Brookfield Town (part 11 of 18)

Always a singularly cheerful and sanguine man, in spite of great delicacy of health and frequent attacks of pain and sickness, the last years of his life were his happiest years. He continued his physical and intellectual activity unimpaired up to the very instant when, on the 29th of October, 1875, without a word or a sigh, and without the slightest premonition of approaching dissolution, he ceased to breathe. Had the end been foreseen it would have been most welcome, for he had in July lost his wife, his companion through more than forty years. His father, Walter Walker, had, in like manner closely followed his mother to the grave. Mr. Walker was in figure, very slender and erect, and was very quick and graceful in his movements, producing the effect of being much taller than he really was. His features were remarkably regular and clear cut, and his whole appearance at once engaging and commanding. His voice was of unusual richness and power; and in public speaking he had a singular faculty of holding closely the attention of his audience.

however large or however unfriendly. He made httle use of rhetorical ornament or of the ordinary, so-called, graces of speech, but spoke with a fullness of knowledge, clearness of expression and earnestness of purpose, seldom surpassed. He was very fond of company ; and his delight was in the communication of his ideas and sentiments, or in learning the puposes, feelings and wishes of the young.

Wherever he travelled, he easily and quickly made acquaintances, and immediately seized the occasion either to acquire or to impart information.

Next to discussions relating to finance and currency, his keenest enjoyment was in reminiscences relating to his early life ; he delighted to talk of his old schoolmates, his old school teachers, of the early magnates of North Brookfield and of his own initial experiences in business. He was very fond of giving advice ; and it must be said, his advice was generally very good, for no man ever understood better the secret of success in life, either in business or in the learned professions.

In politics, Mr. Walker's history was as follows : he was brought up among Federalists ; became a Jackson Democrat, on the issues of paper money, banking and the sub-treasury ; joined the Liberty party in 1S44 ; helped to found the Free Soil party in 1848 ; and the Republican party in 1856.

In religion Mr. Walker was brought up an Orthodox Congregationalist ; early joined that church and became a deacon in the Union Church of North Brookfield, which he aided and contributed much to found. His theological views, however, were never strict, but corresponded more to the general theology of the present time than to that of fifty or sixty years ago.

Major Nathan Goodale

1744. The father died in the spring of 1744. Three children had died in infancy, leaving four, viz., John, aged nine, Anna, aged four, Solomon, aged two, and Nathan to be cared for by the widow. She married, in

1745, Samuel Ware of North Brookfield, and had Samuel, born 1746, Jonathan, born 1747, Timothy, born 1748, when the family moved to Rutland, where Nathan passed his early years, to the time of manhood, working on a farm, and learning the trade of a brick-mason ; thus laying the foundation for that vigorous, muscular frame, which enabled him to undergo the fatigues and exposures of a military life, at a time when the army afforded few facilities for the comfort of the soldier. No other set of men could have borne up under the trials of want, famine, and a lack of all the common necessaries of life, for several years in succession, as did the American soldiers, but such as had been inured like the Spartans, in childhood, to bear suffering with patience. His education was rather above that of the common schools of that day, for we find him, at an early period of the war, employed by Gen. Putnam as an assistant engineer.

At a suitable age he married Elizabeth Phelps of Rutland, on the nth of September, 1765. About the year 1770 he moved his family to Brookfield, where he purchased a farm two miles from the centre of the town. His three oldest children were: born in Rutland, as we learn from the town records.

From this time to the rupture with the mother country, in 1775, he continued to labor on his farm, arid to work at his trade of brick-laying ; but as nearly all the houses of that day were made of wood, his mechanical work was chiefly confined to chimneys. For some time previous to the first hostilities, he had, with thousands of his countrymen, been preparing for the day of strife, which every thinking man foresaw must soon arrive, by practising military exercises, and collecting arms and ammunition. Many of these volunteer companies were aptly called, by the New-Englanders, who are never at a loss 'for a phrase to express exactly their meaning, " Minute Men." They were, indeed, minute men, and when the first notes of alarm echoed from hill to hill, all over the country, at the bloodshed at Lexington, they were ready, at a moment's warning, to pour their thousands on thousands into the vicinity of Boston, the stronghold of the British, which nothing but the lack of battering cannon and ammunition hindered them immediately from storming. Mr. Goodale here first saw the actual movements of military life, and immediately entered into the service of his country, as a lieutenant. It being uncertain how long he might remain in the army, the homestead of his early manhood was sold, and his family resided, during the war, in rented premises. With what spirit and enterprise he entered into the service, and how well his activity and talents were adapted to the trying exigencies of a partisan officer, the most difficult of all military duties, will be best shown by a letter from Gen. Rufus Putnam to Gen. Washington, near the close of the war.

Sir : I do myself the honor to enclose a letter I received a few days since from Capt. Goodale, of the Fifth Massachusetts Regiment. I confess I feel a conviction of neglect of duty in respect to this gentleman ; that I have not, till this moment, taken any measures to bring his services to public view, has been owing to the confidence I had, that Gen. Gates would have done it, as the most extraordinary of them were performed under his own orders, and as he gave repeated assurances that they should not be forgotten. I am sorry that Gen. Gates is now out of camp, for were he not, I should appeal to him on the subject, but as I am sure so worthy a character, and such important services, ought not to be buried in oblivion, or pass unrewarded, I beg your excellency's patience a few moments, while I give a short detail of them. Capt. Goodale was among the first who emljarked in the common cause in 1775. He served that year as a lieutenant in the same regiment with me. I had long before known him to be a man of spirit, and his probity and attention to service soon gained him the character of a worthy officer. In 1776, he entered again as a lieutenant, but served with me the most of the year as an assistant engineer, and the public are much indebted to him for the dispatch and propriety with which several of the works about New York were executed. In the dark month of November, 1776, Mr, Goodale entered the service as a captain in the regiment under my command, and was in the field early the next spring ; but, although he always discovered a thirst for enterprise, yet fortune never gave his genius fair play till August, 1777. It is well known into what a panic the country, and even the northern army, were thrown on the taking of Ticonderoga. When Gen. Gates took command in that quarter, our army lay at Van Shaick's Island ; and Mr. Burgoyne, with his black wings and painted legions, lay at Saratoga. The woods were so infested with savages, that for some time none of the scouts who were sent out for the purpose of obtaining prisoners or intelligence of the enemy's situation, succeeded in either. Gen. Gates being vexed at continual disappointments, desired an officer to procure him a man that would undertake, at all hazards, to perform this service. Capt. Goodale being spoken to, voluntarily undertook the business under the following orders from Gen. Gates. ' Sir : You are to choose out a sergeant and six privates, and proceed with them to the enemy's camp, unless you lose your life or are captured, and not return until you obtain a full knowledge of their situation.'

Capt. Goodale, in his report of this scout, says it was not performed without great fatigue, as the party was much harassed by the Indians, which occasioned their being in the woods three days without provisions. However, he succeeded beyond expectation ; first throwing himself between their out-guards and their camp, where he concealed his party until he examined their situation very fully, and then brought off six prisoners, which he took within their guards, and returned to Gen. Gates without any loss. This success induced Gen. Gates to continue him on that kind of service. A full detail of all the art and address which he discovered during the remainder of that campaign, would make my letter quite too long. It may be enough to observe that before the capture of the British army, one hundred and twenty-one prisoners fell into his hands. But as Capt. Goodale is no less brave and determined in the open field, where opposed to regular troops, than he is artful as a partisan of the woods, I beg your patience while I recite one instance of this kind. A day or two after Mr. Burgoyne retreated to Saratoga, in a foggy morning, Nixon's brigade was ordered to cross the creek which separated the two armies. Capt. Goodale, with forty volunteers, went over before the advance guard. He soon fell in with a British guard of about the same number. The ground was an open plain, but the fog prevented their discovering each other till they were within a (evf yards, when both parties made ready nearly at the same time. Capt. Goodale, in this position reserving his fire, advanced immediately upon the enemy, who waited with a design to draw it from him ; but he had the address to intimidate them in such a manner, by threatening immediate death to any one that should fire, that not more than two or three obeyed the order of their own officer, when he gave the word. The event was, that the officer and thirty-four of the guard were made prisoners. These, sir, are the services which Capt. Goodale and his friends conceive have merited more attention than has been paid to them; and, at least, merit a majority as much as Maj. Summers' unsuccessful command of a boat a few months on Lake Champlain. But if the tables are reversed, and the ill luck of a brave man should be the only recommendation to promotion, Capt. Goodale, I believe, has as great pretentions as most men, for he is the unfortunate officer who commanded about forty white men, and being joined by about the same number of Indians, fought more than one thousand of the enemy below Valentine's hill in 1778, until near two-thirds were killed, himself and most of the rest made prisoners. But I mention this not so much to show his bravery, for he takes no merit from that action, but always lamented the necessity he was under from the orders he received, to do what he did. In writing to me on the subject, he says : ' At this time a number of brave men were sacrificed to bad orders ; but, as they were not my orders, I hope the candid will not censure me.' Having stated these facts, I beg leave to request your excellency will lay them before Congress, &c. He goes on to say. Gen. Washington forwarded my letter to the secretary of war ; but as about this time Congress came to a resolution to raise the rank of all officers one grade who had not been promoted since their entrance into service, the ist of January, 1777, Maj. Goodale received promotion with the rest, and thus never had that justice done him which he so highly merited."

and noble-minded man. Had Gen. Gates, as in duty bound, given notice to Congress of the heroic exploits of Capt. Goodale, in collecting information of the movements of Burgoyne, so essential to the welfare of the American army, he would no doubt have received the promotion so justly his due. But Gates was a selfish, proud man, who cared little for the interest of others, provided his own personal wishes were accomplished.

From another hand a more detailed account is given of the action at Valentine's hill. It seems that the commander of the troops to which he was attached, had ordered him to keep possession of a certain pass, important to the Americans, at all hazards, without any discretionary power as to contingencies. His command consisted, as above stated, of about forty light-infantry and a number of Indians, who stood the attack of a large body of the enemy and a company of cavalry, until there were only seventeen men left alive out of the forty. Near the close of the combat, the officer who led the charge rushed upon him with his sword. Capt. Goodale, with a loaded musket which he had probably picked up from one of his fallen men, shot the Briton dead from his horse as he approached. In a moment, another of the enemy, seeing the fall of his leader, sprung at him in desperation, with full purpose to revenge his death. The musket being discharged, the only resource was to parry the descending blow, aimed at his head, in the best manner he could, with the empty piece. It fell obliquely, being turned a little from its course by the musket, and instead of splitting the skull of its intended victim, glanced on the bone, peeling up a portion of the scalp several inches in length. The stunning effects of the blow felled him to the earth, but directly recovering, he rose to his feet. In the meantime, the cavalry man, who had leaned forward in the saddle further than prudent to give a certain death-stroke, lost his balance when the heavy sword glanced from the skull, and fell to the earth. The bayonet of Capt. Goodale instantly pinned him to the ground, and left him dead by the side of his leader. Thus two of the enemy fell by his hand in a space of time less than a minute. Seeing all prospect of further resistance useless, he retreated with the balance of his men to an open woodland, near the scene of action, and secreted himself under a pile of brush. An Indian had hidden nfider another heap, where they might have remained in safety until dark and» then escaped ; but the savage having an opportunity to shoot one of the enemy who approached their hiding-place, he could not resist the chance of adding another scalp to his trophies, and shot him. The report of the shot revealed their hiding-place, and being discovered, were made prisoners. How long he remained in durance does not appear from the imperfect memorials left of liis military life. It is probable he was shut up in the old Jersey prison-ship at New York, as his children have a tradition that he was poisoned, from the fact of a long sickness he suffered after his return home. But it is more probable that the poison was that of human malaria, received in that pest-house of British cruelty, which killed more Americans than all those who fell in battle during the whole war, being estimated at twelve or fourteen thousand. It is one of the foulest stains on the English nation, that ever disgraced their character.

During the war he received one other wound in the leg, from a musket or grape shot. Could all his adventures be collected they would make one of the most interesting of biographies ; but time, and a fire which destroyed his papers at Belpre some years after his death, have put this matter to rest, and these scanty gleanings are all that are left of his military life.

At the close of the war he entered into mercantile business, in company with Col. Cushing, a brother officer. Not succeeding in this to his expectations, he sold out, and bought a farm on Coy's hill, in the north part of the town of Brookfield. In the pursuits of agriculture he was as much at home as in military matters, having a natural taste for cultivation, and engaged in this primitive employment with his characteristic ardor and perseverance, at a time when improvements of all kinds were at a low ebb ; the country during the war having retrograded, amidst the trials of that eventful period. Mr. Goodale was remarkable for his industry, and thorough, neat manner in which he conducted all the operations of the farm. The forecast and wisdom of the man may be seen before setting out on his journey to Ohio, in the course he pursued in preparing for it. Knowing that a superior breed of neat-cattle is all-important to the farmer, and more especially to one beginning in a new country, instead of taking a team of oxen, or horses, as other men did, to haul their wagons, he, after deciding on joining the new colony, selected three of the best cows and one of the finest bulls to be found in that vicinity, and trained them to work together in a team. With this novel working power, he drew on the wagon, with a part of his family and household goods, to Marietta, performing the journey with as much ease, and in as short a time, as the best of oxen. He had also the profit of their milk for the use of the family along the road. The stock from this breed of cattle has been spread through the country, and is held in high estimation at this day, for their perfect forms, gentle dispositions, and great abundance of rich milk ; constituting them, on all accounts, the best dairy stock ever introduced to the country. They are known as the "Goodale breed," still retaining many of their original characteristics.

July, 1 78S, in company with several other families from Massachusetts, descending the Ohio, from Wheeling, in a flatboat. In August he was appointed, by Gov. St. Clair, who soon organized the militia, captain of a company of light-infantry, selected from amongst the most active men of the colony. This company held regular musters, until the commencement of the war, when each man was confined to the defence of his own garrison, in the settlement where he lived. His experience in military affairs rendered him a very able and efficient officer, familiar with all the details of actual service.

In April, i 7S9, he moved his family to Belpre, being a leading associate of the colony. During the short period he was permitted to live in that place, he was considered to be one of the most industrious, persevering, and thoroughly educated farmers in the country ; clearing his land in the most rapid manner, fencing and cultivating it in the best style. In the famine of 1 790 his family suffered, with the rest of their neighbors, for wholesome bread-stuff. When the war broke out in 1 791, he was one of the most active and resolute men in planning and erecting the fortified village called Farmers' Castle, in which they all resided during the first two years of the war. In making the arrangements for the defence and military government of the garrison, he was the leading man ; and the command was, by unanimous consent, given to him, as the most experienced in warlike matters. In the winter of 1 793 the place had become too strait for the numerous families congregated within its walls, and it was decided to erect two additional stockades ; one a mile and a half below, on Maj. Goodale's farm, and one on Capt. Jonathan Stone's land, just below the mouth of the Little Kenawha, called the "Upper Settlement."

He had been but a week in his new garrison, when the colony met with the most serious loss it had yet sustained from their Indian enemies, in the captivity and death of Maj. Goodale. On the first day of March, 1 793, he was at work in a clearing on his farm, distant about forty or fifty rods from the garrison, hauling rail timber with a yoke ot oxen. It lay back of the first bottom, on the edge of the plain, in open view of the station. An Irishman, named John Magee, was -at work, grubbing or digging out the roots of the bushes and small trees, on the slope of the plain, as it descends on to the bottom, but out of sight of Maj. Goodale. The Indians made so little noise in their assault, that John did not hear them. The first notice of this disaster, was the view of the oxen seen from the garrison, standing quietly in the field, with no one near them. After an hour or more they were observed to be still in the same place, when suspicion arose that some disaster had happened to Mr. Goodale. John was still busy at his work, unconscious of any alarm, when one of the men sent up from the garrison, passed him to inquire what was the matter. In the edge of the woods there was a thin layer of snow, on which the messenger discovered several moccasin tracks. It was now apparent that Indians had been there, and taken him prisoner, as no blood was seen on the ground. A small party followed the trail some distance, but soon lost it. The following day a larger body of men, with some of the rangers, were sent in pursuit, but returned without making any discovery. The Ohio river at this time, with many of the smaller streams, was at nearly full banks, and less danger was apprehended on that account ; it was also rather early in the season for Indians to approach the settlements. The uncertainty of his condition left room for the imagination to fancy every thing horrible in his fate ; more terrible to bear, than the actual knowledge of his death.

Great was the distress of Mrs. Goodale and the children, overwhelmed with this unexpected calamity. His loss threw a deep gloom over the whole community, as no man was so highly valued amongst them, neither was there any one whose council and influence were equally prized by the settlement. He was, in fact, the life and soul of this isolated community, and left a vacancy that none of his companions could fill. One of the early colonists thus speaks of him : " His memory was for many years fresh and green in the hearts of his contemporary pioneers, now all passed away, and is still cherished with respect and affection by their descendants." (Judge Barker's notes.) So greatly depressed were the inhabitants at his loss, that they awoke with new feelings in regard to their dangerous position on the outer verge of civilization. While he was living amongst them a certain degree of safety was felt, that vanished at his loss.

On the 14th of March they forwarded a petition to Gen. Washington, whom they regarded with parental veneration, a copy of which has been preserved, setting forth their exposed situation and losses by the Indians. It is stated that six of their number have been killed, besides the recent loss of Maj. Goodale ; that one-third of their cattle, and produce of their lands, had been destroyed by the Indians, and they were fearful of a total breaking up of the settlement, unless the government afforded them a larger number of men for protection, their usual United States guard being only a corporal and four privates, detailed from the post at Marietta. The number of the settlers at the three stations were fifty-two men, and one hundred and forty-nine women and children.

At the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, when the captives were given up by the Indians, some intelligence was obtained of nearly all the persons taken prisoners from this part of the territory, but none of the fate of Maj. Goodale. A deep mystery seemed to hang over his destiny, never to be revealed. At length, about the year 1 799, Col. Forrest Meeker, since a citizen of Delaware County, Ohio, and well acquainted with the family of Maj. Goodale, and the circumstances of this event, when at Detroit, fell in company with three Indians, who related to him the particulars of their taking a man prisoner at Belpre, in' the spring of 1793. Their description of his person left no doubt on the mind of Col. Meeker, of its being Maj. Goodale. They stated that a party of eight Indians were watching the settlement for mischief; and as they lay concealed on the side of the hill back of the plain, they heard a man driving, or talking to his oxen, as they expressed it. After carefully examining his movements, they saw him leave his work and go down to the garrison, in the middle of the day. Knowing that he would return soon, they secreted themselves in the edge of the woods, and while he was occupied with his work, sprang out and seized upon him, before he was aware of their presence, or could make any defence, threatening him with death if he made a noise or resisted. After securing him with thongs, they commenced a hasty retreat, intending to take him to Detroit and get a large ransom for him. Somewhere on the Miami, or at Sandusky, he fell sick and could not travel, and that he finally died of this sickness. A Mrs. Whitaker, the wife of an Indian trader at Lower Sandusky, has since related the same fact. She says the Indians left him at her house, where he died of a disease like the pleurisy, without having received any very ill usage from his captors, other than the means necessary to prevent his escape. This is probably a correct account of his fate ; and although his death was a melancholy one, amongst strangers, in captivity, and far away from the sympathy and care of his friends, yet it is a relief to know that he did not perish at the stake, nor by the tomahawk of the savages.

Gen. Rufus Putnam

RuFUS Putnam was the youngest son of Dea. Elisha and Susannah (Fuller) Putnam, and was born in Sutton, Mass., Apr. 9, 1738. His father died when Rufus was seven years old, and he was sent to live with his maternal grandfather in Danvers, where he remained until Sept., 1747, in which year his mother married Capt. John Saddler of Upton, and the boy made his home with his step-father till 1753. He had few advantages of schooling, and no school books of his own. But by respectfully serving the travellers who stopped at Mr. Saddler's tavern, and tending their horses, he occasionally received gratuities of a few pence, which he laid by until he could purchase some powder and shot : with this ammunition and an old shot gun, he killed partridges, or pheasants, and sold from time to time until the proceeds bought him a spelling book and an arithmetic. With these two invaluable articles, the foundation of all, even the most profound learning, he soon made considerable progress in the rudiments of education, without any teacher but his own patient ingenuity. In the same way he learned to write, and make figures in a legible manner, progressing in a short time to the rule of three, guided only by the directions laid down in the book. How delightful must have been his sensations when he could put his own thoughts into tangible sentences on paper, and understand the rules of calculation, so important in all the concerns of life !

In March, 1754, when nearly sixteen years old, he was bound as an apprentice to the mill-wright trade, under his brother-in-law, Daniel Matthews, of Brookfield. He was a man who had nearly the same opinion of the inutility of learning, as Mr. Saddler, and entirely neglected to send his apprentice to school. He, however, was more favorable in one respect, as he did not refuse him the use of candles for light, when pursuing his studies in the long winter evenings. His attention was chiefly directed to the acquisition of arithmetic, geography and history ; while orthography, etymology, and the rules of grammar were neglected. Having no books in these branches, and no one to teach him, his attention was chiefly directed to that which would be more immediately useful in the common affairs of life. In penmanship he had no aid from those nice copper-plate engravings, published in after years, nor any one to guide him in the art of neat hand-writing, so that those two important branches, spelling correctly, and writing handsomely, did not receive that attention they otherwise would have done, and left him during all his future life to regret his deficiencies in these respects. Could he have looked into futurity, or had the least intimation of the public stations of trust and honor which he was destined by Providence to fill in manhood, he would doubtless have been better prepared for their arduous duties. The greatest wonder of all is, that with the discouragements and privations which environed him, he had the fortitude and perseverance to overcome these obstacles, and acquire so much really useful learning as he did. Ninety-nine boys in a hundred would never have made the attempt, but have lived and died in ignorance.

During this portion of his life, from sixteen to nineteen years, he was busily occupied under Daniel Matthews, in acquiring the practical art of the mill-wright, and in working on his farm. It required some knowledge of geometry, to form perfect circles, divide them into numerous equal portions, and lay out the exact angles necessary in the frame-work of the mill ; thus gradually enlarging his knowledge of mathematics, for which he had naturally an ardent attachment, and a mind well fitted to comprehend. During this time his physical frame grew full as rapidly as his mind, so that when he was eighteen years old, he possessed the brawny limbs, the muscular power, and the full stature of a man six feet high. In all athletic exercises, he was renowned for his great strength and

The war between Great Britain and France, in which the colonies were much more deeply interested than the mother country, commenced in the year 1754, when he entered on his apprenticeship. The accounts of the several battles, the defeat of Gen. Braddock, and the exploits of his martial relative, Capt. Israel Putnam, no doubt filled his youthful mind with ardor, and led him while yet only in his nineteenth year to enlist as a private soldier, in the company of Capt. Ebenezer Learned, consisting of one hundred men, many of whom must have been his acquaintances or associates. The term of service was a little short of a year, commencing the 15th of March, 1757, and ending the 2d day of February, 1758. By the 30th of April the detachment was ready for marching, and that day left Brookfield, on their route for Kinderhook, on the Hudson river, about eighteen miles below Albany, which place they reached on the 6th of May.

In this and his subsequent campaign, he turned the art of writing, which he had with so much difficulty acquired, to a useful purpose, by keeping a regular journal of the events which took place ; and without this precaution would have been lost or forgotten. He remarks that Capt. Learned prayed regularly, night and morning, with his men, and on the Sabbath read a sermon in addition - a proof of the general prevalence of piety amongst the New England people, and which if more common in this day, would suppress much of the profanity and wickedness so universal amongst the soldiery of modern times. On the i8th of May, they left Kinderhook, and marched the same day to Greenbush, opposite the town of Albany.

On the 2ist of May, the company moved to Scaghticoke, a Dutch settlement on the banks of the Hoosack river, three miles from the Hudson. It was deserted by the inhabitants on account of the Indians, and now lies in the north-westerly corner of Renssellaer county.

On the 9th of June, the detachment joined Col. Fry's regiment, at Stillwater, a spot subsequently famous for the battle at Bemis' Heights, which turned the tide of Burgoyne's success, and finally led to his surrender. On the nth they marched to Saratoga, a place still more celebrated in military history, for the conquest of his army, thirty years after this time, in which Mr. Putnam acted a conspicuous part.

On the 14th of this month, Fry's regiment, composed of seventeen 'companies of provincials, decamped, and on the following day reached Fort Edward. This celebrated military post, so often noticed in the events of the old French war, was built two years before this time, and was now in the pride of its strength. It stood on the east or left bank of the Hudson river, about fifty-two miles above Albany, and was con- structed by a body of colonial troops under Gen. Lyman, and named after Edward, Duke of York, the eldest son of King George the Second, of England. It is thus described in Mr. Putnam's journal : "The river washed one side of its walls. The form was somewhat irregular ; having two bastions and two half bastions. The walls were high and thick, composed of hewed timber - a broad rampart, with casements, or bomb-proof - a deep ditch with a draw-bridge - a covered way, glacis, &c." In an after note, he says, " Miave been particular in this description, because in 1777, there was by no means so great an appearance of there having been a fortification here as we find in the ancient works at Marietta and other parts of the Ohio country." It stood at the head of the carrying place, between the Hudson and Lake George, and also Wood creek, a tributary of Lake Champlain. The village of Fort Edward stands near the site of the old fort, and serves to perpetuate its name. The tragical fate of Miss McCrea happened in this vicinity in 1777. White Hall, at the head of the Lake, the port from which steamboats now run to St. John, in Canada, was, in the Revolutionary war, called Skenesborough ; and was named after Maj. Skene, presently noticed by Mr. Putnam in his journal.

Being determined to see as much as possible of the adventures and hardships of a military life, he joined the corps of Rangers, as a volunteer, and on the 8th of July, marched on a scout under Lieut. Collins, with twenty-two men, to reconnoitre South Bay, the southerly extremity of Lake Champlain, distant about twenty-five miles from Fort Edward. On the 9th, having approached, as they thought, near the bay, the main party was halted, and three men, of whom Mr. Putnam was one, sent forward to learn its situation. Supposing it would occupy but a few hours, they left their blankets and provisions with the men that remained in camp. It proved to be much further than they had anticipated, and after fulfilling their orders, it was nearly night when they got back to the encampment. Much to their vexation and disappointment, they found that the lieutenant and his men, had left the ground, carrying with them their blankets and provisions. It seems that the leader had taken alarm at their long absence, supposing them either killed or captured by the Indians, and had hastily retreated in confusion. The deserted Rangers fired their guns, to give notice of their returji, but no answering signal was heard. Two nights were thus spent in the woods, exposed, without their blankets, to the annoyance of gnats and mosquitoes, which swarmed in vast numbers over this humid region. The dress of the Rangers was similar to that of the Indians, leaving their thighs bare, and exposed to their attacks. They reached Fort Edward on the nth, having been forty-eight hours without food, thus realizing a little foretaste of a ranger's life. Lieut. Collins did not get in until the following day, and con- fessed that he heard their signal guns, but supposed them fired by the Indians. He, however, by various excuses, pacified Mr. Putnam and his comrades ; yet he remarks on the transaction, " It was extremely unsoldierlike to leave us in the woods in the manner he did. If our long absence gave cause of alarm, he ought to have withdrawn but a short distance, placed himself in ambush, and posted two men under cover to watch for our return, or give notice of the approach of the enemy.

On the 23d of July, about eight o'clock in the morning, a large party of Indians fired on the Carpenters' or Mechanics' Guard, within half a mile of the fort, and killed thirteen men, with one missing. This was the first view he had of Indian butchery ; and says, " It was not very agreeable to the feelings of a young soldier, and I thinlj. there are few who can look on such scenes with indifference." In the afternoon, two hundred and fifty men, under Capt. Israel Putnam, were sent out in pursuit, They followed the trail until sunset, when the main body was halted, and three men, of whom Mr. Putnam was one, sent forward a mile or more, with orders to secrete themselves near the trail until after dark, watching closely for any scout that might be sent back, " for," said the captain of the Rangers, " if they do not embark to-night in their boats, they will send a party back to see if they are pursued." They went as ordered, but made no discovery. He remarks, "It was a maxim I treasured up in my mind, as applicable, especially in the woods, whether you are pursuing, or are pursued by the enemy," and was the beginning of Ms military knowledge.

On the 8th of October, the campaign being closed for that year, the provincials, who composed the corps of Rangers, were discharged. He, however, continued to do camp duty some days longer, and then attached himself to a company of artisans, who were employed, until the loth of November, in completing the defences of Fort Edward. On that day, the remnant of Col. Frye's regiment, himself, and the larger portion of his men, having been captured at Fort William Henry, marched down to the Half-moon, a post twelve miles above Albany. His providentially joining the Rangers, no doubt, saved him from participating in this slaughter and captivity.

On the 1 8th of November, three hundred and sixty men of the detachment were drafted into four companies, and ordered to different posts for winter quarters. This was a vexatious disappointment, as the Provincials expected to be discharged at the close of the campaign, although, according to their enlistment, they were to serve until the 2d day of February, 1758.

Gen. Rufus Putnam

The first of January, 1758, was celebrated by the men in great festivity, with an earnest looking forward to Candlemas, or 2d of February,. as the period of their release from servitude.

From the movements of the commander of the stockaded garrison, Capt. Skene, afterwards major, and proprietor of Skenesborough, they began to suspect he intended to retain them in service beyond the time of their enlistment. The Provincials were quartered in huts by themselves, a short distance from the post, which was guarded by a company of British regulars. Having decided on making a push for home, as soon as they considered themselves fairly at liberty, previous arrangements were made for the journey, by preparing snow-shoes for each man, as there was no possibility of marching through the woods, where the snow was three or four feet deep, without this ingeniously contrived Indian apparatus, which had been adopted by the New Englanders from them. Capt. Learned, who had just returned from a furlough to Massachusetts, when made acquainted with the design of his men, approved of their plan, and said he would lead them, unless he could procure their regular discharge. Mr. Putnam observes on this transaction, that he thought well of the captain at the time, but had since learned, that for an officer to desert his post is unpardonable.

On the 2d of February, Capt. Skene ordered the Provincials into the fort, and read a letter from Gen. Abercrombie, directing him to persuade the Massachusetts men under his command, to tarry a few days, until he could hear from that government, and know their intentions in regard to them. To this they replied, that he is a good soldier who serves his full time, and that the province had no further concern with them ; neither would they remain any longer. Capt. Skene threatened them with death if they departed without a regular discharge, and ordered them back to their barracks. He, however, took no forcible measures to detain them, nor did he search their huts for the snozv-shoes, which they took the precaution to secrete under the snow. Their huts were sheltered by a high bank, out of sight of the fort, which screened their movements from observation.

Firm to their purpose, about three o'clock in the morning of the 3d of February, they marched off as silently as possible, seventy in number, under the command of Capt. Learned and Lieut. Walker ; leaving Lieut. Brown, and a ioy^ invalids, who did not choose to join them. After leaving their barracks, they had a level piece of intervale, bordering on the Hudson, about half a mile wide to cross, exposed to the artillery of the fort, had they been discovered by the sentinels, which was the reason of their departure by night. They did not fear any opposition from the men in the garrison in the open field, as they outnumbered them. As to provisions for the march, they had provided as well as they could, by saving a portion of their daily rations for a v^^eek or two previous, and had hoarded up in this way, two or three days' allowance. The distance to Hoosack fort, as it was called, a small stockaded garrison belonging to Massachusetts, was thirty miles, and was allotted for two days' march. The snow in the woods was deeper than they expected, and made the travelling laborious for the leading men of the file, while those who followed after had a pretty firm path. The second day of the march was in a snow storm ; nevertheless, they bore manfully on, directing their course for Hoosack river, which was to be their guide to the fort ; but during the snow storm they became bewildered, and faUing on a westerly branch, instead of the main stream, it led them far out of their course, and at night they encamped without reaching their desired haven. Two turkeys were killed during the day, which aided their scanty stock of food. On the third day's march, they decamped very early, confident of reaching the fort before noon, but mid-day passed by, and the night arrived without the sight of it. One turkey was killed, and the camp formed with heavy hearts ; which was done by kindling fires against a fallen tree, and lying down on the snow with their blankets, in the open air. Their provision was now nearly spent, and they were led, reluctantly, to believe, that they were actually lost in the woods. Several of the men, from the extreme severity of the weather, had frozen their feet ; and one had lost a snow shoe by breaking through the ice.

On the fourth day the march was continued up the stream until noon, when they concluded to alter their course. This branch of the Hoosack, it seems, led up into the New Hampshire grants, afterward Vermont, where the town of Bennington was subsequently built. The direction of the march, by the advice of Capt. Learned, was now about southeast, over a hilly broken region, and the sun went down as they reached the top of a high mountain, which appeared to be the water shed, or dividing ridge between the streams which fell into the Hudson and Connecticut rivers. The weather was excessively cold, and the snow five feet deep. On the morning of the fifth day, after a very uncomfortable night, thirty of the men, Mr. Putnam being one of them, breakfasted on a small turkey, without salt or bread. After travelling about five miles they fell on a small branch, running south-east, down which they followed until several tributaries had enlarged it, by night, to a considerable river. All this day they had no food but the buds of the beech trees, and a few bush cranberries. At night they encamped, weary and faint, but not disheartened. The sixth day's march was continued along the course of the river discovered the day before, which none of them knew the name of, in a broken, hilly region, not very favorable to the point of compass they wished to follow. The Vveather was cold and stormy, while the men were so feeble, and lame from frozen feet, that only a few were able to lead the trail, and break the path in the snow. By marching on the frozen river, the lame men found a smooth path, or it is probable some of them would have perished. At night they encamped by tens in a mess. As it " happened they had with them one dog, and only one. He was large and fat. At night it was concluded to kill him for supper. This was done, and his body divided into seven portions, or one part to every ten men, the entrails falling to the butcher as his fee ; and as he belonged to Mr. Putnam's mess, they made their supper on the fat. On the morning of the seventh day, his men breakfasted on one of the feet, and a hind leg cut off at the gambrel joint, which being pounded and roasted in the embers, so as to separate the bones of the foot, made quite a palatable viand to a hungry stomach. That day the party confined their march to the river, and about noon came to a spot where some trees had been recently cut for some shingles. This was the first sign of inhabitants they had seen, and it revived their drooping spirits. At sunset one of the men noticed a small stream putting in on the left bank, which he recognized as Pelham brook, and that Hawks' fort, on Deerfield river, was not more than three miles distant. This latter river is a branch of the Connecticut.

Their leader now ordered two men to go forward to the fort, and make provision for the arrival of the party in the morning, which was a wise measure, and directed the most active men to make fires for the more feeble and lame ones, as they came up, which happily they all did by dark. That night Putnam's mess supped on the thigh bone of the dog, made into soup, with a small bit of pork and a little ginger, which made a very palatable dish. With respect to the flesh of a dog, he observes, " since the experience of that day, I have believed it to be very good meat, and could eat it at any time without disgust." This goes to confirm the experience of Lewis and Clark's men in their journey over the Rocky mountains, who lived on it for weeks, and preferred it to any other meat.

On the eighth day's march, which was the loth of February, early in the forenoon, they met some men from the fort, coming to their relief with slices of bread and meat, to appease their appetites and enable them to reach the post, where they were received with great kindness. Many of the men were badly frozen, and nearly exhausted with hunger. As a proof of the vigor of his frame, Mr. Putnam carried the pack of a sick man in addition to his own, and was always one of the leaders in breaking the path ; although he felt the cravings of hunger, yet never failed in vigor or activity. One cause of this he attributes to the use of a little honey, which one of his mess had in a bottle, about a pound weight.

On the 15th of February, he arrived at his former liome, very thankful for his preservation amidst so many dangers, Capt. Learned was much censured for his conduct, and was not again commissioned during the war.

After passing the remainder of the winter at home, and forgetting the sufferings of the last campaign, he again enlisted in the provincial service, for another tour of duty, in Capt. Joseph VVhitcomb's company, and Col. Ruggles' regiment. The war, thus far, had been a continued scene of disasters, and disgrace to the crown ; one army after another had been defeated or captured, and the French were in a fair way of overrunning the British possessions in America ; and although the number of inhabitants in the Canadas was not more than one quarter as great as that of the colonies, yet their miHtary commanders were much more able and energetic than the British, and carried conquest and victory wherever they turned their arms.

The regiment to which he was attached, rendezvoused at Northampton, in Massachusetts, and marched for Albany on the 3d of June. On the 6th, they passed Pontoosac fort, a small post on the Hoosack river, then within the boundaries of Massacliusetts. This was the station that Capt. Learned expected to reach on the second day after his unmilitary and disastrous desertion of his post at Stillwater, on the 2d of February. On the 8th, the regiment arrived at Greenbush, opposite to Albany. " From Northampton street to this place was through a wilderness, with but one house in the whole distance, except the little fort above mentioned." This was in the year 1758 ; since that time vast changes have taken place in this region, and the railroad, in a few hours, would transport the whole regiment over the distance which occupied five days of steady marching.

On the 12th of June, he was detached with about eighty other artisans from the regiment, under Lieut. Pool, and ordered on to the head of Lake George to erect works, in advance of the army. On the 5 th of July, the troops being assembled, embarked in batteaux, amounting to seventeen thousand men, under the command of Gen. Abercrombie, Lord Howe, the second in command, Gen. Gage, the third, and Col. Bradstreet, quarter-master-general. The commander-in-chief was an old man, and entirely unfit for the post, as was proved by the result of the campaign. The army had but little respect for his abilities ; while on the contrary, Lord Howe was their idol, and in him they placed their utmost confidence. He was remarkably easy and affable in his manners, mixing familiarly with the mechanics and common soldiers, inquiring into their condition and wants, displaying a real interest in their welfare, very different from those generally in high authority. This won the regard of the troops, and they would undergo any sacrifice at his bidding. Gen. Gage never acquired much reputation as a commander, and the furious Bradstreet was hated by all the army. The batteaux moved down the lake until evening, when the troops landed at Sabbathday Point for refreshment, and then rowed all night. On the 6th they disembarked at the northern extremity of Lake George, in two divisions, one on each side of the outlet. On the approach of the division on the right bank, a detachment of the enemy stationed there, retired without firing a gun. That division of the army on the left bank, was under the command of Lord Howe, and on its advance was met by a skirmishing party of the French, who, very unfortunately for the British, killed Lord Howe in the early part of the engagement. His death struck a damp on the spirits of the whole army, and no doubt had an influence in causing the defeat which followed. Mr. Putnam was left in charge of the boats, but soon volunteered his service in the attack on the works, and joined his regiment, which was posted with Col. Lyman's of Connecticut, on the west of the mills, and was busily employed in erecting a breastwork. The attack on the fort of Ticonderoga, began at twelve o'clock, and was continued without intermission for several hours, without making any impression. At length the ammunition of the regular troops was exhausted, and a call was made on the Provincials to forward them a supply. Mr. Putnam again volunteered in this service. When they approached the scene of action, they found that the attacked troops had been effectually repulsed in their attempt to storm the enemy's lines, but did not consider it a total defeat, as it finally proved to be. Col. Ruggles' regiment remained in their breastwork until midnight unmolested, and then retreated to the shore of the lake, where they had landed on the 6th. On the morning of the 9th, Ruggles found his regiment in the rear of the army, which had retreated m the night, leaving them with the Rangers of the other regiment of Provincials near the French lines. \\\ the forenoon of that day, all the troops embarked and returned to the south end of the lake, closing Gen. Abercrombie's expedition, which commenced with such high hopes, under a cloud of disgrace, and a loss of fifteen hundred men, in killed and wounded. Ticonderoga fort was protected on three of its sides by water, and on the other for some distance in front extended a morass ; the remainder was fortified with a breast-work, eight feet high, and planted with artillery. In addition to which the ground for one hundred yards in front, was covered with abatis. After reconnoitering the \Vorks, the engineer sent on this important duty, was so stupid as to report to the commander that they might be carried by musketry. The difficulty of advancing artillery over the morass and broken ground in front, led to the adopting of this fatal advice, and the defeat of the army. The post was defended by about four thousand men, and although their actual assailants amounted to twelve or fifteen thousand, and the attack lasted for more than four hours, yet they could make no impression on the garrison. The loss must have been greater than actually estimated, as twenty-five hundred stands of arms were picked up by the French. Mr. Putnam remarks that " when he subsequently became acquainted with the strength of the works and the mode of attack, he considered it the most injudicious and wanton sacrifice of men, that ever came within his knowledge or reading."

Nothing further of an offensive nature was attempted in that quarter, by Abercrombie, this season. A fort was commenced on the ground occupied by the fortified camp of the Provincials, in 1757, during the siege and capture of Fort William Henry, which was called Fort George, and stood half a mile east of that unfortunate garrison. On the 2 2d of July, the regiment to which he belonged was ordered to Fort Edward, and the men employed in repairing the roads from that post to Albany, until the 29th of October, when they were discharged.

On the 9th of November, he arrived at Sutton, his native place, where he passed the winter. On this campaign, in after life, he has these remarks : " Thus I was carried through a second campaign, enjoying uninterrupted health, the friendship of my officers, and never charged with a fault. But, alas ! in my journal, I cannot find any acknowledgment to my divine Benefactor and Preserver, nor do I recollect that I had any serious reflections on the subject." This is in accordance with the natural heart, but when it becomes touched with the influences of the Holy Spirit, it is ready and willing to acknowledge its obligations to its rightful Lord and Benefactor.

On the 2d of April, 1759, he decided on again entering the military service, and enlisted into Capt. John Sibley's company, as a substitute for Moses Leland, who had been drafted into the army, but did not wish to serve. For this enlistment he received fourteen pounds, thirteen shillings, Massachusetts currency, or forty-five dollars, fifty cents. The original receipt yet remains in the Leland family. He was finally transferred to Capt. William Page's company, of Hardwick, in the battalion of Lieut. Col. Ligersol, in Col. Ruggles' regiment ; and was now advanced to the post of orderly sergeant ; marching with the army by the old route, to the south end of Lake George.

On the 2ist of July, they embarked in batteaux under the command of Gen. Amherst, " a sagacious, humane and experienced commander." Mr. Putnam notices his kindness and attention to the welfare of the common soldiers, as highly commendable. On the 2 2d, they landed at the outlet of the lake, in nearly the same numbers, as of last year, without meeting with any opposition. The following day they took posses- sion of the breastworks, where they were so signally repulsed the year before, with little opposition, and thinks the loss of so many lives in the previous attack, attributable to the rashness of Col. Bradstreet. On the 24th, they began to open their trenches for a regular siege and bombardment of Fort Ticonderoga. This was a regular, strongly built, stone fort, erected by the French in 1756, and capable of resisting any common attack. The French had kept up a regular discharge of artillery, since the 23d, while their enemies were erecting their works for the batteries. That night, before any serious attack had been made, the garrison silently evacuated the fort, and embarked on the lake for Crown Point, a strong post, ten or twelve miles lower down on the west side of Lake Champlain. About three o'clock in the morning of the 27th the fort blew up, with a tremendous explosion. The French did not make any resistance at Crown Point, but proceeded on clown the lake to Montreal. The cause of their sudden desertion of these strong posts, was the news of Gen. Wolfe's approach to Quebec, so that no aid could be sent them from below ; and rather than be captured they abandoned their positions.

Thus terminated the third campaign, in which Mr. Putnam had been engaged, with the total demolition of the French power on the lakes George and Champlain, leading to their final expulsion from North America. This was a glorious conquest for the British arms, in which the Provincials shared largely ; but the greater good to them was the check it gave to the incursions of the savages, who for more than a century had invaded their frontier, assisted and encouraged with supphes of arms and ammunition from the French, plundering, murdering, and carrying into captivity their exposed inhabitants, from Maine to Pennsylvania.

As the army was about to leave Ticonderoga in pursuit, greatly to his disappointment and vexation, he was ordered by the brigadier-general to remain and superintend the building of a saw-mill at the lower falls on the outlet of Lake George, where it debouches into a bay of Lake Champlain. After the mills were completed, he obtained a pass to go to Crown Point, where his regiment then lay. When he arrived there, instead of going into the lines, he was ordered by Maj. Skene, the superintendent of the works then building for the enlargement of the garrison, to labor as a carpenter on the block-houses, promising him the full wages for such work. After a few days, he was ordered back to oversee the operations of the saw-rtiills, and retained until the ist of December, some months after the discharge of his regiment. The engineer of the army, whose name is not given, when he was finally discharged, would not allow him the dollar a day as had been promised by Col. Robinson, the quartermaster-general, but turned him off with fifteen pence, the pay of a private soldier ; putting, no doubt, the extra pay justly due him into his own pocket.

On the I St, in company with Col. Miller, Capt. Tate, and others, eleven in number, he embarked on Lake George, to go up to the southerly end, in two batteaux. Expecting to reach Fort George the next day, they took but little provision ; but, the wind failing them, they passed the night four miles north of Sabbath-day Point, a noted headland. On the 2d, the wind arose to a perfect storm, with intense cold, so that they were confined to the shore, and could not move at all. On the 3d, their provisions were expended. The wind and cold continued, and their situation was becoming alarming ; but, in rambling along the shore, one of the men found an old provision-bag, with about a dozen pounds of salted pork, which, with some damaged flour, brought by Col. Miller to feed two horses he had on board, made into dumplings, served well for that day. The fourth day was calm, and they again embarked ; but, one of the boats being leaky, the ice formed so thick and heavy in it, that it was abandoned, and the whole party entered the single boat. This additional burthen loaded her down within two or three inches of the top of her sides, and the least agitation of the water would have filled her. But, providentially, it remained calm all day, and they reached the fort at sunset without any accident. From thence he returned to Brookfield, in Massachusetts, on the i6th of December.

Putnam took an active part in the campaign of 1 760, first as recruiting officer in Col. Ruggles' regiment, and later as ensign in Col. Willard's regiment. June 2, he set out for the army, and joined his company at Ticonderoga, then under command of Capt. Thomas Beman. The company was stationed through the summer at the landing at the outlet of Lake George. Nov. 9 his company was discharged, and the next day began their march through the wilderness by way of Otter creek to Number Four (Charlestown, N.H.) on the Connecticut river, which they reached Nov. 25 ; and he arrived home Dec. i.

Mar. 3, 1 761, Mr. Putnam bought '' the mill privilege, mill, and tools " on Horse-pond brook in North Brookfield, of Joseph Bartlett, where he resided and carried on the mill, and for a time the farm connected with it (except when away on military service or civil engineering) till 1781, in May of which year he bought the confiscated estate of Daniel Murray of Rutland, whither he removed, and where he made his home till his removal to Ohio in Dec. 1787.

Mr. Putnam had a natural taste for mathematics, especially geometry ; and, under the direction of Col. Timothy Dvvight of Northampton, became an accomplished land-surveyor. He was a practical, matter-offact man in whatever he undertook. First a millwright, then a soldier, next a land-surveyor, and finally an engineer ; the principles and practice of all these branches he acquired from a limited number of books and with litde instruction, mainly by close study and logical reasoning. As a soldier, he submitted to discipline, and laid up the best military maxims, and observed the working of different plans, and thus acquired the confidence and skill which stood him so well when placed in responsible offices of command.

In April 1761, Mr. Putnam was married to Elizabeth Ayres, daughter of William Ayres, a prominent citizen of North Brookfield. She died in November following, leaving an infant, which survived but a few months. In January 1765, he married Persis Rice, daughter of Zebulon Rice of Westboro, by whom he had a numerous family of children. [See Genealogical Register, Potnam.

In the winter of 1772, Mr. Putnam was induced to go with a party of " Military Adventurers " to Florida, with a view of selecting and locating certain grants of lands, promised by the King and Council of England to the colonial officers and soldiers who had served in the late war against France. The chief agent in promoting the scheme was Gen. Phinehas Lyman of Connecticut. The party was absent about eight months. They first landed at Pensacola ; then sailed to the mouth of the Mississippi, which they entered Mar. 22, 1773. They explored the delta and its several outlets ; passed up the river to New Orleans ; thence up past Baton Rouge ; past Natchez, and as far as Vicksburg. Putnam made surveys and observations of the country of which he kept a Journal, that has great scientific and historical value.

The Revolutionary storm, which had been gathering for several years, burst upon the colonies, the second year after his return from this expedition. Ever active to the service of his native country, he joined the army in the capacity of a lieutenant-colonel, in the regiment of Col. David Brewer. His regiment was stationed at Roxbury, in Gen. Thomas' division of the army, soon after the affair at Lexington.

In a short time after the battle of Bunker hill, the general and field officers of the Roxbury division, met in council on the best course to pursue, in their present defenceless situation, exposed at any time to the attack of the enemy without any better protection than a board fence. It was decided that lines should be thrown up for the defence of the town. When this was determined, the difficulty arose where to find a man capable of directing the works in a military manner. Engineers were rare amongst a people who had never carried on a war but under the direction of mother Britain, who filled such posts with her own sons. At length it was mentioned to the general by some of Col. Putnam's friends, that in the late war against Canada, he had seen some service in this hne ; but on being solicited by the commander to undertake the work, he frankly told him that he had never read a word on that branch of science, and all his knowledge was acquired by working under British engineers. The general would take no denial, and Col. Putnam reluc- tantly set about tracing out lines in front of Roxbury, toward Boston, and various places in the vicinity, especially at Sewel's Point. It so happened that he was occupied at the latter post, when Gen. Washington and Gen. Lee first came over to examine the situation of the troops, and state of the defences on that side of Charles river. The plan of the works met the entire approbation of Gen. Washington, and Lee spoke in high terms of that on Sewel's Point, when compared with those at Cambridge, which animated and encouraged him to persevere in his efforts. All the defences at Roxbury, Dorchester and Brookline, were of his construction, and especially the fort on Cobble Hill.

In the course of this campaign, at the request of Gen. Washington, he surveyed and delineated a map of the courses, distances, and relative situation of the enemy's works in Boston and Charlestown, with the American defences in Cambridge, Roxbury, etc., which must have been of great importance to him in arranging his plans for an attack on the former place. In December, he accompanied Gen. Lee to Providence and Newport, R.I., and at the latter place planned a battery that commanded the harbor; also, a work on an elevation at Rowland's ferry, which secured the communication of the island with the main land. In the new organization of the army, made in the fall of 1775, he was appointed a lieutenant-colonel in the Twenty-second Regiment, commanded by Col. Samuel Wyllis. He, however, did not actually join that regiment, but was continued in the engineer department.

In the winter of 1776, Gen. Washington was deeply engaged in planning an attack on the British army in Boston, by crossing the troops on the ice, or else to draw them out from their stronghold, by erecting works on Dorchester neck, that would not only annoy the town, but destroy their shipping in the harbor. In constructing the latter work. Col. Putnam, with his usual modesty, and constant reliance on an overruling Power, in directing the affairs of man, thus speaks : "As soon as the ice was thought to be sufficiently strong for the army to pass over, a council of general officers was convened on the subject. What their particular opinions were I never knew, but the brigadiers were directed to consult their field officers, and they to feel the temper of the captains and subalterns. While this was doing I was invited to dine at headquarters ; and while at dinner. Gen. Washington invited me to tarry after the company had departed. When we were alone he entered into a free conversation on the subject of storming the city of Boston. That it was much better to draw the enemy out to Dorchester, than to attack him in Boston, no one doubted ; for if we could maintain ourselves on that neck of land, our command of the town and harbor would be such as would probably compel them to leave the place. But the cold weather, which had made a bridge of ice for our passage into Boston, had also frozen the earth to a great depth, especially in the open country, like the hills on Dorchester neck, so that it was impossible to make a lodgement there in the usual way (that is, by excavating the earth.) However, the general directed me to consider the matter, and if I could think of any way by which it could be done, to make a report to him immediately."

He then describes the events which he calls providential, and may evidently be referred to Him who created, as well as rules the destiny of man, but which thoughtless and blind mortals attribute to the freaks of chance. " II eft headquarters in company with another gentleman, and on the way came by those of Gen. Heath. I had no thought of calling until I came against his door when I said, let us call on Gen. Heath, to which the gentleman agreed. I had no other motive than to pay my respects to the general. While there I cast my eye on a book which lay on the table, lettered on the back Muller's Field Engineer. Immediately I requested the general to lend it to me. He denied me. I repeated my request. He again refused, saying, he never lent his books. I then told him that he must recollect, that he was one, who at Roxbury, in a manner compelled me to undertake a business on which, at the time, I confessed I had never read a word, and that he must let me have the book. After a few more excuses on his part, and pressing on mine, I obtained the loan of it." He arrived at his quarters about dark, but was so much engaged in receiving reports of the progress of the works until a late hour, that he did not examine Muller until morning. On looking over the contents of the book, he came to the word " chandelier." This was a new phrase to him, but on turning to the page where the article was described, and reading it carefully over, he was soon ready to report a plan for making a lodgement on Dorchester heights. In a few minutes after he had decided on the feasibiUty of the plan. Col. Gridly, who had planned the works at Cambridge, and Col. Knox of the artillery, who had been directed to consult with Col. Putnam on this difficult subject, entered his room and acquiesced in his plan. The report was approved by Gen. Washington, and preparations immediately made to carry it into operation. The chandeliers were made of stout timbers, ten feet long, into which were framed posts, five feet high and five feet apart, placed on the ground in parallel lines, and the open spaces fitted in with bundles of facines, strongly picketed together ; thus forming a movable parapet of wood, instead of earth, as heretofore done. The men were immediately set to work in the adjacent apple orchard and woodlands, cutting and bundling up the facines, and carrying them with the chandeliers on to the ground selected for the work on the night of the 4th of March, and on the morning of the 5th, the British troops were astonished to see a formidable battery, erected by their industrious Yankee foes in one night, where the evening before no appearance of such a defence was to be seen. The ground was so deeply frozen that the intrenching tools made no more impression on it than on a solid rock, and their old mode of excavating trenches, and throwing up parapets of earth, was utterly at a nonplus.

The providential visit of Col. Putnam at Gen. Heath's quarters, was both the remote and immediate cause of the sudden withdrawal of the British troops from Boston. On the first sight of this barrier, mounted with artillery and frowning defiance, Gen. Howe decided on landing troops and carrying it by storm, and there would have probably been another Bunker hill adventure or something worse. The ice broke way soon after, and his boats being dispersed by a gale of wind, when the troops had embarked, he gave up the design, and sent word to Gen. Washington that he would leave the town with his army unharmed, if he would not molest the shipping while the men and stores were removing. The evacuation of the place, and the relief of the inhabitants from Britishthraldom and abuse, being all that Washington sought, the terms were complied with, and this desirable object accomplished without bloodshed.

On the last day of March, 1776, he was ordered by Gen. Washington to proceed to New York, by way of Providence, Rhode Island, to aid Gov. Cook with his advice and assistance, in constructing works for the defence of that town. While on this tour of duty, he again visited Newport, and made additional defences there. On the 6th of April he had an interview with Washington, at Providence, who felt a deep interest in his welfare, not only for his successful efforts on Dorchester heights, but also for the integrity, uprightness, and straightforward patriotism of the man ; and not only during the war, but during his whole life, treated him with marked respect and friendship. He reached New York about the 20th of April, and was immediately authorized as chief engineer, to lay out and oversee the works of defence during that campaign at New York, Long Island, and their dependencies, with Fort Washington, Fort Lee, Kingsbridge, &c., the larger portion of which appears in the plan of New York island, attached to Marshall's Life of Washington, This was a service of great fatigue, as it occupied all his time from daylight in the morning until night, and sometimes all night.

On the loth of July, Gen. Washington, in a letter to Congress, notices the services of Col. Putnam : " Gen. Mercer is now in the Jerseys, for the purpose of receiving and ordering the militia coming for the flying camp, and I have sent over our chief engineer to view the ground in the neighborhood of Amboy, and to lay out some necessary works for the encampment, and such as may be proper at the different passes in Bergen Neck and other places."

Sir : I have the pleasure to inform you that Congress have appointed you an engineer, with the rank of colonel, and pay of sixty dollars a month. I beg of you to hasten the sinking of vessels and other obstructions in the river at Fort Washington, as fast as possible. Advise Gen. Putnam constantly of the kind of vessels you want and other things, that no delay that can possibly be avoided may happen. I am sir, your

On the 8th of September, 1776, a council of general officers had determined on holding possession of the city of New York. On the 12th, by order of Gen. Washington, Col. Putnam went out with Gen. Mifflin to reconnoitre between Kingsbridge and Morrisania, andon their return Washington met them near Harlem heights, where they made their report. This led to a council of general officers, in which it was decided to abandon the city, and this measure was based on their report, being the means of saving the army from total destruction.

Col. Putnam remarks that his appointment by Congress as engineer, was wholly unexpected. That his first attempts in that department arose from pure necessity, in place of a better man, and that his continuance in that service was more out of respect to Gen. Washington, than a sense of his own qualifications. After his arrival at New York he had greatly improved his knowledge, by the study of writers on that subject; and his daily practice in that profound art for more than a year, had now made him a much more skilful engineer, yet his natural modesty had never led him once to think of being appointed to the first post in a corps of engineers. His observations on the deficiencies and difficulties which attended that department, led him, in September, to draw up a plan for a distinct engineering corps, which was presented to Gen. Washington, and by him laid before Congress, with the following letter, of November 5 :

" I have taken the liberty to transmit a plan for establishing a corps of engineers, artificers, &c., sketched out by Col. Putnam, and which is proposed for the consideration of Congress. How far they may incline to adopt it, or whether they may choose to proceed on such an extensive scale, they will be pleased to determine. However, I conceive it a matter well worthy of their consideration, being convinced from experi- ence, and from reasons suggested by Col. Putnam, who has acted with great dihgence and reputation in the business, that some estabhshment of the sort is highly necessary, and will be productive of the most beneficial consequences."

On the 19th of October the enemy landed their army on Pells point, and some skirmishing took place between a part of Glover's brigade and the advance of the British troops, near East Chester. The following morning Gen. Washington directed Col. Putnam to reconnoitre their position. For this purpose he left Kingsbridge, in company with Col. Reid, the adjutant-general, and a foot-guard of twenty men. From the heights of East Chester they saw a small body of the enemy near the church, but could learn nothing from the inhabitants, as the houses were all deserted. Col. Reid now left him to attend to other duties, and Col. Putnam requested him to take back the guard, as he thought he could better succeed in reconnoitring by himself. He then disguised his appearance as an officer, and set out for White Plains, a place he had never visited, nor did he know the road which led to that place. Directly a highway turned off to the right, which he followed a short distance, and came to a house, where a woman informed him that the road he was now on led to New Rochelle ; that the enemy were there, and had posted a guard at a house then in sight. He now turned his course, and proceeded toward White Plains, approaching within three or four miles of the place, when he discovered a house a little ahead with men about it. Before advancing, he carefully examined their appearance with his spy-glass, and ascertained that they were not British soldiers. He then advanced and entered the house, which was a tavern ; calling for some oats for his horse, and sitting quietly down, listened to their conversation. He soon discovered that they were Whigs, and ascertained the following valuable facts, viz., that the main army of the British were lying near New Rochelle, distant from White Plains about nine miles, with good roads and an open level country between, and that at the latter place was a large quantity of American stores under the guard of about three hundred mihtia. That a detachment of the enemy was posted at Mamaronec, only six miles from the Plains, while on the other side was the Hudson river, in which lay five or six of the enemy's armed vessels at a distance of only five miles, so that the main depot of provisions for the American army, which Gen. Washington had ordered here as a place of safety, was enclosed on three sides by his adversaries. Col. Putnam saw at a glance their hazardous position, and hastened back with his all important discoveries. The road from Ward's tavern where he then was, led across the Braux, and was the most direct route for his return, but it passed so near the positions occupied by the enemy that it required great watchfulness to avoid detection. As he approached the highland west of the little river Braux, he saw it was already occupied by armed men, but on applying his spy-glass, ascertained they were American troops, and on his arrival found it to be Lord Stirling's division, who had taken a position there since he passed in the morning. He announced his discoveries to the general, refreshed himself and horse, and set out for headquarters, ten miles distant, by the mouth of the Saw-mill river, a road he had never travelled before, leading through a noted Tory settlement. It was now dark, but he dare not inquire the way, lest he should be arrested. An overruling Providence guided his steps, and he arrived in safety at Gen. Washington's quarters, near Kingsbridge, about nine o'clock. He found him alone, and ready to receive his report, with a sketch of the country, which he hastily made, showing the relative positions of the different British detachments, and the stores at White Plains. This, like the clew of the labyrinth, at once led him to see the difficulties and dangers of his position, and the path by which he could be extricated. Gen. Washington complained very feelingly of the gentlemen of New York, from whom he had never been able to obtain a plan of the country : that it was by their advice he had ordered the stores to White Plains, as a place of safety. This was a serious difficulty under which he labored through the first years of the war, the lack of correct topographical de scriptions of the country in which he was acting, often leading him into the toils of the enemy, when he thought he was escaping or out of danger. Such a man as Putnam was then an invaluable treasure ; who was fearless, but cautious in scanning the positions of the foe, and could delineate on paper, what he had seen with his eyes, making his descriptions both intelligent and practical. Washington immediately sent a messenger for Gen. Greene and Gen. George Chnton, since Vice-President of the United States. When the latter entered, Putnam's sketch and report were laid before him, and the question asked as to the correctness of the topographical sketch. He confirmed its accuracy. In a short time he was charged with a letter to Lord Stirling, and orders to proceed immediately to his camp, which he reached by the same route, about two o'clock in the morning. Before daylight his division was in motion, in full march for White Plains, where they arrived about nine o'clock on the morning of the 21st of October, "and thus was the American army saved by a7i interposition of Providence, from a probable total destruction."

It was as late as the 29th, before the enemy advanced in front of the American hues at White Plains. About 10 o'clock a.m.. Col. Putnam had arrived on Chatterton hill, intending to throw up some defences, just as they came in sight. As soon as they discovered the Americans, they opened a severe cannonade, but without much effect. Gen. McDougal now arrived with his brigade, and seeing the enemy crossing the Braux below in large bodies, placed his men in an advantageous position behind the stone walls and fences to receive them. They were twice repulsed with great loss ; but by bringing up fresh detachments, they so greatly outnumbered the Americans as to turn their right flank, and cause them to retreat. Our loss was great, but it was afterward ascertained that the British loss was much greater ; they receiving the same pay as at Bunker hill. After the battle of the 29th, Col. Putnam was employed in examining the topography of the country in the rear of White Plains, toward North Castle, Croton river, etc., with a view to military operations, when, on the 5 th of November, he received the following letter from Gen. Washington :

"Head Quarters, White Plains, Nov. 5, 1776. Sir : You are directed to repair to Wright's mills, and lay out any work there you conceive to be necessary, in case it is not already done. From thence you are to proceed toward Croton bridge, and post the two regiments of militia in the most advantageous manner, so as to obstruct the enemy's passage to that quarter. You are also to give what directions you think proper to those regiments, respecting the breaking up the roads leading from the North river eastward. After this you are to go up to Peekskill, and direct Lasher's detachment to break up the roads there ; you are likewise to lay out what works will be advisable there, and order

On the nth of November, Gen. Washington visited Peekskill, and Col. Putnam accompanied him to Fort Washington. On the following day he crossed the North river, instructing him to ascertain the topography of the country, with the roads and passes through the Highlands, which report he soon after made. A copy of this report is among his papers, and gives a minute description of the different passes ; pointing out such as would need protection, with a skeleton map, containing valuable information for the defence of the passes in the Highlands of the Hudson, a point so important in the contest with Great Britain. On the 8th of December, he addressed a letter to the commander-in-chief, informing him that he had accepted the command of a regiment in the Massachusetts line, of the continental army, with his reasons for so doing, assuring him at the same time of his attachment and readiness to execute any service he should be ordered on. The following is an extract from

Your acceptance of a regiment, to be raised on continental establishment, by the state of Massachusetts bay, is quite agreeable to me, and I sincerely wish you success in recruiting, and much honor in commanding it.

In a letter to Congress, of December 20th, he thus speaks of Col. Putnam : " I have also to mention, that for want of some establishment in the department of engineers, agreeable to the plan laid before Congress in October last, Col. Putnam, who was at the head of it, has quitted, and taken a regiment in the state of Massachusetts. I know of no other man tolerably well qualified for the conducting of that business. None of the French gentlemen whom I have seen with appointments in that way, appear to know any thing of the matter. There is one in Philadelphia who I am told is clever, but him I have not seen."

After closing his accounts as engineer, in January, 1777, he returned to Massachusetts to recruit and fill up his regiment. In this he was quite successful. As early as May, three companies were filled, and marched from Worcester to Peekskill ; and in June were ordered up the North river to Fort Ann. On the 3d of July, Col. Putnam followed with the rest of the regiment, and joined his brigade, at a point four miles above Fort Edward. This gave him an opportunity to examine the condition of the old fort, which he had so often visited and worked on in the former war. He found that in the last seventeen years, it had greatly decayed, and was quite untenable as a work of defence ; nevertheless it was shortly after occupied by the troops of Gen. Burgoyne for a few days, probably the last time the British flag will ever float near its walls.

The campaign of 1777, was big with events deeply interesting to the United States. Burgoyne with a large army had invaded New York from the north, pursuing the old route so often traversed in former years by the hostile bands of France and Great Britain. The hordes of savages which accompanied his army made the resemblance still more striking. A numerous body of men and shipping, under Clinton, assailed the same state on the south, by the way of the North river, intending to unite the invading armies at Albany, and thus divide the eastern from the middle and southern states. Ticonderoga, considered the key to the northern portion of the Union, had fallen into the hands of the enemy ; but the lives and the liberty of the army which occupied it, were saved from the hands of the conqueror, by the good sense of Gens. St. Clair and Schuyler, who thought it useless to defend an untenable post, and thus served as a nucleus, around which to rally the militia and continen- tals, who hastened from all parts to arrest the progress of the enemy. New England was electrified at the threatened danger, and poured forth the thousands of her hardy yeomanry from her granite hills, to meet the coming storm.

Col. Putnam, with his brave Massachusetts men, again traversed the grounds he had so often visited in the "old French war; " familiar with every part from Fort Edward to Stillwater, while few if any of his officers or men had seen this part of the country before. Although he was busily engaged in all the military operations of September, in the contests with Burgoyne, his regiment being the earliest on the ground, yet he has left no record of these events, except to correct some misstatements made by the historians of that period, in relation to the storming the works of the German reserve, on the yth of October, and a few other matters. In front of those works was an open field, bounded by a wood, at the distance of one hundred and twenty yards. In the skirt of this wood Col. Putnam was posted with the fifth and sixth regiments of the Massachusetts fine, under his command. Both the right and left of their works were covered by a thin, open wood, and the rear by a thick wood. The moment that orders were given to storm, he moved rapidly across the open field, amidst a murderous fire of grape and musketry, and entered the works in front, at the same moment that Learned's brigade, in which Jackson's regiment was stationed, entered on the left and 7'ear. Col. Putnam immediately formed his two regiments, and moved out of the works, which were not enclosed in the rear, and advanced into the woods, toward the enemy's enclosed redoubts, on the right flank of their main encampment. Gen. Learned, as soon as he had secured and sent off the plunder taken in the German camp, withdrew all the other troops, without notifying Col. Putnam of his design, leaving him unprotected in the occupancy of the wood. Here he remained until toward morning, when he was re-inforced with three regiments from the right wing of the army, under Gen. Glover.

The historian Marshall's account, varies materially from this. He says, " Jackson's regiment of Massachusetts, led by Lieut.-Col. Brooks, turned the right of the encampment, and stormed the works." In this account no mention is made of Brig. Learned, who stormed at the same time with the other corps of the brigade, as well as Jackson's ; nor of the two regiments under Col. Putnam, who stormed in front, under much greater exposure than Jackson. Again, Marshall says, " Brooks maintained the ground he had gained;" which is entirely contrary to the truth; for, except the two regiments commanded by Col. Putnam, the troops which entered the works were in great disorder, so far as fell under his observation ; nor did he see any of them formed in order for action, before he moved out with the fifth and sixth regiments, as above stated.

Gen. Rufus Putnam. 42 1

At page 288, of the 3d volume, is a note from the historian Gordon, who says that, " On the morning of the nth of October, a report was spread in the American camp, and beheved by the officers, that the main body of Burgoyne's army had marched away in the night for Fort Edward, leaving only a rear-guard in the camp, which was to march as soon as possible, leaving only their heavy baggage. On this, it was decided to advance, and attack the camp in half an hour ; and the officers repaired to their respective commands. Gen. Nixon's being the oldest brigade, crossed the creek first. Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had formed a line behind a parcel of brushwood, to support the park of artillery, where the attack was to be made. Gen. Glover was on the point of following Nixon ; just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier making across, whom he called and examined." The soldier was a deserter, and communicated the important fact, that the whole British army was in their encampment. Nixon was immediately stopped, and the inteUigence conveyed to Gen. Gates, who countermanded the order for the assault, and called back the troops, not without sustaining some loss from the British artillery.