Brookfield Town (part 3 of 18)

The plan, thus formed and partially matured, was a comprehensive and wise one. The want of guns for his men, and the diverse interests to be combined, forced a postponement ; the betrayal of his secrets by Sassamon and Waban disconcerted and weakened him, while it provoked him to do a vast act of revenge ; the impetuous zeal of his young braves in the premature attack on Swansey June 24th, exposed his plans, and gave the alarm ; and the sudden appearance of Capt. Moseley with his troop and his dogs, only four days after the butchery at Swansey - all combined to nip in the bud what had great promise of abundant fruits. The unity of design on which the strength of the movement depended, had been frustrated by treachery ; and the moral effect which should have attended a general simultaneous uprising of the tribes and clans, was lost.

The defeat of Philip's men by Moseley June 29th, the killing of two of his chief captains July ist, forced him to act on the defensive; and the opportune coming of Oneko [who in 1661 had led the assault on Quabaug, as see ante, p. 42] and his Mohegans, and a strong war party of Naticks, who in a sharp encounter killed Nimrod, a great captain and chief counsellor of Philip, and fourteen more of his principal men, besides many common warriors - effectually checked his career, discouraged his own followers, ahenated some of his trusted allies, and broke his power. The war of 1675-6 is known in history as King Philip's War ; and so it was in its inception and plan. But from the day of his flight from Pocasset swamp, Philip was not the commander-in-chief, nor the leading spirit ; nor is there evidence that he took part in any assault or battle. He abated nothing of haughtiness, and malice, and artful designs, and intrigue : but the wise in counsel and the leaders in battle, were the Quabaugs, the Nashaways and the Nipnets. '"'The fear of the colonists, indeed, made Philip the omnipresent arch-fiend who planned each cunning ambush, ordered each bloody massacre, and directed every incendiary torch ; the foremost in every attack, the most daring of his race. But the evidence of history fails to sustain these assumptions." - Hon. Geo. Sheldon.

After receiving information through Waban of Natick of Philip's warlike intentions, the Massachusetts authorities sent June 13, 1675, an embassy to the Nipnets and Quabaugs, to discover their leanings and prevent an alliance with the Wampanoag sachem. These messengers visited the Indian towns of Hassanamesit, Manchage, Chabonokongkomun, Quantisset, Wabaquasset, Maanexit, Pakachooge, with the ruler of each of which a satisfactory treaty was made - they " ingaging themselves not to assist Philip, but to hold subjection to the English of Mas-

Subscription Of Ruler Of Quae Aug

" The Ruler of Ouabage being examined by us, where his men were ; he said that they were at home. Then we asked him whether there were none of them gone to help King Philip to fight against the English of Plymouth ; he said No ; and neither would he help him, for he has been false to him already, and therefore I will not help him : but I will still continue our subjection unto the English of the Massachusetts Colony ; neither will I suffer any of my men to go to help him ; and in confirmation of the same I do set my hand, 25. 4. 75.

This subscription doubtless indicated the real sentiments of the older sachems of the several tribes ; but the engagement was probably a matter of poHcy rather than of purpose, and was made in opposition to the intentions of the young warriors. And at least four of these Rulers, viz.. Black James of Chabonokongkomun, Keehood of Wabaquasset, John of Pakachooge and Conkganasco of Quabaug were found among the enemy at Menameset, the middle of July. Nor is evidence wanting that an emissary of Philip had anticipated the English messengers, and that an alliance, offensive and defensive, had been formed with our tribes early in the spring.

But the Quabaugs had planted their cornfields, as usual ; and nothing had occurred in their villages to attract outside notice and excite suspicion of a hostile intent. By looking at the date of the last paper, it will be seen that the war was actually opened, by the assault of Philip's men on Swansey, the day before said date, viz., June 24. The news would reach Quabaug in two days ; and probably our young warriors immediately (but secretly) left the Indian hill, Wekabaug, and Quabaug pond settlements, and concentrated at the Menameset towns, leaving behind the old men, women and children, and thus masking their purposes from the Brookfield men, as well as from the spies sent from Boston two weeks later.

Not being quite satisfied, it would appear, with the pledges made by the Indian Rulers June 25 (though in ignorance of what had actually happened here), the Massachusetts Governor and Council sent Ephraim Curtis' of Sudbury, a brave and trusted guide and messenger, with instructions " to make a perfect discovery of the motions of the Nipmug or Western Indians." His "Return and Relation" is dated July 16, 1675. It h^s value as an accurate picture of the condition of things

' Ephraim Curtis was son of Henry of Sudbury, 33 years old, a carpenter by trade; was noted for his intimate knowledge of the country; his quickness of comprehension, and cool courage; and his large acquaintance with the Indians, whose language he spoke fluently.

hereabouts, proving that the war spirit had pervaded all our interior tribes, and giving an insight into the purposes of the Quabaugs, and a prophecy of what was in store for the Brookfield settlers, and consequently is a material part of our history.

"... In my journey my chief endeavor was to inquire after the motions of the Indians. The first information which I had was that my house at Quansigamug was robbed : The Indians to confirm it showed me some of the goods. And also some other goods which was none of mine ; they told me it was very dangerous for me to go into the woods, for that Mattoonas which they said was the leader of them that robbed my house was in company with fifty of Philip's complices ranging between Chabongonkamug and Quanteseck and Mendum and Warwick, and they might happen to meet me ; and if I missed them yet it was dangerous to meet or see the other Nipmug Indians which were gathered together, for they would be ready to shoot me as soon as they saw me. With this news those three Natick Indians which were with me as volunteers, were discouraged, and told me that if I did not provide more company, they were not willing to go with me. Hearing this, I repaired to the constable at Marlboro and to the military officers and told them my business; and they pressed two men with horses and arms to go along with me. And so as we passed the forementioned place [Hassanameset] we could not find any Indians neither in tents nor fields ; but after we passed Senecksik some miles into the woods westward we found an Indian path newly made ; there being with me a volunteer Indian that come from the Indians out of the wilderness but two or three days before, and he told me he would find them out: so in our travel we followed this track many miles. And found many tents built wherein I suppose they might keep the rendezvous for a day or two. And so we found three places where they had pitched, but found no Indians. i And following still in pursuit of the track we came to the leadmines by Springfield old road [see ante, p. 25], where we saw new footing of Indians. And so looking out sharp, in about two miles riding we saw two Indians, which when we saw, I sent the Indian that went with me from Marlboro to speak with them : but so soon as they had discovered us, they ran away from us : but with fast riding and much calling two of our Indians stopped one of them, the other ran away. We asked this Indian where the other Indians were : he being surprised with fear could scarcely speak to us, but only told us that the Indians were but a little way from us : So I sent the Marlboro Indian before to tell them that the Governor of Massachusetts his messenger was coming with peaceable words ; but when he came to them they would not believe him ; he therefore came riding back and met us.

"These Indians have newly begun to settle themselves upon an Island containing about four acres of ground, being compassed round with a broad mirey swamp on the one side, and a muddy river with meadow on both sides of it on the other side, and but only one place that a horse could pos-

' These new trails and temporary tents were the work of the war parties of Wabbaquassels, Maanexits and Nipnets, who were gathering for the fray, and making towards Menameset. And this account goes to confirm my inference that the Quabaugs removed to Menameset as early as July i.

sibly pass, and there with a great deal of difficulty by reason of the mire and dirt. Before we came to the river there met us at least forty Indians at a little distance from the river, some with their guns in their hands ready cocked and primed. As we came near to the river most of them next to the river presented at us: all my acquaintance would not know me, although I saw near 20 of them together, and asked their welfare, knowing that many of them could speak good English. I spoke to many of them in the Governor's name which I called my Master the Great Sachem of the Massachusetts English, requiring them to own the fidehty and engagement to the English, telling them that I came not to fight with them or to hurt them, but as a messenger from the Governor to put them in mind of their engagement to the English. 1 think some of them did believe me, but the most of them would not. There was a very great uproar amongst them ; some of them would have had me and my company presently killed, but many others, as I understood afterwards, were against it. I required their sachems to come over the river, but they refused, saying that I must come over to them. My company were something unwilling, for they thought themselves in very great danger where we were ; then they said, what shall we be when we come over the river amongst all the vile rout. I told them we had better never have seen them than not to speak with their sachems ; and if we ran from them in the time of this tumult, they would shoot after us, and kill some of us : So with much difficulty we got over the river and meadow to the Island where they stood to face us at our coming out of the mire: many Indians with their guns presented at us ready cocked and primed ; so we rushed between them, and called for their sachem ; they presently faced about and went to surround us, we rushed between them once or twice, and bid them stand in a body, and I would face them ; but still the uproar continued with such noise that the air rang. I required them to lay down their arms, and they commanded us to put up our arms first and come off our horses, which I refused to do. Some of them which were inclinable to believe us or were our friends some laid down their arms, but the others continued the uproar for a while ; and with much threatening and persuasion, at last the uproar ceased. Many of them said they would neither believe me nor my master, without he would send them two or three bushels of powder. At length I spoke with their sachems, which were five, and other grandees, which I think were about twelve more. Our Natick Indians seemed to be very industrious all this time to still the tumult and so persuade the Indians. And as soon as I came to speak with the sachems, we dismounted and put up our arms. I had a great deal of speech with them by an interpreter, being brought to their Court and sent out again three or four times. The names of the sachems are these - i. Muttaump, 2. Konkewasco, 3. Willymachen, 4. Upchattuck, 5. Keehood, 6. Noncatonsoo. Muttaump I perceive is chosen to be head over the other five, and was the chief speaker. Their company in numbers I judge to be near two hundred of men. They would fain have had me to stay all night : I asked the reason of some that could speak English ; they said that they had some messengers at Connectiqut and some southward, and that was the reason they would have me stay.

I asked them the reason of their rude behavior towards us. And they said they heard that the English had killed a man of theirs about Merrymak river, and that they had an intent to destroy them all. I left them well appeased when I came away. More might be added ; but thus far this is a true relation.

Of the Indian sachems above named, Muttaump was a Quabaug, the same whose name is written Mettawomppe in the Brookfield deed of 1665, and who without doubt was leader in the ambush of Capts. Hutchinson and Wheeler, and the siege of Brookfield, and was one of the shrewdest and bravest plotters and warriors of the war ; Konkewasco was also a Qaubaug sachem ; Upchattuck was a Nashaway chieftain, commonly known as Sagamore Sam ; Keehood and Noncatonsoo were Wabbaquassets.

This " Return and Relation " evidently surprised and alarmed the Governor and Council. They were unprepared to learn of the widespread disaffection among the natives, and especially of the strong combination already formed by the western clans. And the full significance of Curtis' Relation is seen when we recall the fact that two days before (July 14) and at the very time when he was in conference with the Indians at Menameset, a war party had surprised the town of Mendon, only 30 miles from Boston, and killed five men who were at work in the field.

Immediately the authorities despatched Curtis on a second visit to Brookfield and Menameset, with a message to the Indians and letters to Major Pynchon. He returned to Boston July 24 and made this Report :

"... I proceeded according to your order in my journey to the Indians, and going through Brookfield, I delivered your letters directed to Maj. Pynchon to the constable of Brookfield. From this went directly to the Indians, and found them at the same place where they were before. We sent one Indian before us to give an account of our coming : at which they made a great shoat. When we came to the river we called to have the Sachems come over to us. The reply was made to us that if we had any business to them we must come over to them ; and when we understood that they would not come to us we went to them. I first asked for the chief speaker Muttaump ; they told us he was at present gone from them, but might be spoken withal, it may be the next day. We then required to see the Sachems that were there. And these appeared, Keehood, Willymachen, John Apeckgonas and Samuel sachem of Washakim, with whom we treated. We had pretty good quarter with them. There was no abuse offered to us. I read your Honor's letter deliberately to them. They seemed to accept of it very well. They promised that Keehood and one more of their principal men would come to the Massachusetts Bay within four or five days, and speak our Great Sachem. Many questions they asked of us to which we answered ; but in the close of all we told them that if they were not satisfied, if Muttaump and Keehood, or some of their principal men would come to the Bay, our Great Sachem would use them kindly, and well fill their bellies, and answer all their questions. We asked them why they were so abusive the last time. They said that Black James the constable of Chabonagonkamug had told them that the English would kill them all without any exception, because they were not Praying Indians. - When we were come back about 12 miles, one of our Indians told us that there was one man there which had been with Philip, and was come there three days before us, and had brought English goods with him which they thought he had robbed the English of. We asked him why he had not told us of it while we were there. He said he did not know of it while we were come over the river, but we rather judge he concealed it through fear that we would make a disturbance for that man's sake. This is the substance of what I have to acquaint your Honors withal.

The sachems at Menameset promised to go to Boston " within four or five days," and speak with the Great Sachem of the English. But without waiting the expiration of this stipulated time, the Governor and Council met July 26, and passed an order " to send for Capt. Thomas Wheeler of Concord and 20 of his Troop to be here at Boston with the Governor and Council at 10 in the morning." And on his prompt arrival, the following commission was issued :

The Council beeing informed y' the Narraganset Indians are come downe with about 100 Armed men into the Nipmuck Country, Do Order you Capt. Edward Hutchinson, - to take with you Capt. Thomas Wheeler 3 & his party of horse with Ephraim Curtis for a guide and a sufficient interpreter, & forthwith to repair into those parts, and there labour to get a right understanding of the motions of the Narraganset Indians & of the Indians of Nipmuck : and for that end to demand of the leaders of ye Narraganset Indians an acc'ot of y^ grounds of their marching into y' country, & require to understand the orders of their Sachems. And also to demand an Account of the Nipmuck Indians why they have not sent downe their Sagamore according to their promise unto or messenger Ephraim Curtis -

- Capt. E. Hutchinson was the eldest son of William and Ann, and came to America in Sept. 1633. He owned a large farm in the Indian country, and had employed the natives to work on his lands, and consequently was personally known to many of them. He appears to have been popular with the Indians, was experienced in military matters, trusted by the colonial authorities, had been sent several times to treat with different tribes, and was but lately returned from negotiating a treaty with the Narragansets.

3 Thomas Wheeler belonged to Concord; was admitted freeman 1642; at the organization of the company of Horse in 1669, composed of men from C. and adjoining towns, he was chosen captain, and with his company was often in the public service. He died Dec. lo, 1676. His wife was Ruth Wood, daughter of William. His son Thomas, who saved his father's life at the ambuscade, died Jan. 17, 1676-7.

And further let know yt wee are informed that there are some among them yt have actually joyned with our enemies in the murder & spoy'^ made upon the English by Philip, And that Mattoonas & his Complices who have Robbed & murdered our people about Mendon are now among ym. And y' wee require them to deliver up to you or forthwith bring in to us those our enemies, otherwise wee must looke at them to bee no friends to us, but ayders and abettors - and unto all these things you shall require their expresse answer : & as soon as you have dispatched the affayre, you are to returne home & give us an acct.. So desiring the Lord's presence with you & in prosecution of this affayre if you should meet with any Indians that stand in opposition to you or declare ymselves to be yo'' enemies then you are ordered to ingage with them if you see reason for it, & endeav to reduce y" by force of Arms." '

The course and final result of this expedition, sent forth with a confidence approaching to boastfulness, is best told in the plain narrative of Capt. Wheeler, written in the fall of that year (1675) ^'^^ published soon after.

Capt. Thomas Wheeler'S Narrative

A Trjie Narrative Of the LorcTs Providences in various dispensations towards Captain Edward Hutchinson of Boston and my self and those that went with us into the Nipmuck Country, and also to Quabaug, alias Brookfield. The said Captain Hutchinson having a Commission from the Honoured Cotoicil of this Colony to Treat with several Sachems in those parts, in order to the publick peace and my self being also ordered by the said Council to accompany him with part of my Troop for Security from any datiger that might be from the Indians : attd to Assist him in the Tratisaction of fnatters committed to him.

The said Captain Hutchinson, and myself, with about twenty men or more marched from Cambridge to Sudbury, July 28, 1675 ; and from thence into the Nipmuck Country, and finding that the Indians had deserted their towns, and we having gone until we came within two miles of New Norwich, on July 31, (only we saw two Indians having an horse with them, whom we would have spoke with, but they fled from us and left their horse, which we took,) we then thought it not expedient to march any further that way, but set our march for Brookfield, whither we came on the Lord's day about noon. From thence the same day, (being August i,) we understanding that the Indians were about ten miles north west from us, we sent out four men to acquaint the Indians that we were not come to harm them, but our business was only to deliver a Message from our Honored Governor and Council to them, and to receive their answer, we desiring to come to a Treaty of Peace with them, (though they had for several days fled from us,) they having before professed friendship, and promised fidelity to the English. When the messengers came to them they made an alarm, and gathered together about an hundred and fifty fighting men as near as they could judge. The young men amongst them were stout in their speeches, and surly in their carriage. But at length some of the chief Sachems promised to meet us on the next morning about 8 of the clock upon a plain within three miles of Brookfield, with which answer the messengers returned to us. Whereupon, though their speeches and carriage did much discourage divers of our company, yet we conceived that we had a clear call to go to meet them at the place whither they had promised to come. Accordingly we with our men accompanied with three of the principal inhabitants of that town marched to the plain appointed; but the treacherous heathen intending mischief, (if they could have opportunity,) came not to the said place, and so failed our hopes of speaking with them there. Whereupon the said Captain Hutchinson and myself, with the rest of our Company, considered what was best to be done, whether we should go any further towards them or return, divers of us apprehending much danger in case we did proceed, because the Indians kept not promise there with us. But the three men who belonged to Brookfield were so strongly persuaded of their freedom from any ill intentions towards us, (as upon other grounds, so especially because the greatest part of those Indians belonged to David, one of their chief Sachems, who was taken to be a great friend to the English :) that the said Captain Hutchinson who was principally intrusted with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby encouraged to proceed and march forward towards a Swamp where the Indians then were. When we came near the said Swamp, the way was so very bad that we could march only in a single file, there being a very rocky hill on the right hand, and a thick swamp on the left, in which there were many of those cruel blood-thirsty heathen, who there way laid us, waiting an opportunity to cut us off ; there being also much brush on the side of the said hill, where they lay in ambush to surprize us. When we had marched there about sixty or seventy rods, the said perfidious Indians sent out their shot upon us as a shower of hail, they being, (as was supposed,) about two hundred men or more. We seeing ourselves so beset, and not having room to fight, endeavored to fly for the safety of our lives. In which flight we were in no small danger to be all cut off, there being a very miry swamp before us, into which we could not enter with our horses to go forwards, and there being no safety in retreating the way we came, because many of their company, who lay behind the bushes, and had let us pass by them quietly ; when others had shot, they came out, and stopt our way back, so that we were forced as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill ; but the greater our danger was, the greater was God's mercy in the preservation of so many of us from sudden destruction. Myself being gone up part of the hill without any hurt, and perceiving some of my men to be fallen by the enemies' shot, I wheeled about upon the Indians, not calling on my men who were left to accompany me, which they in all probability would have done had they known of my return upon the enemy. They fired violently out of the swamp, and from behind the bushes on the hill side wounded me sorely, and shot my horse under me, so that he faultering and falling, I was forced to leave him, divers of the Indians being then but a few rods distant from me. My son Thomas Wheeler flying with the rest of the company missed me amongst them, and fearing that I was either slain or much en- dangered, returned towards the swamp again, though he had then received a dangerous wound in the reins, where he saw me in the danger aforesaid. Whereupon, he endeavored to rescue me, shewing himself therein a loving and dutiful son, he adventuring himself into great peril of his life to help me in that distress, there being many of the enemies about me, my son set me on his own horse, and so escaped a while on foot himself, until he caught an horse whose rider was slain, on which he mounted, and so through God's great mercy we both escaped. But in this attempt for my deliverance he received another dangerous wound by their shot in his left arm. There were then slain to our great grief eight men, viz. - Zechariah Phillips of Boston, Timothy Farlow, of Billericay, Edward Coleborn, of Chelmsford, Samuel Smedly, of Concord, Sydrach Hapgood, of Sudbury, Serjeant Eyres, Serjeant Prichard, and Corporal Coy, the inhabitants of Brookfield, aforesaid. It being the good pleasure of God, that they should all there fall by their hands, of whose good intentions they were so confident, and whom they so little mistrusted. There were also then five persons wounded, viz. - Captain Hutchinson, myself, and my son Thomas, as aforesaid. Corporal French, of Billericay, who having killed an Indian, was (as he was taking up his gun) shot, and part of one of his thumbs taken off, and also dangerously wounded through the body near the shoulder; the fifth was John Waldoe, of Chelmsford, who was not so dangerously wounded as the rest. They also then killed five of our horses, and wounded some more, which soon died after they came to Brookfield. Upon this sudden and unexpected blow given us, (wherein we desire to look higher than man the instrument,) we returned to the town as fast as the badness of the way, and the weakness of our wounded men would permit, we being then ten miles from it. All the while we were going, we durst not stay to stanch the bleeding of our wounded men, for fear the enemy should have surprized us again, which they attempted to do, and had in probability done, but that we perceiving which way they went, wheeled off to the other hand, and so by God's good providence towards us, they missed us, and we all came readily upon, and safely to the town, though none of us knew the way to it, those of the place being slain, as aforesaid, and we avoiding any thick woods and riding in open places to prevent danger by them. Being got to the town, we speedily betook ourselves to one of the largest and strongest houses therein, where we fortified ourselves in the best manner we could in such straits of time, and there resolved to keep garrison, though we were but few, and meanly fitted to make resistance against so furious enemies. The news of the Indians' treacherous dealing with us, and the loss of so many of our company thereby, did so amaze the inhabitants of the town, that they being informed thereof by us, presently left their houses, divers of them carrying very little away with them, they being afraid of the Indians sudden coming upon them ; and so came to the house we were entered into, very meanly provided of cloathing or furnished with provisions.

I perceiving myself to be disenabled for the discharge of the duties of my place by reason of the wound I had received, and apprehending that the enemy would soon come to spoil the town and assault us in the house, I appointed Simon Davis, of Concord, James Richardson, and John Fiske of

Capt. Wheeler'S Narrative

Chelmsford, to manage affairs for our safety with those few men whom God hath left us, and were fit for any service, and the inhabitants of the said town ; who did well and commendably perform the duties of the trust committed to them with much courage and resolution through the assistance of our gracious God, who did not leave us in our low and distressed state, but did mercifully appear for us in our greatest need, as in the sequel will clearly be manifested. Within two hours after our coming to the said house, or less, the said Captain Hutchinson and myself posted away Ephraim Curtis, of Sudbury, and Henry Young, of Concord, to go to the Honored Council at Boston, to give them an account of the Lord's dealing with us, and our present condition. When they came to the further end of the town they saw the enemy rifling of houses which the inhabitants had forsaken. The post fired upon them, and immediately returned to us again, they discerning no safety in going forward and being desirous to inform us of the enemies' actings, that we might the more prepare for a sudden assault by them. Which indeed presently followed, for as soon as the said post was come back to us, the barbarous heathen pressed upon us in the house with great violence, sending in their shot amongst us like hail, through the walls, and shouting as if they would have swallowed us up alive ; but our good God wrought wonderfully for us, so that there was but one man wounded within the house, viz. - the said Henry Young, who, looking out of the garret window that evening, was mortally wounded by a shot, of which wound he died within two days after. There was the same day another man slain, but not in the house ; a son of Serjeant Pritchard's adventuring out of the house wherein we were, to his father's house not far from it, to fetch more goods out of it, was caught by these cruel enemies as they were coming towards us, who cut off his head, kicking it about like a foot-ball, and then putting it upon a pole, they set it up before the door of his father's house in our sight.

The night following the said blow, they did roar against us like so many wild bulls, sending in their shot amongst us till towards the moon rising, which was about three of the clock; at which time they attempted to fire our house by hay and other combustible matter which they brought to one corner of the house, and set it on fire. Whereupon some of our company were necessitated to expose themselves to very great danger to put it out. Simon Davis, one of the three appointed by myself as Captain, to supply my place by reason of my wounds, as aforesaid, he being of a lively spirit encouraged the soldiers within the house to fire upon the Indians ; and also those that adventured out to put out the fire, (which began to rage and kindle upon the house side,) with these and the like words, that God is with us, and fights for us, and will deliver us out of the hands of these heathen; which expressions of his the Indians hearing, they shouted and scoffed, saying : now see how your God delivers you, or will deliver you, sending in many shots whilst our men were putting out the fire. But the Lord of Hosts wrought very graciously for us, in preserving our bodies both within and without the house from their shot, and our house from being consumed by fire, we had but two men wounded in that attempt of theirs, but we apprehended that we killed divers of our enemies. I being desirous to hasten intelligence to the Honored Council, of our present great distress, we being so remote from any succor, (it being between sixty and seventy miles from us to Boston, where the Council useth to sit,) and fearing our ammunition would not last long to withstand them, if they continued so to assault us, I spake to Ephraim Curtis to adventure forth again on that service, and to attempt it on foot, as the way wherein there was most hope of getting away undiscovered; he readily assented, and accordingly went out, but there were so many Indians every where thereabouts, that he could not pass, without apparent hazard of life, so he came back again, but towards morning the said Ephraim adventured forth the third time, and was fain to creep on his hands and knees for some space of ground, that he might not be discerned by the enemy, who waited to prevent our sending if they could have hindered it. But through God's mercy he escaped their hands, and got safely to Marlborough, though very much spent, and ready to faint by reason of want of sleep before he went liom us, and his sore travel night and day in that hot season till he got thither, from whence he went to Boston ; yet before the said Ephraim got to Marlborough, there was intelligence brought thither of the burning of some houses, and killing some cattle at Quabaug, by some who were going to Connecticut, but they seeing what was done at the end of the town, and hearing several guns shot off further within the town, they durst proceed no further, but immediately returned to Marlborough, though they then knew not what had befallen Captain Hutchinson and myself, and company, nor of our being there, but that timely intelligence they gave before Ephraim Curtis his coming to Marlborougli, occasioned the Honored Major Willard's turning his march towards Quabaug, for their relief who were in no small danger every hour of being destroyed; the said Major being, when he had that intelligence, upon his march another way, as he was ordered by the Honored Council, as is afterwards more fully expressed.

The next day being August 3d, they continued shooting and shouting, and proceeded in their former wickedness, blaspheming the name of the Lord, and reproaching us, his afflicted servants, scoffing at our prayers as they were sending in their shot upon all quarters of the house, and many of them went to the town's meeting house, (which was within twenty rods of the house in which we were) who mocked saying, come and pray, and sing psalms, and in contempt made an hideous noise somewhat resembling singing. But we, to our power, did endeavour our defence, sending our shot amongst them, the Lord giving us courage to resist them, and preserving us from the destruction they sought to bring upon us. On the evening following, we saw our enemies carrying several of their dead or wounded men on their backs, who proceeded that night to send in their shot, as they had done the night before, and also still shouted as if the day had been certainly theirs, and they should without fail, have prevailed against us, which they might have the more hopes of in regard that we discerned the coming of new companies to them to assist and strengthen them, and the unlikelihood of any coming to our help. They also used several stratagems to fire us, namely, by wild fire in cotton and linen rags with brimstone in them, which rags they tyed to the piles of their arrows, sharp for the purpose, and shot them to the roof of our house, after they had set them on fire, which would have much endangered the burning thereof, had we not used means by cutting holes through the roof, and otherwise, to beat the said arrows down, and God being pleased to prosper our endeavors therein. - They carried more combustible matter, as flax and hay, to the sides of the house, and set it on fire, and then flocked apace towards the door of the house, either to prevent our going forth to quench the fire, as we had done before, or to kill our men in their attempt to go forth, or else to break into the house by the door ; whereupon we were forced to break down the wall of the house against the fire to put it out. They also shot a ball of wild fire into the garret of the house, which fell amongst a great heap of flax or tow therein, which one of our soldiers, through God's good Providence espyed, and having water ready presently quenched it ; and so we were preserved by the keeper of Israel, both our bodies from their shot, which they sent thick against us, and the house from being consumed to ashes, although we were but weak to defend ourselves, we being not above twenty and six men with those of that small town, who were able for any service, and our enemies, as I judged them about, (if not above) three hundred, I speak of the least, for many there present did guess them to be four or five hundred. It is the more to be observed, that so little hurt should be done by the enemies' shot, it commonly piercing the walls of the house, and flying amongst the people, and there being in the house fifty women and children besides the men before mentioned. But abroad in the yard, one Thomas Wilson of that town, being sent to fetch water for our help in further need, (that which we had being spent in putting out the fire,) was shot by the enemy in the upper jaw and in the neck, the anguish of which wound was such at the first that he cried out with a great noise, by reason whereof the Indians hearing him rejoiced, and triumphed at it ; but his wound was healed in a short time, praised be God.

On Wednesday, August the 4'h. the Indians fortified themselves at the meeting house, and the barn, belonging to our house, which they fortified both at the great doors, and at both ends, with posts, rails, boards, and hay, to save themselves from our shot. They also devised other stratagems, to fire our house, on the night following, namely, they took a cart, and filled it with flax, hay and candlewood, and other combustible matter, and set up planks, fastened to the cart, to save themselves from the danger of our shot. Another invention they had to make the more sure work in burning the house. They got many poles of a considerable length and bigness, and spliced them together at the ends one of another, and made a carriage of them about fourteen rods long, setting the poles in two rows, with peils laid crossover them at the front end, and dividing them said poles about three foot asunder, and in the said front of this their carriage they set a barrel, having made an hole through both heads, and put an axle-tree through them, to which they fastened the said poles, and under every joint of the poles where they were spliced, they set up a pair of truckle wheels to bear up the said carriages, and they loaded the front or fore-end thereof with matter fit for firing, as hay, and flax, and chips, &c. Two of these instruments they prepared, that they might convey fire to the house, with the more safety to themselves, they standing at such a distance from our shot, whilst they wheeled them to the house : great store of arrows they had also prepared to shoot fire upon the house that night ; which we found after they were gone, they having left them there. But the Lord who is a present help in times of trouble, and is pleased to make his people's extremity his opportunity, did graciously prevent them of effecting what they hoped they should have done by the aforesaid devices, partly by sending a shower of rain in season, whereby the matter prepared being wet would not so easily take fire as it otherwise would have done, and partly by aid coming to our help. For our danger would have been very great that night, had not the only wise God (blessed forever) been pleased to send to us about an hour within night the worshipful Major Willard with Captain Parker of Groton, and forty-six men more with five Indians to relieve us in the low estate into which we were brought; our eyes were unto him the holy one of Israel ; in him we desired to place our trust, hoping that he would in the time of our great need appear for our deliverance, and confound all their plots by which they thought themselves most sure to prevail against us ; and God who comforteth the afflicted ; as he comforted the holy apostle Paul by the coming of Titus to him, so he greatly comforted us his distressed servants both soldiers and town inhabitants, by the coming of the said Honored Major, and those with him. In whose so soon coming to us the good providence of God did marvellously appear ; for the help that came to us by the Honored Councils' order (after the tidings they received by our post sent to them) came not to us till Saturday August 7, in the afternoon, nor sooner could it well come in regard of their distance from us, i.e. if we had not had help before that time, we see not how we could have held out, the number of the Indians so increasing, and they making so many assaults upon us, that our ammunition before that time would have been spent, and ourselves disenabled for any resistance, we being but few, and always fain to stand upon our defence ; that we had little time for refreshment of ourselves either by food or sleep; the said Honored Major's coming to us so soon was thus occasioned; he had a commission from the Honored Council (of which himself was one) to look after some Indians to the west-ward of Lancaster and Groton, (where he himself lived) and to secure them, and was upon his march towards them on the aforesaid Wednesday in the morning, August 4'.!}, when tidings coming to Marlborough by those that returned thither as they were going to Connecticut, concerning what they saw at Brookfield as aforesaid, some of Marlborough knowing of the said Major's march from Lancaster that morning, presently sent a post to acquaint him with the information they had received ; the Major was gone before the post came to Lancaster; but there was one speedily sent after him, who overtook him about five or six miles from the said town ; he being acquainted, that it was feared, that Brookfield (a small town of about fifteen or sixteen families) was either destroyed or in great danger thereof, and conceiving it to require more speed to succour them (if they were not past help) than to proceed at present, as he before intended, and being also very desirous (if it were possible) to afford relief to them, (he being then not above thirty miles from them,) he immediately altered his course and marched with his company toward us ; and came to us about an hour after it was dark as aforesaid ; though he knew not then, either of our

The merciful providence of God also appeared in preventing the danger that the Honored Major and his company might have been in, when they came near us, for those beastly men, our enemies, skilful to destroy, endeavored to prevent any help from coming to our relief, and therefore sent down sentinels, (some nearer and some further off) the furtherest about two miles from us, who if they saw any coming from the Bay they might give notice by an alarm. And there were about an hundred of them who for the most part kept at an house some little distance from us, by which if any help came from the said Bay, they must pass, and so they intended (as we conceive) having notice by their sentinels of their approach to way-lay them, and if they could, to cut them off before they came to the house where we kept.

But as we probably guess, they were so intent and busy in preparing their instruments (as abovesaid) for our destruction by fire, that they were not at the house where they used to keep for the purpose aforesaid, and that they heard not their sentinels when they shot ; and so the Major's way was clear from danger till he came to our house. And that it was their purpose so to have fallen upon him, or any other coming to us at that house, is the more probable in that (as we have since had intelligence from some of the Indians themselves) there were a party of them at another place who let him pass by them without the least hurt or opposition, waiting for a blow to be given him at the said house, and then they themselves to fall upon them in the rear, as they intended to have done with us at the swamp, in case we had fled back as before expressed. The Major and company were no sooner come to the house, and understood (though at first they knew not they were English who were in the house, but thought that they might be Indians, and therefore were ready to have shot at us, till we discerning they were English by the Major's speaking, I caused the trumpet to be sounded) that the said Captain Hutchinson, myself, and company with the town's inhabitants were there, but the Indians also discerned that there were some come to our assistance, whereupon they spared not their shot, but poured it out on them : but through the Lord's goodness, though they stood not far asunder one from another, they killed not one man, wounded only two of his company ; and killed the Major's son's horse ; after that, we within the house perceived the Indians shooting so at them, we hastened the Major and all his company into the house as fast as we could, and their horses into a little yard before the house, where they wounded five other horses that night ; after they were come into the house to us, the enemies continued their shooting some considerable time, so that we may well say, had not the Lord been on our side when those cruel heathens rose up against us, they had then swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us. But wherein they dealt proudly, the Lord was above them.

When they saw their divers designs unsuccessful, and their hopes therein disappointed, they then fired the house and barn (wherein they had before kept to lie in wait to surprise any coming to us) that by the light thereof they might the better direct their shot at us, but no hurt was done thereby, praised be the Lord. And not long after they burnt the meeting house wherein their fortifications were, as also the barn, which belonged to our house, and so perceiving more strength come to our assistance, they did, as we suppose, despair of effecting any more mischief against us. And therefore the greatest part of them, towards the breaking of the day, August the fifth, went away and left us, and we were quiet from any further molestations by them ; and on the morning we went forth of the house without danger, and so daily afterwards, only one man was wounded about two days after, as he was out to look after horses, by some few of them skulking thereabouts. We cannot tell how many of them were killed, in all that time, but one that was afterwards taken, confessed that there were killed and wounded, about eighty men or more. Blessed be the Lord God of our salvation, who kept us from being all a prey to their teeth. But before they went away they burnt all the town except the house we kept in, and another that was not then finished. They also made great spoil of the cattle belonging to the inhabitants ; and after our entrance into the house, and during the time of our confinement there, they either killed or drove away almost all the horses of our company.

We continued there, both well and wounded, towards a fortnight, and August the 10'.'} Capt. Hutchinson and myself with the men there that had escaped without hurt, and also some of the wounded, came from them ; my son Thomas and some other wounded men, came not from them, being not then able to endure travelling so far as from thence to the next town, till about a fortnight afterwards. We came to Marlborough on August the I4th^ when Capt. Hutchinson being not recovered of his wounds before his coming from Brookfield, and over-tired with his long journey, by reason of his weakness, soon after grew worse, and more dangerously ill, and on the 19th day of the same month, died, and was there the next day after buried ; - the Lord being pleased to deny him a return to his own habitation, and his relatives at Boston, though he was come the greatest part of his journey thitherward. The inhabitants of the town also, not long after, men, women, and children, removed safely with what they had left, to several places, either where they had lived before their planting or setting down there, or where they had relatives to receive and entertain them. The Honored Major Willard stayed at Brookfield some weeks after our coming away, there being several companies of soldiers sent up thither and to Hadley, and the towns thereabouts, which are about thirty miles from Brookfield, whither also the Major went for a time upon the service of the country in the present war, and from whence there being need of his presence for the ordering of matters concerning his own regiment, and the safety of the towns belonging to it, he through God's goodness and mercy returned in safety to his home and dear relatives at Groton.

Thus I have endeavored to set down and declare both what the Lord did against us in the loss of several persons' lives, and the wounding of others, some of which wounds were very painful in dressing, and long ere they were healed, besides many dangers we were in, and fears we were exercised with ; and also what great things He was pleased to do for us, in frustrating their many attempts, and vouchsafing such a deliverance to us. The Lord avenge the blood that has been shed by these heathen who hate us without a cause, though he be most righteous in all that hath befallen us there, and all other parts of the country, he help us to humble ourselves before him, and with our whole hearts, to return to him, and also to improve all his mercies, which we still enjoy, that so his anger may cease towards us, and he may be pleased either to make our enemies at peace with us, or may destroy them before us. I tarried at Marlborough with Capt. Hutchinson until his death, and came iiere to Concord August 21 (though not then quite recovered of my wound) and so did others that went with me. But since I am reasonably well, though I have not the use of my hand and arm as before : my son Thomas, though in great hazard of his life for some time after his return to Concord, yet is now very well cured, and his strength well restored ! Oh, that we could praise the Lord for his great goodness towards us, that he was pleased to spare so many of us, and add unto our days : he help us whose souls he hath delivered from death and eyes from tears, and feet from falling, to walk before him in the land of the living, till our great change come, and to sanctify his name in all his ways about us, that our afiflictions and our mercies may guide us to live more to his glory all our days."

From contemporary documents we are able to add to this Narrative some particulars which have historical value, and which help to fill out the dark picture, i. The three Brookfield men and the five soldiers who were slain in the ambuscade, were left unburied. Mather, in his " Brief History " says : " The English were not in a capacity to look after their dead, but those dead bodies were left as meat to the Fowls of heaven, and their ilesh unto the Beasts of the earth, and there was none to bury them." 2. A special interest attaches to the three Indians who were chosen as interpreters and guides to Capt. Hutchinson and Wheeler. One of these was George Memicho, a Christian Indian of Natick, and a man of some education, good general information and tried courage, who was true to the English, and was employed in important embassies ; he was taken prisoner by Mettawamppe's men, and confined at one of the Menameset towns, but found means to escape, and, says Gookm^ " came home afterwards and brought good inteUigence." Having been a participant in the Fight in the narrow defile, and carried thence to the Indian stronghold on the Ware river, his testimony as to locations and distances is reliable, and helps materially to fix the place where the Ambush was laid. He was present when Philip came to Menameset, and gives authentic details as to his forlorn condition and feeble following. The other guides were two brothers, Joseph and Sampson, sons of old Robin Petuhanit, a faithful Christian Indian, deceased, who had been Ruler at Hassanamesit. In 1674, Sampson was teacher at Wabbaquasset, and Joseph was teacher at Chabonakongkomun. They had been under Mr. EHot's instruction, were intimately acquainted with the Indian country and tribes ; and on this expedition " acquitted themselves courageously and faithfully," and by their care and skilful conduct guided Capt. Wheeler and the remnant of his company through a bytrail safely back to Brookfield. But for them, the whole Troop must, in all human probability, have been cut off. " But, notwithstanding all this and previous service they were, with others of our Christian Indians, through the harsh dealings of some English, in a manner constrained, for want of shelter, protection and encouragement, to fall off to the enemy, at Hassanamesit ; and one of them, viz. Sampson, was slain in fight by some scouts of our praying Indians, about Wachusett ; and the other, Joseph, taken prisoner in Plymouth Colony, and sold for a slave to some merchants at Boston, and sent to Jamaica ; but upon the importunity of Mr. Eliot, was brought back again, but not released. \_Gooki}i''s History 7^ 3. From the description given by Capt. Wheeler, it is evident that the house where he and his company and the inhabitants took refuge, was Sergt. Ayres' tavern. It stood near the spot where D. H. Richardson's dwelling house now stands. The well, which must have been close by the door, is now covered with a flat stone.' It was nearest the centre and was " the largest and strongest house " in the town. xA. hasty attempt was made to fortify the building by setting up logs and planks against the outside, and hanging feather beds before the windows on the inside. From the fact that " the enemies' shot pierced the walls and flew amongst the inmates," it would appear that the house had only the ordinary board covering and finish ; and the preservation of so many lives from the Indian bullets during the siege, can be accounted for only as Capt. Wheeler expresses it - " we were preserved by the Keeper of Israel." 4. The total number of persons confined in that house during the siege, as near as can be ascertained, was eighty-two. Capt. Wheeler says he had twenty-six able men, i.e., thirteen of his soldiers, and thirteen citizens ; and in addition there were six wounded men, and " fifty women and children." The plain story, as told by Capt. Wheeler, narrating the events of those three sultry August nights and days, conveys perhaps the best impression possible to be gained, of the anxiety, and sufferings and horrible forebodings of the crowded inmates of that beleagueied house ! Without, the smoking ruins of their homes, and the horde of yelling savages bent on their destruction, and cunning to devise the readiest means : within, a scanty supply of food - sleepless watch- door-yard, of which the oldest inhabitant can give no account except that they had been told, it belonged to the fortified house. A few feet north of the well, the ground when [formerly] cultivated as a garden was unproductive, and it was difficult to see any reason for the barrenness. On examination, however, it was found that a building had stood on the place. Several loads of stone, which had formed a cellar and chimney were removed, amongst which various instruments of iron and steel were found." - Note to Foot's Discourse.

Additional Incidents. 9 1

ing - hostile bullets constantly penetrating the walls - six severely wounded men and one of them dying, to be cared for - the stifling fumes of their own shots at the Indians - and in the confusion and straitened space, two wives giving birth each to twin infants ' - all combined, form the grouping of a picture, startling in its reality, and exceeded in darkness of coloring by few events in the annals of our Indian warfare ! 5. But relief came when they most needed it, and had no reason to look for it. The safe arrival of Maj. Willard and his Troop, at that critical juncture, considering all the circumstances as set forth in the Narrative, must be regarded as "providential." In Rev. Mr. Fiske's Historical Sermon, it is stated that " Maj. Willard's conduct in altering his course and coming to the relief of Brookfield, being dictated by humanity and executed with bravery and success, has gained him the applause of people in general. But as it was beside his orders, he was censured by the Court, and cashiered." This was a tradition, which is not confirmed by the facts. The Council's letter of Aug. 24 (hereafter quoted) is proof of their confidence. And it is matter of record, that he was continued in command of the garrison at Brookfield till about Sept. 8; and Nov. 8, was granted by the Court ^10 for this service. He certainly was continued in commission, and was in service through the winter, and as late as April 18. He died at Charlestown Apr. 24, 1676, while attending the Court of Assistants, of which he was a member. His age was 71. 6. All accounts agree that the Indian who planned and executed the ambuscade, and directed the siege of the town, was Muttaump or Mettawomppe (also written Mawtamps and Netaump) the Wekabaug sachem. He was ably seconded by One Eyed John, alias Apequinash, and Sagamore Sam, Nashaway sachems, Puckquahow the Wabbaquasset, and others, all of whom soon came into prominence, as leaders in the war. Of the number of Indians composing the assailing party, it is not unlikely that Capt. Wheeler's estimate is under rather than over the truth. Ephraim Curtis, whose judgment was reliable, put the numbers which he found gathered at Menameset on his first visit, "at near 200 of men." Capt. Henchman, who reached Wabbaquasset Aug. 3, found not one Indian, and was told by a straggler whom he captured, that the Indians were all gone to Squabauge. Capt. Wheeler set the number of besiegers present xAug. 3, at 300, and the next day speaks of them as "increasing in number." This is probable, as news of the success in Monday's ambush was sent to the Nonotucks at Hadley, who "made eleven triumphant shouts, as their manner is when they have slain their enemies" - so writes Rev. Mr.

' " During the time these people kept themselves in that house, two women were safely delivered of two sons apiece, who in a month's time brought them all themselves on foot to Boston, where they were plentifully relieved out of the church stock there." - Old Indian Chronicle.

Stoddard, and adds - "many went to Quabaug," who could easily have reached them on Wednesday, thus swelling the army of assaulters to not less than 400.' 7. The following list of Capt. Wheeler's company of horse, engaged in this expedition, has been prepared by Rev. George M. Bodge of East Boston.

Of the Brookfield men, Sergt. John Ayres, Sergt. Wm. Prichard and Corp. Richard Coy were killed in the ambuscade ; Wm. Prichard, Jr., was caught in his father's house by the savages at their first onset from the east, and killed ; and James Hovey, who lived still further to the east, is named in an official List, as among the killed. The circumstances of his death are not known.

The historical data by which this bloody tragedy can be definitely located, are few, but they are sufficient to furnish the necessary clews.

The fixed points from which distances will be calculated are i. The Brookfield town site, which is known; 2. Quabaug Old Fort, about the site of which there is no doubt; 3. Wenimisset. This last name has hitherto been applied to a single Indian town-site, on the easterly side of a brook of that name in New Braintree. The discovery [which is detailed at length, ante, pp. 33] by the author, of two other native town sites in the vicinity, each of which tallies with authenticated records, and to which severally, according to Indian usage, the term " Menameset " was applied by contemporary writers, serves both to upset some accepted conclusions, and to explain well attested facts, and to reconcile what had appeared to be geographical contradictions. Indeed, the two village sites now brought to light, supply missing links in the chain of historical certainties ; and the discovery, while it circumscribes the range of our inquiry, gives the certain means of its solution. The distance of Wenimisset from Brookfield, as stated by Capt. Wheeler, who evidently got his information from Sergt. Ayres and his townsmen, was ''about 10 miles." As matter of fact, the first Menameset town was by the then travelled path, about nine and a half miles from Brookfield meetinghouse ; and the second of the towns was about a mile further off.

Capt. Wheeler says, that on his arrival at Brookfield August i, learning that the Indians were at their rendezvous about 10 miles distant, " we sent out four men to acquaint them of our business, and receive their answer," "we desiring to come to a treaty of Peace with them." "The chief sachems promised to meet us on the next morning about 8 of the clock upon a plain within three miles of Brookfield." The next mornng " accordingly we, with three of the principal inhabitants of that town marched to the plain appointed ; but the treacherous heathen intending mischief [he states as a fact, what indeed was true, but what he only found out in the sequel] came not to the said place." Apprehending danger, some of the party advised to return to Brookfield ; but the three townsmen were so fully " persuaded of their freedom from all ill intentions towards us," that " Capt. Hutchinson who was principally intrusted with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby encouraged to proceed and march forward towards a Swamp where the Indians then were." Mark the plain wording of the Narrative. Not the Swamp, i.e. rendezvous, where they were yesterday, as found by the four messengers, but " a Swamp where they then were,'" " waiting an opportunity to cut us off" - as he so soon found out to his cost. In making the record, he is done with the report of his messengers about the treatment they received from the surly Indians, and the Sachems' promise of meeting them upon the plain where they were standing ; has said all that he had to say about the earnest consultation between his superior officer and " the rest of the company " about the expediency of " going any further towards them or return ; " and now comes to matters of his own experience, as they lay in his memory wheji he wrote his account. He proceeds - carrying out the same train of associated thought and expe- rience - " when we came near the said Swamp [where the Indians then were] the way was so very bad that we could march only in a single file, there being a very rocky hill on the right hand, and a thick swamp on the left, in which there were many of those cruel blood-thirsty heathen, who there way laid us, waiting an opportunity to cut us off; there being also much brush on the side of the said hill, where they lay in ambush to surprise us. When we had marched there about sixty or seventy rods, the said perfidious Indians sent out their shot upon us as a shower of hail." Having named fully other features of the place, and given a detailed account of the onset, and the attempt to retreat by the way in which they came, he says, " the Indians stopt our way back, and forced us as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill." The enemy attempted to surprise them a second time ; " and had in probability done it, but that we perceiving which way they went, wheeled off to the other hand," i.e. to the eastward, as the Indians had closed in behind them ; " and so they missed us, and we all came safely to the town, we being then ten miles from it." He adds, "none of us knew the way, those of the town being slain ; and we avoiding any thick woods, and riding in open places to prevent danger by the Indians." Afterwards, viz. Aug. 20, Capt. Wheeler made out a certificate in which he states that the two Indian guides, Sampson and Joseph, " conducted our distressed company in the best way from the swamp unto the town." Another account says : " by a way known to them," i.e. the guides ; which implies a by-trail, to be described hereafter.

This is the plain narrative of a man's own experience. His description of the place of the ambush, and the circuitous route he travelled in getting back to the town, is sufficiently full and specific in those particulars which time and cultivation do not materially change, to enable a person of observing habits and familiar with Indian tactics, to identify the same with much certainty.

But before proceeding to trace those lines of identification, it is in order to introduce the other two witnesses, whose independent testimony may point out conclusively the place of this tragedy.

James Quanapohit, an intelligent and trustworthy Indian, was sent by the Massachusetts government on an important mission to Quabaug, in Jan. 1675-6. He followed the Old Connecticut Path from Hassanameset to Maanexit ; thence he went to Quabaug Old Fort ; and the next day was conducted to the enemies' quarters at Menameset. He says : " We came to three Indian towns, the farthest not above three miles distant from the other ; . . . the place is called Menemesseg, which is about 20 miles norward of Quabaug old fort." As he came from the south, he passed the two, in order to reach " the farthest." What he calls " 20 miles " is shown by measuring the like distance be- tween two known points as given by him in another part of his Relation. Applying this measure, the 20 miles carries us to the Indian village-site on the Woodbury farm in Barre Plains. [See ante, p. 34.] And as matter of fact, the native trail between the two points named, is found to measure about 20 miles. To make the site still more certain of identification, he further says that the place called Menemesseg was " about 30 miles from Lancaster " - which statement agrees with the actual distance.

Here, then, is an established fact. And a starting point is thus secured, by strictly historical and geographical methods, from which to determine the place of Capt. Wheeler's disaster of August 2. Let us apply the measuring scale. Quanapohit says that Menemesseg, the enemies' quarters to which he was conducted, " is about eight miles north from where Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler was wounded and several men with them slayn, as those Lidians informed him." Measuring southward from the upper Indian village-site, on the Woodbury place, eight miles on the Indian trail, the scale touches a point in the Sucker brook valley, near the dividing line between New Braintree and Brookfield, and about five miles from the old Brookfield town-site.

George Memicho, who was with Capt. Wheeler in the fatal encounter and was taken captive, says that the place where he lay a prisoner, and where Philip came Aug. 6th, was " six miles from the swamp where they killed our men." As the "remains" attest, the "stronghold" and " store-town " of the Indians at this time, was the second of the Menamesets - where prisoners would naturally be kept, and where Philip with his broken band would naturally resort for safety and food. Measuring southward on the Indian trail aforesaid, the " six miles " touches the same point as the " eight miles " named by Quanapohit touched, viz. near the dividing line betweeen New Braintree and Brookfield.

In 1828, the Rev. Mr. Foot, pastor of the church in West Brookfield, gathered up the historical data and traditions which he found extant, relating to the old Quabaug Plantation. He had not read Wheeler's Narrative, and so was not influenced by its statements. Referring to the Indian Ambush, he says : " On the 2d of August . . . Capt. Hutchinson , . . with 20 horsemen, and some of the principal inhabitants advanced . . . from the north end of Wickaboag pond ... up the valley towards the principal rendezvous of the Natives, and as they were passing between a steep hill on one side and a swamp on the other, they were assailed by the Indians. . . . Those who survived returned by a circuitous route to the town, because they were informed by friendly Indians in their company, that according to the custom of savage war- fare, the path in which they had come would be found thickly lined by enemies ready to cut off those who escaped the fury of the onset." He does not fix upon the place of the " onset," but indicates two spots which " tolerably answer the description given by historians [not including Wheeler] ; viz. " one near the line of Brookfield and New Braintree ; the other nearly two miles north of this Hne." It should be added, that a third spot, about two miles still further up the valley, has been selected by some modern writers, as answering to Wheeler's account, and pointed out by tradition.

With all the historical data as above given, in hand or in mind, the author traversed the valley from Barre Plains to Wekabaug pond. He was ignorant of all the local marks and traditions, and so an unprejudiced observer. - Of the place on the easterly side of Wenimisset meadows, claimed by some as the scene of Capt. Wheeler's encounter (but not named by Mr. Foot), it is obvious to say, that in the absence , of rehable historical evidence, we are left to the probabilities of the case, for the means of forming a judgment. The local tradition as to this place is at best quite indefinite and lacking in particulars, and is coupled with some fancies which are evidently of modern origin. And no 7iarrow defile could be found in the vicinity, which answers to the description of the place of the ambush so fully given in Wheeler's Narrative. To be sure the " rocky hill " on the right is here ; but the " very bad way " where "we could only march in a single file" is wanting. And the place is too near the native village-site. Indian strategy, in laying ambushes and making assaults, always provided for a safe line of retreat, in case of disaster, and for a wide chance to give sufficient notice to those in his wigwams to escape with their utensils and provisions.

Of the place named by Mr. Foot, as " two miles north of the New Braintree line," it is to be said, that the selection is probably made on the strength of the statement contained in Hubbard's Narrative, and copied into Gov. Hutchinson's History, viz. " Wheeler and Hutchinson, with their Party of Horse . . . ventured along further to find the Infidels in their chief Town, ... but when they had rode 4 or 5 miles that Way, they fell into an Ambush." If this statement be taken to mean 4 or 5 miles from the tree near Wekabaug pond, the inference is correct. But no concurrent testimony has been found ; and neither tradition, nor correspondence of geographical features supports such a conclusion. Indeed the " lay of the land " excludes the spot from the probabilities of identity.

Of the southerly place named by Mr. Foot, viz. the narrow defile near the New Braintree and Brookfield line, it is to be said - The historical evidence in its favor, as furnished by Quanapohit and Memicho, has already been quoted. Their testimony is given from knowledge ; is clear ; they had no motive for deception ; and until clearer and weightier historical evidence is produced in favor of some other place, it must be reckoned conclusive. And if Hubbard's statement (above quoted) be taken to mean " four or five miles " from the Quabaug Plantation, where the march commenced, this ravine at the New Braintree line is the spot referred to. And a thorough examination of the locality here, finds a very complete agreement of existmg cojiditions with all the details given in Capt. Wheeler's Narrative. The path under the steep hill, through a close defile, with brook and swamp on the left, is still here; and it is plain to see that in its primitive state, the way must have been so narrow and bad that horses could only go in a single file : the hemmed-in valley is more than " 60 or 70 rods " in length ; and when this distance of bad way is passed, there is " a very rocky hill " on the right hand ; in a word, nothing is wanting to complete the identity. And according to Indian strategy, no better place can be found where the " cruel blood-thirsty heathen " could waylay the cavalcade. They would be effectually concealed by the brush on the slope of the steep bluff, back of the Pepper homestead, and on the opposite hillside, and in the swamp, so that a raking fire from behind could be poured into the scattered troop, while both flanks would be fully exposed. If Capt. Wheeler's first thought was to retreat through the depression in which the Pepper house stands, as the narrative seems to imply, his line could be easily cut off by the hindmost of the savages. His only way of escape was to push forward, and strike up the hill, and so follow round "by a circuitous route " on the edge of the Ditch meadows. And this route is indicated by Capt. Wheeler. He says : " we wheeled off to the other hand," i.e. to the eastward, " avoiding any thick woods " [which were found in the swamps and wet valleys of Mill brook, and Coy's brook], and "riding in the open places." At some distance from the Ditch meadow, they would strike an Indian trail - " a way known to the Indian guides " [and described in the early records], which took them via North Brookfield centre to near South Brookfield village, where they would strike the old country road that led directly to the town and Sergt. Ayers' Inn. This would make a march of "ten miles" as estimated by Wheeler. And it is evident that he approached the town from the east ; as he says the savages, who followed in his track, were found " rifling of houses " at that end of the town by Curtis and Young, who had been posted away to Boston before their appearance on the hill. In the mean while, the Indians would be busy, in torturing - perhaps burning the wounded, and scalping and stripping the slain, and assorting and dividing the plunder, long enough to account for the three or four hours' time which elapsed after the retreat and tiU they were met by Curtis and Young. The ambush was a success ; they had achieved a complete victory ; had broken the power of the EngHsh troops; had slain the three mihtary leaders of the Plantation ; there was no need that they should hurry the pursuit. The town on the hill was at their mercy - or their malice !

Here then is the evidence in favor of this southern location as the place of Capt. Wheeler's memorable Surprise and Defeat. The Captain's own account of the event, and description of the place, and of his approach, and manoeuvres and retreat ; the precise geographical information recorded by intelligent and credible guides ; and the exact correspondence of natural features with contemporary delineations, all combined, appear to put the identification beyond reasonable doubt.' But to this written evidence, we may add the confirmatory testimony of local tradition. This ravine and swamp and the adjacent hills have been in possession of the Pepper family for three generations. They found attached to the place, and have preserved, a distinct tradition, that this was the scene of Capt. Wheeler's Fight with the Indians. Unsupported tradition may have small value ; but where it has intrinsic probability, and is in agreement with well-attested facts, its weight is to be duly recognized. And it is scarcely conceivable, that the memories and associations of an event so vital in itself and in its consequences, could have become obliterated from the locality, or been very much distorted, when the elder Mr. Pepper purchased these estates.

And it should be added, as a fact of considerable significance, that the designation " Death Valley," is still remembered as the name given by the old people to this ravine.

This Surprise and Defeat of Hutchinson and Wheeler and the destruction of Brookfield, was most important in its direct and ultimate consequences. It was the hinge on which turned the then opening door of war. It was the bloody prelude to yet bloodier acts to follow in the immediate future. // was the first victory achieved by the Indians over an armed force of English troops ; and thus it broke the charm of the white man's invincibility which had spell-bound the red man ever since the destruction of the great Pequot fort in 1637. It was that great success, which raised the Indian in his own esteem to a level with his white antagonist ; which proved the superiority of his tactics ; and taken by itself, was the sure presage of the ultimate triumph of his cause. And it infused a mortal fear into the hearts of the English soldiers, and spread terror through the New England colonies.

' The writer of a tract called " The Present State of New-England," published in the fall of 1675, says : " The Indians appointed the Meeting at such a Tree, and at such a Time. . . . Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler and his company, (with some of the Inhabitants of Brookfield, who thought them to be very Honest, therefore look no Arms with them) went to the Place, but the Indians were not there. Whereupon the Guide that conducted them through the Woods, brought them to fl Swatn/> not far off the appointed Place."

King Philip At Quae Aug

hitherto peaceful interior tribes, and showed what, without the leadership of distinguished chiefs, the young men could do. It showed what was the strength of concerted counsel, and the force of concentrated action. The Quabaugs, Wabbaquassets, Nashaways and Nipnets demonstrated their right to become a power for redemption and revenge. Henceforth they were to take rank with the Mohegans and Narragansetts, in strategy and deeds of bloody valor.'

And this success turned the scale with the River tribes. The Naunotuks and Pacomptucks appear to have been in doubt whether to remain neutral, or espouse the cause of Philip and join the combination for the extermination of the English. The news from Brookfield decided the doubt. When the scouts brought report of Wheeler's defeat, the Naunotuks " made eleven triumphing shouts ; " and immediately a party of young braves set off for Quabaug. And thenceforth these River Indians were prominent in the sanguinary surprises and massacres of the settlers in the Connecticut valley.

King Philip at Quabaug. - After his escape from Pocasset swamp in the early morning of July 31, leaving 100 wigwams (indicating the large number of his adherents), he made a hurried march to Rehoboth and encamped. Here, about 10 o'clock in the morning of Aug. i, he was attacked by Oneko and 50 Mohegans, and some Natick Indians, and in the sharp fight that ensued, Nimrod, his chief counsellor, and many of his bravest captains and men were killed. One author says : " Nimrod and 14 of his principal men were slain;" another says: "slew about 30 of them." Philip had left about a hundred of his women and children in the Pocasset swamp, who fell into the hands of the EngHsh ; but he was still burdened by a large number of non-combatants ; and provisions failing, and the surrounding country becoming alarmed, he was put to his wits' end. A considerable part of his followers were discouraged and left him, some going to the Narragansetts, and some seeking refuge near their old homes. Philip, with a remnant of his men and many women, took a westerly course, and soon struck the old Providence Trail, which took him to Wabbaquasset and Quabaug, where from the old time league of amity, as well as the new alliance, he counted on shelter and food and material aid. There is evidence that his coming was known beforehand, and that " the Sachems had sent men to Philip to conduct him up to Squabauge, with assurance that they would protect him." - He reached Quabaug Old Fort Thurs-

I There is more reason for calling the conflict of 1675-6 a Quabaug and Nashaway War, than King Philip's War. Philip's power was broken at the outset. The Wampanoags, his own tribe, deserted him. His trusty allies, the Narragansetts, favored his cause at first, but were driven into active support by the English attack on their fort Dec. 19. The Quabaug Alliance heartily espoused, and never deserted the cause, till it became hopeless.

" I have just now intelligence brought me by our Indians, that Philip with 40 of his men is now at a place called Ashquoack a little on this side of Quabaug, somewhat to the southward of our way thither, and not much, being but a little off the way : and I suppose not above 23 miles off this town ; and thereabouts he resolves to settle, if he be not disturbed ; because as is a place of food ; ye English of Quabaug their corn being hard by, and the Indians have another great Cornfield hard by on the southward side, and not far southward are more Indian Cornfields ; he came two days ago to this place and there pitches. It is not far from Memenimissee which is a little to the northwest of Quabaug, where Philip's brother is, and Mattaloos with 200 soldiers and upwards. Our Indians judge that either Philip will go to them at Memenimissee, or that they will come to Philip at Asquoasch, which the Indians think is rather the more convenient place, and so they make 250 soldiers. John Pynchon

Undoubtedly Philip was informed by scouts of the raising the siege of Brookfield by Maj. Willard on Wednesday night, and of the concentration of the allies at the stronghold at Menameset, and deemed it prudent to join them there, which he did on Friday. " King Philip and about 40 men . . . joined the Nipmuck Indians in a swamp ten or twelve miles north of Brookfield on the 5th [6thJ of August." '

The Relation of George Memicho, before referred to, is here given more in full: "Upon Friday the 5th [6th] of this instant (August) Philip and his company came to us at this swamp, six miles from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip brought with him about forty men, but women and children many more, the number I cannot tell. Philip's men were about 30 of them armed with guns, the rest had bows and arrows. He observed there were about ten of Philip's men wounded. Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them Caleb of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told PhiHp at his first coming what they had done to the English at Quabaug ; then he presented and gave to three sagamores, viz. John, alias Apequinash, Quanansit, and Mawtamps, to each of them about a peck of unstrung wampum, which they accepted. Phihp, as I understood, told Quabaug and Nipmuck Indians, that when he first came towards the Nipmuc country and left his own, he had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, including the Squaw Sachem [Weetamoo] and her company, but now they had left him, and some of them were killed, and he was reduced to 40 men, besides women and children. I heard also that Philip said, if the English had charged upon him and his people at the swamp in his own country one or two days more they had been all taken, for their powder was ahiiost spent : he also said, that if the English [under Capt. Henchman] had pursued him closely, as he travelled up to them, he must needs have been taken." ^

From this date Philip disappears from our neighborhood. The whole region lying north and west of Menameset was an Unknown Land to the English, where the whole force of natives was safe from pursuit, and in easy communication with the tribes in Worcester county, and the Connecticut valley ; and their scouts were on every hilltop in the daytime, and near every settlement and army post in the night.

To take up the dropped thread of our narrative : Capt. Wheeler states that on Monday afternoon, just after his Indian pursuers reached the town, some mounted travellers who were on the way to Connecticut via Brookfield, saw them burning some houses and killing some catde at the east end of the town, and heard several guns shot off further within the town, and judging that the inhabitants were in peril and themselves in danger, immediately returned to Marlboro' and gave the intelligence before the foot messenger Curtis reached there, which was the cause of Maj. Willard's timely coming. Maj. Pynchon at Springiield got word of the ambush from some friendly Indians, on Tuesday, but no tidings from the town till Wednesday the 4th. He says :

" Aug. 4th, just now at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Judah Trumble who went last night in the night to Quabaug is returned : he went within 40 rods of the houses, and discerned Coy's house and barn burnt and saw two houses more burnt ; saw one Indian with a gun, but no English ; at this dismal sight he returned, and his horse tiring came in on foot much spent . . . our people are much scattered ... we earnestly request you to send what force you may judge needful either to relieve the English yet left, if any be alive at Quabaug, or to pursue these Indians. Speedy succor is necessary.

The relief brought by Maj. Willard on Wednesday night has been already detailed. Ephraim Curtis hastened on from Marlboro' and reported to the Governor in Boston ; and Capt. Thomas Lathrop of Beverly, and Capt. Richard Beers of Watertown, each with a full company, were ordered to Brookfield, and reached there Saturday, Aug. 7. Capt. Thomas Watts of Hartford, with 40 dragoons and a company of 30 Indians, came to Springfield Aug. 6, and with Lieut. Thomas Cooper and his troop of 27 men and ten Springfield Indians, marched the next day to Brookfield; so that by Saturday night, there were (not counting Wheeler's small force) not less than 300 well armed men in camp on

I02 First Settlement, 1660-1676

Foster's hill. On Sunday the 8th, this force marched northward to the Menameset country, but found no Indians. On Monday the 9th, Capt. Samuel Mosely with a full company reached Brookfield and reported to Maj. Willard. The Major, fearing that the hostiles had moved west towards the Enghsh settlements, decided to send a part of his forces to the River ; and Lathrop and Beers immediately started for Hadley, and Watts for Springfield, leaving Willard and Mosely at Brookfield. The next day, Aug. 10, Capt. Wheeler, with the well men of his troop and some of the wounded, including Capt. Hutchinson, started for Marlboro', which he reached on the 14th, and where Capt. H. died on the 19th. Probably some of the houseless inhabitants went to Springfield on their way to Suffield with Capt. Watts ; the Warners and Younglove to Hadley with Capt. Lathrop ; and the Prichard and other eastern families towards the Bay with Capt. Wheeler. Captains Lathrop and Beers found all quiet on the River, and immediately returned to Brookfield ; and Aug. 14 Maj. Willard organized another expedition to go in search of the Indians by a simultaneous movement to the north and west. The force comprised the men under Lathrop, Beers and Mosely. In a letter dated Aug. 16, Capt. Mosely gives these details :

" The day before I cajme from Ouoahbaugh - I martched In company with Capt. Beeres and Capt. Laytrop To the Swamp wheare they left me,' & tooke their martch to Sprinkefilld [Hadley] - & asoone as they ware gone I tooke my martch Into the Woods about 8 mills beyond the Swamp where Capt. Huttchenson & the rest ware y' ware Wounded & killed ... we did find a prsell of Wigwams beyond the Swamp aboutt 20 - w^li we burntt &c "

Capt. Mosely then retraced his steps to Brookfield, and the next day started for Lancaster and Dunstable. Captains Lathrop and Beers went to Hadley; but returned to Brookfield Aug. 21 or 22; and the next day marched back to Hadley. Maj. Pynchon writes from Springfield Aug. 22 :

" Capt. John Allyn - S^, In ye night a post was sent me from Hadley that our forces are returned ; Capt. Watts thither, and the Bay forces to Qvabaug. Nothing done but about 50 wigwams they found empty wch they have burnt. They write from Hadley they expect nothing but ye enymy to insult & fall upon ye remote Towns ; that they are in great fears ; . . . Suspect our Indians yt went out to be feareful or false or both ; say yt ye sheep at Squakeake are driven away since ye soldiers were there : Suspect the enymy to be betweene Hadley and Squakheak, at Paquayag, about 10 miles from Great River" . . .

' There is evidence that a branch of the Nashaway and Quabaug trail struck off to the south of west near the westerly source of Winnemisset brook, by which there was a short cut to the Quabaug and Hadley Path. If so, the " Swamp where they left me " would be near that fork of the Nashaway trail.