proper person to be President for the County of Frederica & that the three magistrates of the town of Frederica be three of the Assistants for the County of Frederica and that General Oglethorpe be desired to recommend a proper person for the fourth Assistant."

This action was followed, at the meeting of the same body, on the 20th of April following, with a resolution that "a deed be prepared constituting William Stephens. Esq.. President, and Henry Parker, Thomas Jones. John Fallowfield and Samuel Mercer the four Assistants for the County of Savannah, and that the seal of the corporation be affixed to the deed in presence of the Trustees, and that the Secretary do countersign the same. Read instructions to the said President and four Assistants. Read further instructions to the President."

The first meeting of the president and assistants of the County of Savannah was held October 12th. 1741, when all were present, and "the general instructions for the President and Assistants of the County of Savannah were read, and also publiek instructions for the President of the said county." John Pye was appointed secretary.

Oglethorpe apparently had no idea when he left Georgia at that time that he was never again to set his feet upon her soil, and it is a fact worthy to be considered whether the change in the plan of government had anything to do with his failure ever again to visit the colony. 1 1 is last appearance in the meetings of the trustees was on the 19th of May, 1746. though that body continued to meet until May 1, 1752. when "the seal was affixed to a counterpart of an indenture expressing and declaring the surrender and grant of the Trust," and ordering that the seal lie defaced, which was done in the presence of the gentlemen present. The last meeting of the common council he attended was on Monday, January 19. 1749. but that body held meetings until Wednesday, April 29. 1752. when all the business they had on hand was closed up as far as it could be done then, and a committee appointed, of which the Earl of Shaftesbury was chairman, or any three of them.

At the time of the defalcation of Thomas Causton, complaints concerning various matters were made by the people, and one in particular related to the tenure of the lands granted to settlers. The first, grievance mentioned by the writer of the pamphlet called "A true and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America" was "The want of a free title or fee-simple to our lands.; which, if granted, would both induce great numbers of new settlers to come amongst us, and likewise encourage those who remain here cheerfully to proceed in making further improvements, as well as relieve their sunk fortunes as to make provisions for their posterity." To this demand for titles in fee-simple, the trustees, on the 20th of June, 1739, gave an unfavorable reply, but later on, that is to say on August 28th of the same year, they reconsidered their action and made through their common council the following revision of the titles: that lands already granted, as well as to be afterwards granted, should, in case of failure of male issue, descend to daughters of the grantees, and when there should be no issue, the grantees might devise the lands granted to them ; but, should the grantees fail to devise, the lands should become the property of the legal heirs of the grantees. No one should hold more than five hundred acres; and widows of original grantees were permitted to hold and enjoy the dwelling-house, garden, and one moiety of the lauds held by their husbands at time of death, for and during the term of the natural lives of said widows. This act did not meet the demand made by the petitioners. The resolutions were published in sections in the Charleston Gazette, as there was then no newspaper published in Georgia. The people found it hard to understand the meaning of those resolutions, and Col. William Stephens undertook to read and explain them in an assembly at the court-house on a day appointed for the purpose. Capt. Hugh McCall, in his history of Georgia * gives an amusing account of that incident from which we quote this passage: "After he had finished his task, and exerted his utmost abilities in giving an explanation, one of the settlers ludicrously remarked that the whole paper consisted of males and tails; that all the lawyers in London would not be able to bring the meaning down to his comprehension; and that he understood as little of its meaning then as lie had when Stephens began. Others wished to know how often those two words had occurred in the resolutions, that the number ought to be preserved as a curiosity, and that the author ought to be lodged in Bedlam for lunacy." Further changes were made in this matter of land tenure at a later time which gave the holders title in fee-simple absolute. It is probable that the grant to Mordecai Sheftall of September, 1762. of a garden lot from which a portion was set apart as a Jewish cemetery was then given to secure him in possession of that land which he previously held on more uncertain conditions, and thus the burial place used as such for a number of years before, was formally passed over to trustees for a sacred purpose.

After the division of the province into two counties it was deemed unnecessary to appoint a president for the southern county of Frederica as Oglethorpe himself was on the spot and could take care of that office, and the magistrates then acted as the assistants, as contemplated in the act making the change in the form of government. Pres. William Stephens acted as president of the County of Savannah from 1741 until 1743, when he was made president of all the colony. He was born on the 28th of January, 1671. old style, and was the son of Sir Wm. Stephens, Bart., lieutenant-governor of the Isle-of-Wight where his son was born. When he was twenty-five years old the young man married a daughter of Sir Richard Newdigate, and a little later in life he entered parliament, representing the town of Newport. He held several offices in England before coming to America, and, accepting an offer from Colonel Hersey of South Carolina to make a survey of a barony of land there, he formed the acquaintance of General Oglethorpe upon whose recommendation he received the appointment of secretary to the trustees, which required him "to take a general oversight of affairs." When he became president of the colony he was well advanced in years, being over seventy, and his age, combined with misfortunes and family troubles rendered him in a few years incapable of performing properly the duties of his office. In 1750 his assistants made known to him the fact that his condition made it necessary for him to take a rest, and he told them to manage the affairs of the province without his aid, and that he would "soon retire into the country, where he would be at liberty to mind the more weighty things of a future state; not doubting but the Trustees would enable him to end his few remaining days without care and anxieties." He did not live long after his retirement from office, and died in 1753. It was said of him in an obituary notice.' "For many years he had made a considerable figure in the polite world; had sat twenty-six years in the British House of Commons, and to his great honor, in every change, behaved with great address and truth to his constituents."

The country place to which William Stephens retired, and where it is presumed that he died, was Beaulieu, on the Vernon river, now one of the most attractive resorts adjacent to the city of Savannah, and on that account, as well as on others to be mentioned, deserving some notice here. Shortly after his arrival in the colony he secured a grant to that tract of land of five hundred acres. The grant to it was confirmed by Oglethorpe. April 19, 1738. In the interesting and rare "Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," by the owner of the place, the author, on tin* 21st of March, 1739, wrote "I was now called upon to give the Place a Name; and therefore naturally revolving in mv Thoughts divers Places in my native Country, to try if I could find any that had a resemblance to this; 1 fancied that Bewlie, a Manor of his Grace the Duke of Montague in the New Forest, was not unlike it much as to its situation, and being on the skirts of that Forest, had Plenty of large Timber growing everywhere near; moreover a tine Arm of the Sea running close by, which parts the Isle of Wight from the main Land, and make a beautiful Prospect; from all which Tradition tells us it took its Name and was antiently called Beaulieu, though now vulgarly Bewlie; only by leaving out the a in the first Syllable, and the u in the end of the last." *

It was at this place that the French allies landed in the War of the Revolution, on the 11th of September, 1779, pressing on from that point to take part in the siege of the city in the month of October. When that point is reached in the history, the place will then be further considered. In connection with the description of the place from which Stephens bestowed the name, as given in his own words, the following more recent account fits m with what has just been quoted: "Beaulieu, a liberty in the union of New Forest, Southampton and S. division of the County of Southampton, on the road to Hythe, containing, with an extra-parochial district within its limits, 1,339 inhabitants. This place is situated on a river of the same name, which rises in the New Forest, at the foot of a hill about a mile and a half to the north-east of Lyndhurst, and is navigable for vessels of fifty tons' burthen to the Isle of Wight channel which bounds the parish on the south. On reaching the village, the river spreads into a wide surface covering several acres, on the eastern side of which stood Beaulieu Abbey, founded in 1204, by King John, for thrifty monks of the Benedictine order, and dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary; its revenue at the dissolution in 1540 was £428.6.6. It had the privilege of sanctuary, and afforded an asylum to Margaret of Anjou, wife of Henry VI, after the battle of Barnet, and to Perkin Warbeck, in the reign of Henry VII. Beaulieu has long been noted for the manufacture of coarse sacking: near the village of Sowley, within the liberty, were formerly two large mills belonging to some iron-works; and at Buckler's Hard, another populous village in the liberty, situated on the Beaulieu river, and inhabited principally by workmen employed in ship-building, many vessels of war have been built. At Sowley is a fine sheet of water, abounding with pike, some of which are of very large size, weighing nearly 28 lbs. Fairs for horses and horned cattle are held on April 15th and September 4th." t

The title to this property passed from one owner to another until April, 1854, when Mr. John Schley purchased the entire tract. He divided it into lots of convenient size and sold many of them mainly to citizens of Savannah from about 1868 until bis death; and the place is now a settlement of some importance.

It was during the administration of Governor Stephens that an affair of considerable importance occurred in the city of Savannah, attended with existing scenes and incidents the like of which had never before been known there, and, it is reasonable to believe, never since. It was the trouble known as the Bosomworth affair. During all the time Oglethorpe had the reins of government in his hands, he easily and quietly held in check everything that seemed like opposition to his plans, and he was certainly understood and held in the highest esteem by the Indians who not only granted him all his desires but were even willing to bestow upon him and those under him more than they felt they should accept. With his continued absence came the first real trouble with them, and this exciting incident probably would have been averted if he had remained on the spot. When he first landed at Yamacraw bluff he engaged the services of a half breed woman named Mary, as an interpreter, as she spoke both the Creek and the English languages. Her Indian name was Consaponakeeso. Born at the Coweta town, on the Ocmulgee, she was carried, when seven years old, to I'onpon, South Carolina, where she was baptized and educated in a Christian way. The government of South Carolina, in 1716, tried to make a treaty with the Creeks, sending to them for that purpose Col. John Musgrove. and then that gentleman's son. John Musgrove, Jr., fell in love with this Indian girl, who, through the maternal line, was a descendant of a Creek emperor, and married her. In 1723, the couple returned to South Carolina, and shortly before the landing of the English at Yamacraw established a trading house there. Finding that she would be useful in his transactions with the Indians, Oglethorpe secured her friendship which remained firm as long as he remained in this country, and upon the death of Musgrove, about three years after his landing, by his, advice she opened a trading station somewhere south of the Alatamaha where she married Capt. Jacob Matthews. Matthews died in 1742, and she afterwards was united in marriage with the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, employed by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Until her last marriage her conduct toward the English people was all that could have been desired, and it is a fair presumption that in marrying her Rev. Air. Bosomworth contemplated the scheme for the betterment of his financial affairs which before long he developed. At the end of the first year of his married life he went to England, informing the trustees that he did not expect to return to Georgia. Changing his mind two years thereafter he re-appeared in the colony and began to put in action the deep-laid plot for making himself rich and which kept Georgia stirred up with disturbance and strife for some years. He claimed that a large amount was due his wife for her valuable services, and aimed to get control and title to the lands which in the treaties with the Indians had been reserved to them, namely. Ossa haw, St. Catherine's and Sapelo islands, together with a tract above Pipemaker's creek, on the Savannah river. He induced Colonel Heron, of Oglethorpe's regiment, and others, to enter into the plot with him and with their assist- ance a meeting was arranged with a body of Indians, led by Malatchee, at Frederica, where that chief made a speech relating the services of Mr. Bosomworth, advising that Bosom worth's brother Adam be sent to England to inform the king that he, Malatchee. was emperor of the Creeks, and that his sister Mary had the confidence of the Creek Nation, all the people of which had determined to stand by her in her intention. Thomas Bosomworth proposed that Malatchee should have himself crowned, and a document was written in which he was clothed with all the authority claimed for him by Bosomworth. This being done, a deed was made by the newly created emperor to the husband and wife of St. Catherine's, Ossabaw and Sapelo. islands, the consideration being ten pieces of stroud, twelve pieces of duffles, two hundred weight of powder, two hundred pounds of lead, twenty guns, twelve pairs of pistols and one hundred pounds of vermilion. Thomas Bosomworth bought on credit from some South Carolina planters a number of heads of cattle with which to stock the islands so acquired, but the increase did not meet his expectation, and he was so involved in debt that he induced his wife to declare herself an independent empress, which she did at a council of the Creeks called for the purpose, when they excitedly pledged their allegiance to her, declaring they would protect her rights at all hazards. Under the protection of those people she went to Savannah to demand of the president of the province a complete surrender of the lands granted to her. Her arrival there followed the announcement of her coming through a special messenger who gave information of all that had been done at the meeting. This so alarmed the president and council that they resolved to make a pretense of trying to be friendly towards her plans until they could find an opportunity of seizing her and sending her to England, at the same time informing the commanding officei's of the provincial militia to be ready to march to Savannah at a moment's notice.

The town was at once placed in the best position of defense considering the small number of men within its limits capable of bearing arms, not amounting, all told, to two hundred. When within a few miles of the town Mary was met by a messenger of the council desiring to be informed whether she was really in earnest as to her claim and advising her to be more reasonable in her demands, urging her, in fact, to drop them entirely. She could not be moved, however, and it was decided to show her, on her arrival, that she must give up her wild ideas. Captain Jones, at the head of the militia, met the advancing party as they entered Savannah, and demanded an explanation of their intention. An evasive reply was made, whereupon they were ordered to lay down their arms, which command they reluctantly obeyed. Then Thomas Bosomworth, with his wife and the chiefs, entered the town in state, he being clothed in his priestly robes, their appearance frightening the inhabitants, notwithstanding the militia were formed in ranks with their guns tightly grasped. They were saluted with fifteen cannon, and were escorted to the president's house where Bosomworth and his brother Adam were denied admittance, and the chiefs were permitted to make known the reason of their appearance in force without having been invited. These

Indians declared that Airs. Bosomworth had been chosen to speak to the authorities, and that they were at her command; that learning the fact that their queen was to be sent as a captive across t lie ocean, they wanted to know why it was so desired. Protesting that they came with no hostile intention, they asked that their arms be given back to them, and, after an interview with Mary and Thomas Bosomworth, they would again report and come to an agreement as to the matter complained of. Foolishly, their arms were restored to them, but, wisely, no ammunition was given them, delay in that matter being considered proper until the real purpose of their visit could be ascertained.

The next day, after talking with Mrs. Bosomworth, they showed plainly that their intention was not as peaceable as they had declared, and their actions showed a turbulent spirit. The town tvas indeed in a most excited state. The men were all under military orders, and the women were afraid to stay in their homes without protection. In the midst of the turmoil it was stated that the Indians hacl beheaded the president, and the officers could hardly be persuaded not to open fire on the enemy. It was considered wise to secure the person of Bosomworth who was accordingly arrested and placed in confinement, and that so exasperated his wife that she became like an insane person, threatening everyone who opposed her, and ordering the magistrates to leave her dominion, at the same time cursing General Oglethorpe and the treaties which she said he had fraudulently obtained, and asserted that the ground on which she stood was hers. Fearing that her leaders would yield to offers of bribery, she kept them near her at all times, forbidding them to talk to others except within her hearing.

No other plan sufficing to quell the tumult, Mary was herself taken into custody, when the president, through interpreters, informed the warriors, at an entertainment provided for them, of the real purpose of the two Bosomworths, and asserted their own desire to treat fairly the Indians who had theretofore been their friends. Setting the matter squarely before them, this speech of the president was convincing in its effect, and the warriors began to see through the design of Mary and her husband. Malatchee himself then appeared to be satisfied, and in answer to the question why he, who was really the chief of the nation, to whom the president and council were about to give gifts for himself and his companions for their services to the colony, acknowledged the woman Mary as their empress, said that the whole nation recognized her as such, and that the presents could be distributed by none but one of her family. This answer showed how far the Bosomworths had influenced the Indians, and, in order to lessen the expenses and the hardship to the people in keeping guard during the period of this trouble, desired to distribute the gifts himself and to dismiss these men; but Malatchee, gaining consent to visit the Bosomworths, again promised allegiance to them, and the trouble was renewed. He went among his people while they were awaiting the distribution of the gifts and spoke in a way calculated to put them at once in an attitude of strife. He claimed that. Mary was the possessor of the land before Oglethorpe arrived, and that she possessed it as their queen, and declared to the inhabitants that the three thousand warriors under her command would rush to her in defense of her rights, ending with the production of a paper which he handed to the president containing in effect what he had just spoken. Internal evidence showed that the paper was the work of Bosomworth. In the preamble the names of all the Indians known as kings of the two divisions of Creeks appeared, but of all mentioned only two were present, and the whole paper was substantially what was said by Malatchee. In it the woman was recognized as the real chief of the tribe, and called their princess, with all authority to dispose of their affairs, as she might see tit, with the king of England and his appointees at home and in the province. Malatchee perceiving that the council did not attach to the claims the importance he expected them to show, asked that it be returned to him, pretending he did not know it was as severe in its language as he had found it to be, and declared he would return it to the sender. Then the president spoke to the Indians, assembled at his request, telling of the condition in which Mary was living when Oglethorpe came; of the fact that because of her knowledge of both languages he had employed her as an interpreter, paying her well for her services and making her condition so much better than it would ever have become under other circumstances; of her good character and the respect in which she had been held until her marriage to Bosomworth; of the fact that she was not a kinswoman of Malatchee, but only the daughter of an Indian woman of no virtuous repute by a white man; and of her not owning the lands she claimed as her own ; that the lands of the Indians formerly were lying waste and that they were glad when the white men came among them and gave them articles to help them live more comfortably: that all the present bad feeling had come about through the desire of Thomas Bosomworth to get money, as he owed a large sum in South Carolina; that it was his real purpose to take from the Indians their rights; and that all this was, if continued, bound to cause them to lose their best friends who really were willing and able to assist them in their living and to help them in their troubles with their enemies.

He was allowed to proceed no farther, and the Indians, convinced of the truth, confessed that they now could see the matter in its true light, and were determined to stand by their real friends. Desiring to smoke the pipe of peace, their wish was granted and, in addition to pipes and tobacco, they were supplied with rum, when professions of friendship were made and received, and presents were distributed to the Indians who freely accepted them. Malatchee himself showing that he was satisfied with his portion. Just then Mary appeared on the scene, very much under the influence of fire-water, denouncing the president, and telling him that he would shortly see that he had no control over the people she claimed as her own. Good advice was given her by the president, but it was unheeded, and she informed Malatchee in her own way of what had been said to her. That man, unmindful of his promise just made, held the arms of the president, and appealed to his men to follow him, daring anyone to touch their queen. Uproar and confusion followed, and the Indians swung their tomahawks, threatening the president and his council who were in great danger. To the courage of Captain Jones, then commander of the guard, the Indians, ordered by him to surrender their arms, had to submit, and that courage was shown just in the moment when all hope seemed to be abandoned. Disarmed, the companions of Mary were helpless, and she was imprisoned and guarded, so that she could hold no intercourse with any of her people. Then her husband was summoned and was reasoned with, but he only abused the authorities, and would not yield to the good advice given by them, so that his person also was secured, and the Indians were persuaded to leave the town, when the place became quiet. Adam Bosomworth, a brother of Thomas, who was agent of Indian affairs in South Carolina, became acquainted with the circumstances up to this point, and made his way to Savannah, and. ashamed of his brother's action, interposed, and brought to an end all the disturbance and uneasiness. Thomas was made to see his folly, and became penitent, and apologized to the authorities, Avho freely forgave him. Thus was peace restored, and no further trouble came from that source just then.1*

This settlement of the difficulty was not final, as the claim of the Bosomworths to the islands of St. Catherine, Ossabaw and Sapelo was not abandoned, and in one way and another was the subject of discussion tor some years; but it was at last brought to an end, in 1759, by the payment to Mary Bosomworth of £450 as compensation for goods furnished in behalf of the government by her in 1747 and 1748, in addition to a sum allowed her as back salary for sixteen and a half years, rating the annual allowance at £100 for her services as interpreter and agent of the trustees, as well as settling upon her and her husband the absolute title to St. Catherine's island. On this island they had already made their home and were engaged in raising crops.

In closing this chapter a few words with reference to the last days of Oglethorpe's stay in the colony may here be inserted without any impropriety. He took passage for England in the guard-ship under command of Captain Thompson, July 23, 1743, and with him went Colonel Heron, Mr. Eyre, sub-engineer, and others of the regiment. He arrived in London on the 25th of September following, and was annoyed by an impeachment tiled against him by Lieut. -Col. William Cook, but he maintained that the trial should be made before a board of general officers. This trial was delayed in consequence of the difficulty in securing the attendance of witnesses for Cook who lived in South Carolina. It began on the 4th of June, 1744, and lasted two days, when, deciding upon the nineteen charges made the board expressed the opinion that

* The foregoing is a condensation of a full account of this matter contained in the 2d. vol. of A. Hewitt's "Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia."

"the whole and every article thereof was groundless, false, and malicious," and when the report was submitted to the king he ordered that "the said Lieutenant-Colonel Cook should he dismissed the service." The last letter from Oglethorpe written in Georgia is dated at Frederica, 10th June, 17-Id, addressed to the trustees, and, as it relates to Savannah, and is short, it is here re-produced:

"Gentlemen - The people of t he French Church at Savannah having desired of me that the Rev'd Mr. Chiffelle might assist them in Spiritual Matters and that his charges of Hoat hire, etc., for coming from his residence at Purisburg to Savannah might he defrayed, I did allow thereof and it appears unto me by the annexed and' other evidence that the said Mr. Chiffelle has done his duty for five years and upwards and that the sum of Twenty-one Pounds sterling may he a reasonable allowance for his charges, etc., and that the said sum of Twenty-one Pounds is due unto him hv the Honorable the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America and therefore recommend the same for payment.

Early Civil Government

Henry Parker, Colonial President - The First Colonial Assembly - The Militia - Early Measures to Establish the Colony - Patrick Graham Succeeds President Parker.

On the retirement of President William Stephens, on account of ill health, he was succeeded by Henry Parker who had held office in Georgia as early as 1734, when he was appointed one of the bailiffs in Savannah, acting, according to the custom of the time, as a magistrate. The office wTas one of more dignity and importance then than it is in these clays, and while holding court the presiding justice wore a gown of purple edged with fur.

Mr. Parker was the first settler at what is now known as the Isle of Hope, and from that fact his place then was for a long time called Parkersburg; but there were other settlers in that section, one being John Fallowfield and the other Noble Jones, of whom we shall have something definite to relate presently. The first time that we find the name by which it is now universally called is in the "True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America, "* by Tailfer. Anderson and Douglas, where it is said "Near the mouth of Vernon river, upon a kind of an island (which is called Hope isle) are the settlements of Messrs. John Fallowfield, Henry Parker and Noble Jones. They have made some improvements there, but chiefly Mr. Fallowfield, who has a pretty, little convenient house and garden, with a considerable lot of hogs, and some cattle, where he generally resides with his family. Near adjoining to this upon a piece of land which commands the Narrows, is a timber building called Jones's fort.''

Henry Parker, it will be remembered, was then one of the assistants to the president, and acted as president from January 15, 1751, until the surrender of the charter of the colony by the trustees. We have the statement that when the colonial assembly, authorized by the trustees, was called by Mr. Parker, "the customary formalities of being addressed by the Executive and replied to by the Assembly were for the first time gone through in Georgia." Parker presided as vice-president from the date of his calling the assembly until the 8th of the following April, when he was appointed president. The address of the assembly was dated at the assembly room, 25th January, 1751, and was in these words :

"Sir - We, the deputies of the several districts, in General Assembly met, desire to return you our sincere thanks for your speech to us; and we assure you we shall endeavor, with all concord and unanimity, to go through the business appointed for us to do; and we also beg leave to embrace this opportunity of heartily congratulating- you on your being appointed vice-president of the Province, which we look upon as no more than a just reward for your long and faithful services in it ; and we have no doubt but the same steadiness, justice, and candour which have formerly guided you in the execution of other offices, will direct and govern you in this.

The reply of the vice-president follows: "Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Assembly: I heartily thank you for your kind and flattering address, and will always make it my study and endeavor to promote anything which may tend to the service and advantage of the Colony.

The assembly was a very small body, but it must be remembered that Georgia's population was not great, and it was stipulated that the delegates were "proportioned to the population of the different parishes or districts," and the resolution of the trustees, passed in June, 1750, called for the election of delegates to a provincial assembly to meet in Savannah on the 15th of January, 1751, with the following regulations: that once a year it was to convene in Savannah, the time to be named by the president and assistants, and that it should not remain in session more than a month; that one deputy should be appointed for. every town, village or district containing ten families, but that two deputies could be sent by any district containing thirty families; that Savannah should lie entitled to four, Augusta and Ebenezer two each, Frederica two, in case there should be as many as thirty families within its limits. No legislation could he enacted by the assembly, but it was authorized to suggest measures to the trustees for the advancement of the interests of the colony in general or of any district within the province. The members were to present within three days after the opening of the body a written account showing the number of inhabitants, showing in all cases the black and white, sex, and age of such inhabitants, as well as the number of acres of land each one held under cultivation, t lie nature of the crop, number of negroes either owned or employed, the number of mulberry trees on each settlement, and to what extent the culture of silk, cotton, indigo, or other article was carried on by each family or man in the several districts; and those accounts were to be signed by the presiding officer and submitted to the president and assistants who were required to transmit them to the trustees.

Delegates were authorized to elect their presiding officer, but such selection was subject to the approval of the president of the colony, and, in case of his refusal to accept the action of the majority, he was required, on the demand of any three delegates, to give his reasons for so doing, and to send them to the trustees for their advice.

No qualifications were required in the selection of delegates to the first assembly, but in subsequent elections no one was' eligible who did not have one hundred mulberry trees planted and fenced upon every fifty acres of land owned by him, and after the 24th of June, 1753, no one could be a delegate who had not complied with the regulation in prescribing the limit as to the number of slaves in proportion to the white servants in his home, who had not at least one female in his family who was skilled in the matter of silk reeling, and who did not produce every year as much as fifteen pounds of silk to every fifty acres of land on his place.

When this first assembly met in Savannah, the three delegates from that district were Francis Harris, John Milledge, William Francis, and William Russell, and the first named was elected speaker of the body. Of the meeting of the small convention little need be said, as its transactions were of no importance. .

In addition to the regular troops, such as Oglethorpe's regiment, etc., the militia was regularly kept in readiness for any trouble that might arise, and the first general muster of that force in the southern division was held in Savannah on Tuesday, the 13th of June, 1751, under command of Capt. Noble Jones, to the number of about two hundred and twenty men, including infantry and cavalry, and it was said of them that ''they behaved well and made a pretty appearance." Capt. Jones, as already stated, lived on the Isle of Hope, and was a trusted friend of Oglethorpe. He aided the latter greatly in the troubles with the Spaniards, and held important offices in Georgia, among them Treasurer of the Province, Register, and member of Council.

The charter of the colony of Georgia was limited to twenty-one years as declared in that instrument in this language: ''We do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, ordain, will and establish that for and during the term of twenty-one years, to commence from the date of these our letters patent [June 9, 1732J, the said corporation assembled for that purpose shall and may form and prepare laws, statutes and ordinances fit and necessary for and concerning the government of the said colony," etc.

as early as the 15th of April, 1751, convinced that under a different form of government the affairs of the province could be more advantageously carried on, prepared for the coming change by appointing a committee, headed by the Earl of Shaftesbury, '"to adjust with the administration the proper means for supporting and settling the colony for the future, and to take from time to time all such measures as they shall find necessary for its well being; and to frame, set the seal of the corporation to and present such representation or representations, memorial or memorials, as they should think proper." For this committee, the earl reported, on the 8th of January, 1752, "That being informed that the Lords of the Council had appointed Thursday evening, December the 19th, to take into consideration the Trustee's memorial to his Majesty, and the reports thereon from the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury and the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, the said committee had, at a meeting December the 14th desired and empowered the Earl of Shaftesbury, Mr. Hooper, Mr. Vernon, Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Tracy and Air. Fenwick to attend and deliver to the Lords of the Council the following paper in the name of the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in case they should be called upon by their Lordships, viz. :

"To the Right Honorable the Lords of his Majesty's most Honorable the Privy Council: - The Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, who are ready, for the service of the Crown, to surrender their trust for granting the lands in the said Colony, think it their indispensable duty to offer the following considerations to your Lordships in behalf of the people settled there.

"That the Colony of Georgia be confirmed a separate and independent Province as it is expressly declared in his Majesty's charter it shall be (in confidence of which the inhabitants both British and foreign have gone thither), and as the Assembly of the Province of Georgia have petitioned for a representation to the Trustees, dated January the 15th, 1750.

"We whose names are here under written, being a committee appointed by the Common Council of the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, and being fully authorized by them, do hereby signify that we are ready and willing to make an absolute surrender of all the powers, rights and trusts vested in the said Trustees by his Majesty's Royal Charter bearing date the 9th of June, 1732, without any condition or limitation, humbly recommending the rights and privileges of the inhabitants of the said Colony to his Majesty's most gracious protection. "Shaftesbury,

"That the Committee were then called in again, and they presented the said paper to the Lords of the Council, and then withdrew, and were noon after acquainted hv Mr. Sharpe, Clerk of the Council, that he was ordered by their Lordships to inform them that they have referred the said paper to the Attorney and Solicitor General to consider thereof and report to their Lordships in what manner the same might be most effectually carried into execution.

"Resolved, That the Common Council do concur with and approve of all the several steps taken by the Committee, and do, in a particular manner, approve of, ratify and confirm (as the Act of the Common Council) the paper respectively signed by the Earl of Shaftesbury and the other four members of the Committee December the 19th, and by them delivered to the Lords of the Council." and Solicitor General in answer to a reference from the Lords of the Committee of his Majesty's most Honorable Privy Council for Plantation Affairs, directing them to consider in what manner the Trustees offer to surrender their trust into the hands of his Majesty might best be carried into execution, setting forth that it was their opinion a deed of surrender should be executed by the Common Council under their common seal, thereby to surrender their charter, and likewise to grant to his Majesty the one-eighth part of the lands in Georgia granted and sold to the Trustees by the Right Honorable John Lord Carteret.

"Resolved, That the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, or any three or more of them, do, at such time and in such manner as they shall think fit, surrender and yield up to his Majesty the charter granted by his Majesty to the said Trustees bearing date the 9th of June, 1732. and likewise that they do grant to his Majesty the oneeighth part of the lands and territories lying within the limits described in the said charter granted and sold to the said Trustees by the Right Honorable John Lord Carteret, by an indenture bearing date the 28th of February, 1732.

"Resolved, That the Trustees, or any three or more of them, be, and they are, hereby empowered accordingly to affix the seal of the corporation to such surrender and grant which shall be prepared by the Attorney and Solicitor General in pursuance of an order of the Lords of Committee of his Majesty's most Honorable Privy Council for Plantation Affairs, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1751."

Contemplating the change in the form of government which would follow the surrender of the charter, the lords justices, seconded by the privy council, issued a proclamation declaring that, until a new system should be adopted, the officers of every sort in Georgia, holding appointments from the trustees, should hold over, with the same regulations as to compensation for services rendered, until their successors should be named, and Mr. Benjamin Martyn was made the agent of the colony in England.

Just when Mr. Parker died we have no positive information, but upon his deatli Patrick Graham was made president, with James Habersham, Noble Jones, Pickering Robinson, and Francis Harris as assistants. We learn from information given bv these officers in a communication to the Board of Trade, on the lltli of April, 1753, that a census had just then been taken by which it was shown that the population of the colony amounted to 3,447, of whom 2,381 were white and 1,066 were blacks, the population of Savannah being somewhere between seven and eight hundred; but this enumeration did not include the troops in service, or the boatmen, or the Midway settlement just from South Carolina, with their slaves, or Butler's colony. At that time six vessels were docked at Savannah, loading for London and for American ports. The silk industry had been in the hands of Mr. Pickering Robinson who was succeeded at this time by Joseph Ottolenghe, who had been educated in the manner of caring for filatures in Italy; and this brings us to the period when Georgia became a royal province, with a governor at her head with a commission from the king of England.

Chapter Xiv Civil, Religious And Royal

Anticipating the change which the surrender of the colonial charter necessitated, the lords commissioners for trade and plantations were clothed with authority to prepare a plan for the government of Georgia and to lay the same before the privy council. This they did on the 5th of March, 1754, and the plan submitted by them was approved.

A commission was issued to Capt. John Reynolds as governor which conferred upon him the full title of "Captain-General and Governor-in- Chief of his Majesty's Province of Georgia, and Vice-Admiral of the same." The commission was dated the 6th of August, 1754, and sailing from England a few days thereafter he arrived at Savannah on the 29th of October following.

Before taking up the affairs of his administration, let us consider the changes required by the adoption of the plan adopted. The new system differed materially from that which existed under the trustees, but was in conformity with that of the other colonies older than Georgia. The governor could call an assembly capable of making laws, create courts to enforce the laws, grant lands, and do other things not theretofore lawful. He had as his advisors twelve men of position and influence, called the council, and under him were officers to collect customs and duties, to look after quit-rents' and grants of lands, in addition to the very important ones of secretary, provost-marshal, and attorney-general.

"Upon reading at the Board a representation from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, setting forth that his Majesty, having been graciously pleased to approve of a plan for the establishment of a civil government in his Majesty's Colony of Georgia in America, and it appearing necessary that a public seal should be prepared for sealing all public documents there, according to the method practiced in all his Majesty's colonies in America, the said commissioners have therefore prepared the draught of such a seal as to them seems to be proper for the said Colony of Georgia, wherein a figure, representing the Genius of the Colony, is described, offering a skein of silk to his Majesty, with the motto, Hinc landem sperate ('olo)ii, and around the circumference, Sigilhun Provincial > nostrue Gcorgiac in America; and on the obverse are his Majesty's arms, crown, garter, supporters, and motto, with the inscription. Georgias 11 Dei Gratia Magnae Britanniae Fr. et Hib. Itcx Fidei Defensor, Brunswici et Lunecbergi Dux, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi Thesausarius et Princeps Elector.

/'His Majesty, in Council, took the same into consideration, and was pleased to approve of the same draught, and to order that his Majesty's Chief Engraver of Seals do forthwith engrave one silver seal for the use of his Majesty's Colony of Georgia, according to the said draught, and of the same size with those sent to his Majesty's Provinces of South and North Carolina ; and the said Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations are to prepare a warrant for his Majesty's royal signature to the said engraver, as usual upon the like occasions, and to direct him to lay the said seal before his Majesty at this Board for his royal Approbation.

The following are the names of the first council of Governor John Reynolds and the chief officers of his province: Councillors: Patrick Graham, Sir Patrick Houstoun, Bart., James Habersham. Alexander Kellett, "William Clifton. Noble Jones, Pickering Robinson, Francis Harris, Jonathan Bryan, William Russell.

The coming of Governor Reynolds is thus recorded, together with the solemn act of his inauguration, in the minutes of the president and assistants at a meeting held on the 30th of October, 1754. at which were present Patrick Graham, president. James Habersham. Noble Jones. Pickering Robinson and Francis Harris, assistants: ".Yesterday in the afternoon John Reynolds, Esq., who came over in His Majesty's Ship the Port Mahon, landed at this Town, and this morning the Board waited on the said John Reynolds, Esq., in Council, when he produced his most sacred Majesty's Commission or Letters patent, bearing date at Kensington the sixth day of August. 1754, in the twenty-eighth year of his Majesty's reign, eommissionating him the said John Reynolds, Esq.-, his said Majesty's Captain General and Governor in Chief of the Colony of Georgia in America; and the said Commission being read, Patrick Graham, Esq., delivered up the chair to his Excellency.

''The Board, on this occasion, cannot omit acknowledging with the greatest gratitude his Majesty's paternal care in appointing and sending over a Governor and settling the Government of this Province which was so much wanted.

The next day (October 31) all of the council were present, except William Clifton, who had not arrived in the province, and all took the oath of office except William Russell who "very respectfully declined the Honor intended him." After giving attention to certain preliminary acts, the commission of Governor Reynolds was read, then ordered to be recorded in the office of the secretary of the province and that it "be read and published at the head of the militia now under arms before the Council Chamber."

"Whereas his Majesty by his Royal Proclamation given at Whitehall the twenty-fifth day of June, 1752, did continue all officers then duly and lawfully possessed of, or invested in any office or trust Ecclesiastical, Civil or Military, in his Majesty's said Province in their respective offices and employments until his (Majesty's pleasure should be further known.

"And whereas, his Majesty's said proclamation does now of course determine, therefore, that the execution of Justice may not be obstructed, and that good order and tranquillity may be preserved within his Majesty's said Province, till other measures for that purpose can be taken, I have, by and with the advice and consent of his Majesty's Honourable Council, thought fit to issue this my proclamation, requiring and commanding, and I do hereby require and command all officers duly and legally invested in any office, Ecclesiastical, Civil or Military, in his Majesty's said Province, to continue to exercise their respective trusts and offices, until further orders. And I do hereby command and require all his Majesty's subjects in the said Province to be obedient to and aiding and assisting the said officers in tin* performance and execution of their respective offices, as they will answer the contrary at their peril.

Savannah And Socth Georgia 125

"Given under my hand and the Great Seal of this his Majesty's Province in the Council Chamber at Savannah, this thirty-first day of October, 1754, in the twenty-eighth year of his Majesty's reign.

The reception of John Reynolds as their governor by the people was all that he could wish in the way of showing their belief that his inauguration would be for their welfare and happiness. It is recorded that everyone showed the greatest respect for him and that all rejoiced at his coming, as marked by the lighting of bonfires throughout the town at night, and the giving of a public dinner in his honor by the council who were joined in this act of esteem by the prominent citizens. This is the second instance recorded of a social function prepared on a large scale in Savannah. Bishop William Bacon Stevens has stated that the first ball given here was on the 27th of June, 1736, but does not give the authority for that statement. He quoted from a "record of the day" that "several gentlemen from South Carolina, arrived at Georgia, were entertained by Oglethorpe, and the night before leaving, a ball was given them by the ladies." *

Scarcely had the new administration settled down to business when the building in which they met collapsed, and by the slightest chance the members of the council escaped with their lives. In the minutes of November 4th the secretary, after noting that the minutes of the last board were read and approved, added: "The house hitherto used for transacting public business, and in which the council and assembly met, being in a ruinous condition, and in appearance in great danger of falling, the Board took into consideration to provide a proper place for theirs and the Assembly's meeting, which they had hardly entered into, when they were alarmed with the falling of a stack of chimney and one end of the said house, and very providentially escaped being buried in the ruins, which obliged them immediately to quit it, and move to the Court House until some proper house could be provided, which necessity now obliged them to take under their immediate consideration.

"It appeared to the Board that a large and commodious house erected at the public expense, and intended for lodging and sorting cocoons would be very proper, if fitted up, for public offices; and they likewise understood that it was at present of no use; but as it was thought proper not to divert anything proposed to accommodate or encourage the valuable culture of silk, the Board sent for Mr. Ottolenghe, who has the whole care and management of the said culture, to know whether the said house would be wanted for that purpose.

"Mr. Ottolenghe attended, and after being acquainted with the reason of his being sent for, informed the Board that he should have no further use for the said house. Therefore, his Excellency ordered James Habersham, Noble Jones and Jonathan Bryan, Esqs., to examine what was necessary to be done to make it fit for public offices, and to report the same to this Board."

Those gentlemen, on the 6th, made a statement of the business, and had with them workmen skilled in their trades in order that they might make estimates of the probable cost of the necessary repairs, and after a conference, they desired a day or so in which to consider the matter and submit proposals for the work. Time was granted, and when their bids were submitted on the 9th, they were accepted, but when the work was finished the record does not show.

A new council house was, at the same time, provided for, and we find that on the 20th of February, 1755, the workmen employed in that business were ordered to appear and submit their bills so that the same could be examined with a view to their payment. For some reason, a conclusion in the matter was not reached until April 14th, when the secretary made this record: "The account for the whole expense for fitting up the new Council House and public Gaol, with proper vouchers for payment of the same was laid before the Board, amounting to £256. 7. 8^, his Excellency the Governor and Alexander Killett. Noble Jones and Pickering Robinson, Esqs. (in order to discharge the said expense) drew on Benjamin Martyn, Esq., in two sets of bills of Exchange, both dated this day, payable at thirty days sight to Messrs. Harris and Habersham, or order, namely one set for £220 and the other for £36.7.8 V4; both together amounting to the aforesaid sum of £256 .7.8 Vi, which was in part of the sum of £500 allowed for the contingent expenses of this Government, and of which they likewise advised said Mr. Martyn in their letter of this date."

At the same meeting the board found it necessary to take action in the matter of an act of lawlessness which seems remarkable for that time when it would seem that the committing of such an act could hardly be done without detection: "The Board being informed that some idle and ill minded persons had thrown some of the great guns off that bluff before this Town into the River, it was ordered that any person or persons that will discover who committed the said offense shall, upon the conviction of the offender or offenders, be entitled to a reward of five pounds sterling."