Brookfield Town (part 4 of 18)

Quiet At Quae Aug. Io3

" Maj. WiLLARD. Sir: We received two or three letters from you, wherein we understand that our forces cannot meet with the enemy. The Lord humble us under His afflictive hand. Touching the ordering and disposing the forces under your command, we cannot particularly direct you what to do, only in general we hope you will endeavour to your utmost to disrest the enemy. Also we think it incumbent upon you to employ your garrison to fortify your quarters at Ouabauge what you may. And also we propose whether it be not advisable to send a ply of soldiers to the Nipmuck towns of Wabquassitt and Manexit where there is good store of corn possibly some Indians may be about those places to get food; and if you can engage any persons English or Indians by promise of reward to scout abroad to discover where the enemy lurkes and to bring you tidings before a great body march to them, and if they do march upon any discovery will it not be best to march in the night as secretly as you can, and when you come near the enemy, to leave an ambushment there, and by a retreat after a little charge to draw the enemy into the ambushment. And furthermore we advise if you send to the towns where the corn grows not to cut it up, but rather preserve it, for it being near ripe cutting up will not destroy it. And tho' at a distance, yet we conceive the scarcity among divers English is like to be such that necessity will put some to fetch it from thence.

We have inclosed a letter to Maj. Pynchon, which we desire you to peruse and seal, whereby you may perceive our apprehensions touching sending forces to secure those towns. But yet we advise (if you think fit) to ride up with a guard to Springfield, and give Maj. Pynchon a visit and encourage him and the people in those parts. Touching supply of those small particulars you send for, order is given to the Committee to send them. So committing you to the Lord, desiring his presence with you and guidance of you, with our love and respects to yourself and the rest of your ofiicers we remain

All was quiet at Quabaug and Menameset. The lurking-place of the Indians was only known when their empty wigwams were found ; yet as events proved, they kept within striking distance of the English plantations, and always were encountered by our captains at points the least suspected.' There was nothing of value left to tempt them to make another assault on our town ; and the scene of conflict was transferred to the Connecticut valley, and was opened there at an unexpected moment.

1 Partly by the treachery of some of the Indians that came to their assistance, that seemed to favor the English but rather acted in behalf of the enemy, and partly by the subtilties of the enemies themselves, who could easily by their scouts discover the approach of our soldiers, and by the nimbleness of their feet escape them, our soldiers could never meet with any of them." - Hubbard.

I04 First Settlement, 1660-1676

As before noted, Capt= Lathrop and Beers went to Hadley Aug. 23. The Indians were then gathered at a fort about midway between Nortliampton and Hatfield. As a precautionary measure, rather than from a behef in their hostile intentions, it was judged best to disarm the Indians then in the fort. And on the next day a parley was held, and a formal demand for the surrender of their arms was made. The Indians objected, and demanded time till the next morning for consideration, when a final answer would be given. Distrusting their sincerity, the officers determined to surround the fort, and secure their arms by force, if need be. " Whereupon Capt^ Lathrop and Beers, with whom the thing was left, at midnight sent over to our officers [at Northampton] to draw as nigh the fort as they could without being perceived, and they would do the like on Hatfield side, and so at break of day come upon them : but before they came, the Indians were fled, havmg killed an old sachem who was not willing to go with them. The captains resolved to follow them, and pursued a great pace after them, with about an hundred men. They intended to parley with the Indians ; but on a sudden the Indians let fly about forty guns at them, and were soon answered by a volley from our men ; about forty ran down into the swamp after them, poured in shot upon them, made them throw down much of their luggage, and after a while, our men, after the Indian manner, got behind trees and watched their opportunities to make shots at them. The fight continued about three hours ; we lost six men upon the ground, though one was shot in the back by our own men ; a seventh died of his wound coming home, and two died the next night, nine in all.^ . . . After this fight we heard no more of the Indians till the first of September, when they shot down a garrison soldier at Pocomptuck, that was looking after his horse, and ran violently up into the town, many people having scarcely time enough to get into the garrisons. That day, they burnt most of their houses and barns, the garrisons not being strong enough to sally out upon them, but killed two of their men from the forts.

The next day [Sept. 2] the Indians set upon several men that were gone out of the fort at Squakheag ; they slew eight of our men, but made no attempt upon the fort.

The next day [Sept. 3] this onset being unknown, Capt. Beers set forth [from Hadley] with about thirty-six men and some carts [with the intention] to fetch off the garrison at Squakheag ; and coming the next morning [Sept. 4] within three miles of the place, were set upon by a great number of Indians from the side of a swamp, where was a hot dispute for some time. Our men having lost their Captain [Beers, who was killed about three quarters of a mile southeast from the swamp] and some others, resolved at last to fly, and going to take horse [the troo]) horses had been left two miles to the rear] lost several men more, I think about twelve ; the most that escaped got to Hadley that evening ; next morning another came in, and at night another that had been taken by the Indians, and loosed from his bonds by a Natick Indian ; he tells that the Indians were all drunk that night [on the rum found in one of the carts], that they mourned much for the loss of a great captain, that the English had killed twenty-five of their men. Six days after, another soldier came in, who had been lost ever since the fight, and was almost famished, and so lost his understanding that he knew not what day the fight was on. [In all, 21 were killed, and 17 saved.]

On the 5th of September [Sunday] Maj. Treat set forth [from Hadley] for Squakheag with above an hundred men ; next day coming nigh Squakheag, his men were much daunted to see the heads of Capt. Beers' soldiers upon poles by the wayside. . . . Coming to the fort, he concluded forthwith to bring off the garrison ; so they came away the same night, leaving the cattle there, and the dead bodies unburied, since which, seventeen of their cattle came a great part of the way themselves, and have since been fetched into Hadley." ' Sfoddanfs Letter, Sept. 15, 1675.

Maj. Willard continued in command of the garrison at Brookfield (with a visit or two at Springfield and Hadley to attend councils of war) till the 7th or 8th of September, when he returned to his duties in Middlesex county. The following letter from Maj. Pynchon to Gov. Leverett, graphically describes the situation, at this date :

. . . "You cannot be enough sensible how these Indians here do rage, and if forces be not out to give check, it is to be feared they will quickly be busy in firing all our towns, and we shall not be like to hold it without a strong garrison.

The Lord effectually humble us, the little success of our forces speak we are not yet truly humbled : and that our forces and Connecticut forces return again in such a manner as if they were afraid when the Indians were there, and yet do nothing. What shall we say - Is the Lord about to ruin us and to leave us to be destroyed? It is matter of lamentation some of our people speak of breaking up, and will be gone, and discouragements enough are on all. The Lord turn us to himself. You will have all matters by Maj. Willard, with whom I had laboring to have come, but yet I am obstructed of all hands, and yet am fit for nothing. I run a venture in sending this after Maj. Willard, fear it is hazardous, and doubt all passage their way will be stopped.

' When Maj. Willard came to the relief of Brookfield, the cattle which had been frightened away by the yells and firing of the Indians, fell into his rear and followed his troopers to the town. In this and later Indian wars, the people were always alarmed, when the cattle ran furiously out of the woods towards the villages.

I06 First Settlement, 1660-1676

P. S. Altho' I may not for the breaking up the garrison at Ouabaug, yet it being done, and all the corn destroyed there, whether the settling it again will countervail the charge, may be considered."

Probably all the wounded soldiers and the remainder of the inhabitants (except the Ayres family whose house was standing and appears to have been fortified) went down towards the Bay with Maj. Willard ; and it is evident from his letter that Maj. Pynchon understood that the garrison at Brookfield was to be broken up.

The condition of affairs was gloomy enough to discourage the stoutest hearts ; the Indians were always on the alert, and had things their own way; and Pynchon's forebodings were soon to be realized. Sept. 18, Capt. Lathrop with 80 young men, most of them "the very flower of the county of Essex," in convoying some grain from Deerfield to Hatfield, was set upon by 500 Indians at Bloody Brook, and himself and 62, of his company and attendants slain. The ambush was laid in the same manner as the Surprise of Capt. Wheeler, and probably was planned by the same sachems. Sept. 26, Maj. Pynchon's farm-house and barns on the west side of the river, with all the hay and grain, were set on fire by Indians and consumed. Oct. 5, Springfield was burnt. To quote from Pynchon's letter of Oct. 8 : " On the 4th, our soldiers which were at Springfield I had called off, leaving none to secure the town, because the Commissioners' order was so strict, [and they marched to Hadley]. That night a post was sent to us that 500 Indians were about Springfield intending to destroy it the 5th. With about 200 of our soldiers I marched down to Springfield, where we found all in flames, about 30 dwelling houses burnt down and 24 or 25 barns, my corn mill, saw mill and other buildings. Generally men's hay and corn are burnt, and many men whose houses stand had their goods burnt in other houses which they had carried them to. Lieut. Thomas Cooper and two more are slain, and four persons wounded. As soon as said forces appeared the Indians all drew off, so that we saw none of them. We sent out scouts that night and the next day, but discovered none." Oct. 19, Hatfield was assaulted ; "The Indians hoping no less than to do the like mischief to them, they had newly done to Springfield." They killed two or three scouts belonging to the town, and six of Capt. Mosely's men. But after burning a few barns and some other buildings, they were driven off.

If the purpose of deserting Brookfield had been entertained, the threatening state of affairs, and the importance of the place as an outpost, and shelter for passing troops and travellers, induced a re-consideration ; and soon after Maj. Willard left, a small company under Capt. Jonathan Poole of Reading was sent up to re-establish the garrison.

Very little can be learned of the situation of things here, or of Capt. Poole's movements. The following papers, found in the State Archives, are presented, verbatitn et literatim.

"To THE COMISARY AT Marlbury Sur we want drawers and wastcots, and I am forced to let men goo home to fetch clothing becas they want and have no suply Sur I pray send sum solt tobackow and bred by thes persons I pray send me the runlet of lickers for the army will drene us doutless not els but rest yours

Honored Sirs After my humbi Duty presented these are to inform the hond Councill that Capt Pool have sent to me four times for things specified in the note inclosed which I had none of but bread and liquors which he have had but the other things I have none of and now the Rum is all gon he have had seven gallons of Rum allredy and the souldiers and posts passing to and agen and the army have had the rest Alsoe our men at the garrison want shoos and stockins and shurts very much they complaine to me dayly to goe home and supply themselves but I dare not let them goo becaus sum have gon on that account and com not againe namely John Bondage of Roxbury and John Orres a smith of Boston and one Samuel Casten is run away I sent to Mr Davison to acquaint athority with it but I heare noe more of it heare is but littell of any thinge in the Magaseen and if it please the Hond Councill to give me order to remove what is left to my hous it would be less trouble to me and if any thing else be sent I may have it heare at my own hous I have set the garrison souldiers to fortify about my hous now they have ffortyfied the IMagazeen allready by my order and soe I intend to imploy them for the defence of the Town I humbly pray this Hond Councill to send a suply for the souldiers here and at quoboag or direcdon how they shall be suplyed Capt Wayt comanded me to returne James Cheavers ffor absenting himself after he had prest him whom I have sent to make his own defenc

Capt. Poole and his company, then reduced to 35 men, left Brookfield and marched to headquarters at Hadley Oct. 10 or 11. In the postscript to a letter received at Boston Oct. 14, Capt. Appleton says : " I communicated thoughts with Maj. Pynchon about the garrison placing at Brookfield. And although we judge it would be some relief and comfort to our messengers going post, yet considering the great charge which must necessarily be expended upon it ; and that they have no winter provisions there for the keeping of horses, without much use of which we see not how they can subsist ; we have not seen cause to order any garrison thither, nor (for aught that appears) shall do ; except we have some special direction from yourself for it." And in the answer of the

I08 , First Settlement, 1 660-1 676

It appears that the garrison had been supphed in part with beef which belonged to the Brookfield setders. The following entry is found in the Colony Records : " Oct, 13, 1675. I"^ answer to the petition of Samuel Warner & Thomas Parsons, the Court judgeth it meete to allow Samuel Warner eight pounds for two oxen, & four pounds for other cattle, in all twelve pounds, & Thomas Parsons to be allowed for his catde, to be paid by the County Treasurer." Another entry is found under date June I, 1677: "In answer to the petition of Susanna Ayres, late of Quoboag, widow, alias Brookfield, humbly desiring the favour of this Court that what she expended on & the souldiers had of her for the country's use, as five pounds ten shillings in swyne, by Capt. Poole's order, as also seventeen shillings & seven pence Ephraim Curtis had for himself & company & horses, on the country's account, with what Major Willard had, which will appear by the account, she may be paid & satisfied for - the Court grants her request."

An order of the Council dated Nov. 16, authorized Capt. Appleton to return with the main body of his troops to the Bay. They add a postscript : " If you should come home by Quabauge, we hear there are there about the house many swine and some cattle, which if you can order some of your men to drive home, it would be a relief to poor people that are concerned therein and are fain to live on others' charity."

The campaign had cost the colony very dearly in men and means. Three frontier towns were destroyed. Of citizens and soldiers, not less than 140 were killed or mortally wounded. The following List is compiled from the most authentic data now accessible :

A source of perplexity and weakness to the English in the campaigns of this fall, was the division of counsels between the Captains commanding in the field, and the Commissioners at headquarters. The Commissioners, especially those of Connecticut, held and ordered that the troops should be used mainly in scouring the woods and seeking the enemy in their hiding-places, and thus "destroying them," rather than protecting the inhabitants of the towns by garrisons. But the Captains learnefl by experience that the savages could never be discovered in their lurking-places, and that they and their men were the ones likely to be " destroyed " by an Indian ambush. Maj. Pynchon writes : " Oct. 4 I had called off all our soldiers which were at Springfield, leaving none to secure the town, because the Commissioners' order was so strict ; " and adds in a postscript : " To speak my thoughts - all these towns ought to be garrisoned, as I have formerly hinted. To go out after the Indians in the swamps and thickets is to hazard all our men, unless we know where they keep ; which is altogether unknown to us." Capt. Appleton writes Oct. 12, on accepting the chief command, that he agrees with Maj. Pynchon in regard to present methods, and asks that the Commissioners revise that part of their instructions which strictly prohibits fixing soldiers in garrisons. Oct. 17, he writes again : " On the 13th and 14th we used all diligence to make discovery of the enemy by Scouts, but by reason of the distance of the way from hence [Hadley] to Squakeage, & the timorousness of the Scouts, it turned to little account ; thereupon I found it very difficult to know what to do. Our orders were to leave no men in garrison, but keep all for a field army, which was to expose the Towns to manifest hazard. To sit still and do nothing is to tire ours and spoil our soldiers, and to ruin the country by the insupportable burden and charge. All things layed together, I thought it best to go forth after the enemy with our present forces."

And this last letter reveals another source of weakness, viz. " the timorousness of our scouts." Secretary Rawson wrote Sept. 30 : " Capt. Wayt marched from Marlboro yesterday; we intended 120 men by him, but we understand there is not so many gone. Some escape away from the press, and others hide away after they are impresst. Some have been punished for it, and others shall. The slaughter in your parts has much damped men's spirits for war." Maj. Pynchon wrote the same day : " We are endeavouring to discover the enemy, daily send out scouts, but little is effected. We sometimes discover a few Indians & sometimes fires, but not the body of them, and have no Indian friends here (altho we have sent to Hartford for some) to help us. . . . Our English are somewhat awk and fearful in scouting out and expressing, but we do the best we can. We find the Indians have their scouts out. Two days ago two Englishmen at Northampton having gone out in the morning to cut wood, and but a little from the house, were both shot down dead, having two bullets apiece shot into each of their bodies. The Indians cut off their scalps, took their arms, and were off in a trice : though the English run thither presently, on the report of the guns, but could see nothing but the footing of two Indians. Last night our scouts who went out in the night to discover at Pocomtuck, about midnight being within 4 miles of Pocomtuck met 2 Indian scouts coming down this way to the towns, but it being dark they were both one upon another within 2 or 3 rods, before either discovered the other, which made both parties run, & nothing else done."

But the chief cause of the miscarriage of this campaign was the fact that our Enghsh Captains learned nothing of caution by repeated disaster, and walked heedlessly into the enemy's traps. The ambushment of Capt. Hutchinson and Wheeler is well named a " a Surprise," and it ought to have been a Lesson. But Aug. 25, Capt. Lathrop and Beers pursued the savages, who had just out-witted them, " at a great pace," and without any precautions ; and their first intimation of danger was when the Indians " let fly about forty guns at them " from a swamp by the roadside. Ten days after this, Capt. Beers, forgetful of, or scorning the lesson taught him at Wequamps, marched with 36 men to the relief of Northfield, with neither vanguard nor flankers thrown out, directly into an ambuscade of 130 Indians commanded by Sagamore Sam. The same thing was repeated Sept. 18, at Bloody brook. "Capt. Lathrop and his men moved along the narrow Pocomptuck path through the primeval woods - brave, fearless, foolish. The soldiers crossed the brook and halted, while the teams should slowly drag their heavy loads through the mire ; ' many of them,' says Mather, ' having been so foolish and secure as to put their arms in the carts and step aside to gather grapes, which proved dear and deadly grapes to them' " - /Lc?/i. George Sheldon. Captains Lathrop, and Beers, and Mosely were brave ; but scornful of their foe. They could not get over the cherished idea that the Indian was an inferior being, and unworthy of the notice of a true soldier, and worthy only to be stamped out. His successful strategy did not undermine the prejudice ; and English temerity and blamable imprudence cost a fearful and needless sacrifice of life.

The Indians' Winter Quarters. - About the time when Capt. Appleton left the Connecticut valley, the Indians went into winter quarters. A considerable number went to Wabbaquasset, where was great store of corn and safe hiding-places ; and later they joined the Narragansetts. The River Indians gathered at Coasset, which was a piece of pine woods on the west bank of the Connecticut a little above the South Vernon railroad station (then in the town of Northfield, Mass., now in Vernon, Vt.). Philip and his band were here with them for a short time ; but he soon moved off towards Albany with his own warriors, and a considerable part of the Pacomptucks, under command of Sancumachu their chief sachem. Probably the old men and some of the women and children of Philip's party and of the Pacomptucks, staid at Coasset. Food was plenty. The cattle and hogs captured at Squakheag and at Deerfield lasted for a while. The corn and wheat taken at the same places lasted longer. And it is an attested historical fact that deer and other game were unusually abundant, and owing to the depth of snow, were easily caught. The Quabaugs and Nashaways took up winter quarters at Menameset.

Winter set in early and with uncommon severity. Travel was next to impossible, except on rackets ; and both whites and Indians kept in close quarters till the latter part of January, when a sudden thaw cleared off the snow.

Re-Establishment Of The Garrison At Quabaug

Early in November, the Commissioners of the United Colonies had obtained what they deemed sufficient evidence that the Narragansetts were in league with Philip and the hostile Massachusetts tribes, and resolved to destroy them before they should form a union offerees. To this end, an army of i,ooo men was raised - 527 in Massachusetts, 158 in Plymouth, and 315 in Connecticut - and put under command of Gen. Josiah Winslow of Plymouth. After a march of great hardships, from deep snow and intense cold, the English reached the Narragansett fort on Sunday, December 19. The assault was bravely and skillfully made ; and the defence was no less brave and stout. The fort, which was a palisade, and enclosed about 6 acres of ground, was burnt, with all the wigwams that could be crowded within this large space. Many Indian warriors, with hundreds of old men, women and children, perished by sword and fire. Eighty of the English were slain or died of their wounds, and 130 others were wounded. The larger part of the Narragansetts, viz. those that adhered to Canonchet and Pessacus (who was a brother of Miantonamoh) and Quinnapin (who had married Weetamoo a sister-in-law of Philip) retreated to the northward, and joined the Quabaugs at Menameset, in the latter part of January, where we shall shortly find them.

The authorities at Boston were in ignorance of the places of rendezvous, as well as the intentions and temper of the inland tribes, at this date. To gain the necessary information, Maj. Gookin was instructed to employ some friendly Indian spies, who should traverse the Nipmuck country, and go as far as Quabaug. He employed Job Kattenanit and James Quanapohit, two Christian Indians who had been educated by the apostle Eliot. Their reward was to be five pounds apiece. Fortunately for history, the official Reports of these spies are preserved, the brief Relation of Quanapohit in our State Archives, and his full Report in the Connecticut Archives. The latter gives a succinct account of the Indian's side of the causes and course of the war, as well as of the condition and doings and plans of the Quabaugs, Nashaways, and their aUies. It is invaluable as furnishing details not found elsewhere ; as supplying data for fixing important localities ; and as explaining the motives and motions of botli English and Indians. Its direct connection with our local annals, as well as its more general importance, justify its insertion here ; and though lengthy, it is given without abridgement.

James Quanapohit'S Relation

The examination & relation of James Ouannapaquait, allias James Rurriny- Marsh beeingone of the chtian Indians belonging to Natick; taken the 24th day of Janry 1675-6^ on w* day hee returned from his jorny, [for this man and another called Job of Magungoog, a chtian man also] were sent forth by order of the councill of Massachusetts vpon the last of December, [as spyes], to discover the enemyes quarters & motions & his state & condition, & to gaine what intelegence they could ; for wci^ end they had particuler instruction. Though when first they were moved to goe this iorny, they saw it would bee a hazardous undertaking, & that they should runne the hazard of y Hves in it, yet they were willing to venture upon these & hke considerations, (i, that they might declare y readines to serve the English. 2'y on of ym namly Job had 3 children [even all hee had] y' were carried away w'h the Hassariarneshe indians &, as hee conceived were with the enemy, & he was willing to know y state as wel as ye condition of ye praying indians of Hassameske & Magunkoog yt were hee thought in the power of ye enimy. 3d They hoped to sugest somthing in order to ye enimies submision to the English & making peace if they found ye enimy in a temper fit for it & if y' could bee effected then they hoped the poore chtian Indians at ye Deere Island & in other places posibly might bee restored to y places againe, & bee freed from much suffering they are now in by this warre, »& therby the jelosyes that the English have now of might bee removed, these & other reasons induced to runne this adventure for wch also if they returned in safty they had a promise of a reward.

They doubted the Indian enimy would mistrust y" for spyes, & yt they would move y^ fight for them against ye English, vnto wch doubts they were advised to tell ye Indian enimy a lalnentable story [& yt agreable to truth] if y deepe sufferings by the English ; that Job was imprisoned severall dales [as hee was] where hee suffered much, though hee had served the English faithfully as an intcpner & in actuU armes being w'^ ye Mohegins at ye fight neare Secunke wt^ Philip, the begining of August last, but imprisonment & suspitions ye English had of him was part of his reward for yt service to the English & as for the other James he & his brother went out wth Capt Prentis wth their horses & armes at the first going out against Philipp in June & had done faithfull service for the English as his captains had testified by yr certificate & contined in yr service many weekes & was in sev" fights & y' his bro: Thomas had kild on of Philip cheefe men & brought in his head to the Gov'nc of Boston, & had also in the service by acedent lost the use of his left hand & y' both James and his brother Thomas had since in November last [beeing called to it] was out w'h Capt Syll in the Nipmuck contry & [as his captaine had certified] had performed faithfull service ; & was instrumentall to recov"" an English captive Peter Bentts servant from ye enimey, & his brother savd ye lives of two English men at a wigwam at Pakachooge vizt Mr Mackarty servant a sirgion to Capt Hencliman &; one Goodwin a soldier of Charlestowne, as they both could & would testify yet after all these services both they & their wives & children & all y country men y' lived at Naticke were mistrusted by the English & thereupon [at a few houres warning] brought away from their place & fort & houses at Naticke & car'ed downe in boats to Deare Hand, leaving & loosing much of y substance, catle, swine, horse & corne, & at the Hand were exposed to great sufferings haveing litle wood for fuell, a bleak place & poore wigwams such as y^y could make a shift to make y^selves wth a few matts, & here at y^ Hand had very litle provision, many of & divers other sorrowes & troubles y<=y were exposed too, & were about 350 soules men women & children ; & that now haveing an oppertuny to get of ye iland they came to see how things were w'h the indians in the woods; & if they pi'frd them to fight w'h & for ym they were advised to manifest al readines & forwardnes & not shew any aversnes. Things being thus p^pared these 2 spyes were sent away without armes excepting hatchetts & wt*' a litle parcht meale for provision, & they tooke y jorny from Cambridge the 30th of December, & from Naticke they set forth the 31th of December being Friday early in the morning. That day they past through the woods directly to Hassomesed where they lodged yt night, on Saterday morn, being the first of Janury they past ov Nipmuck river & lodged at Manchage yt night. On the 2 Janury they went forward to Maanexit w^h is about 10 miles & .there they met wth seaven Indians of the enimy : some of ym had armes; haveing confered w'h these indians they were conducted by those indians next day to Quabaage old fort where they met severall other Indians of y company's ; & by them the next day were conducted to the enimies quarters wch is about twenty miles norward of Quabauge old fort at a place called Menemesseg,' wch is about 8 miles north where Capt Hutchison & Capt Wherler was woonded & sevel men w'h them slayn (in the begining of August last) as these indians informed them ; At this place among these Indians they found all the chtian Indians belonging to Hassannmiske & Magunhooge wich are about forty men & about 80 women & children ; these praying indians were carried away by the enemy some went willingly, others of yn unwillingly as they told him for befor they went away they were in a great strait, for if they came to the English they knew they shold bee sent to Deere Iland, as others were, & their corne beeing at such a distance about 40 miles from Boston it could not bee caried to susteyne y lives & so they should bee in danger to famish & others feard they should bee sent away to Barbados, or other places & to stay at Hassanamesho yese indians or enimies would not pmit but said they must have ye corne, but promised yem if they would goe w'h them they should not die but bee p^served ; these beeing in this condition most of y" thought it best to goe wth them though they feared death every way : only Tukuppawillin [ye minster, hee

' In the copy of this Relation lodged in the Mass. Archives, it reads: " Next day we crossed over on this side Quabaug and travelled one day, and in the night came to 3 Indian towns, the farthest not above 3 miles distant from the other, . . . and lie about 30 miles from Lancaster. The place is called Menemesseg. They have bark wigwams for shelter, and some mats; have pork, beef and venison plenty; the corn he thinks will fall short."

lamented much & his aged father the decon & som others & would faine have come back to ye English after they were gon as farr as Manchage but the enimy mockt him, for crying & drew him . . the rest yt were unwilling along w'h yem : These things o"^ spyes vnderstood from the p[raying] Indians here. The enimys y' hee was among & live at the afforsaid places are in . . . small townes about 20 wigwams at a place & they are all within 3 miles com[pass], and do consist of about 300 fighting men besides duble as many women & children . . . they have no fort, but wigwams only, some covred w'h barks & som w'h matts. The Indians yt are heare are the Nipmuk indians, the Quabaag Indians, the Paca-[choog] Indians, the Weshakum & Nashaway indians. The cheefe sagomeres & captains are Mawtaamp, John with one eye & Sam [of Weshukum or Nashaway] Sagamore John [having on legg biger y" the other] of Pakachooge. Here also is Matoonus & his sonns. Of the Hassanamesho & chtian Indians, hee saw here Capt Tom allias Wattasakomponin & his son Nehimiah [they say y' the enimy have solic[it]ed Vm to take armes & fight against the English but they told James they would not fight against the English, the will rather die. Here hee also saw Tukuppawillin y pastor & his aged father y decon, whome he saith mourne greatly & daily read ye bible wch is y greatst comfort. Also he ther saw James Printer brother to y^ minister, & Joseph & Sa . . two brethern [sons to Robin of Hassameshe decesed] hee also saw Pumhamun & Jacob of Magunkoog w'h divers others yt hee could have mentioned but those are the principal.

Some of the Indians [orenimies] mistrusted that these two men were spies especially Matoonus & his sonnes & some others : these solicited James to borrow his hatchet & his knife [when he saw they needed none] which made him cautious of himselfe & suspitious of y evill intenti6~to him, but James [at the second towne] he came too met w'h John with one eye, of Weshakum [a stout captaine among yn] this man knew James & said thou hast been with mee in the warr w* the Mauhaks & I know thou art a valiant man & therfore none shall wrong thee nor kill the here, but they shall first kill me. Therefore abide at my wigwam & I will protect thee. So this man entertained him kindly, & protected him. Job his companion stayd at Pumhams wigwame wher his 3 children were kept : hee and Job aboad w'h these indians severall dales & sometimes went forth to hunt deere not farr of & returnd againe. hee laubored to gaine what information hee could of their affayres, & was informed by Capt John [w'h one eye] his host & others said things, viz', that Philip was quarterd this winter within halfe a dayes iorny . . . fort Albany [The same thing is certifyed by a letter from Maior Andros Govnor of New York sent Mr Leet deputy Gov'"no'' of Conecticut dated 5th of Jannury (75) w^h letter beeing sent to Govlior Winthrop by Mr Leet was read in o"" Councill on Thursday last 23 instant. This also may tend to confirme the truth of James his intelegence, as wel as divers other passages both before & aftermentioned] morever they informed o^ spy that the Hadly Northampton & Spinkfeld Indians had y winter quarters between y" & Philip & som quartered at Squakeake. They told him also attempted to kill Philip & intended to do it ; aleaging that Philip had begun a warr with the English that had brought great trouble upon them. Hee saith that these Indians told him that it was som of their number yt were in the Nipmuck country, to get the corn & yt the English came upon in the wigwam at Hassunnamesuke & there the killd two Englishmen, & that they had got & caried away all the corne at Pakuahooge & in the Nipmuck country, vnto their quarters, vpon wch they had lived this winter & upon beefe & porke they had kild about Quaboage, & venison [of wch there is great store in those parts & by reason of ye deep snow y beeing [mid thigh deep] it is easy to kill deare without gunns, hee saith that ere long, when y^ beefe & porke & deere is spent & gon, that they wilbe in want of rorne, but they intend then to com downe vpon the English townes, of Lancaster Marlborow Groaton, & particulely they intend first to cut of Lancaster bridge & then say they there can no releef com to ym from Boston nor the people cannot escape & their they hope to have corne enough. Hee saith they have store of armes, & have a gunsmith among y" a lame man that is a good workman & keeps y gunns wel fixt They have some armes among y" that the tooke in the 2 fights when Capt Beeares & Capt Lothrop was slayne. As for amunition they have some but not great store yt hee saw : Capt John w'h one eye shewed him a small kettle full of powder about halfe a peck & 2 homes full besides . hee asked them where they got y^ amunition, hee answered som wee had from the English were kild, & som from fort Albany, but (said hee) ye Dutch will not sell us powder but wee give o"" bever & wompon to the Mawhakes & they buy it & let us have it of y"", they told him yt they had sent to ye Wompeages & Mawquas to ayd them in the spring, that the Wampeages promised them helpe, but the Maquaws said they were not willing to fight wth English, but they would fight with the Mohegins & Pequets that were bretheren to the Enghsh. Further hee saith that they told him that the Frenchman yt was at Boston this sumer [viz' Monsir Normanvile] was with Phillip & his company as hee went back at yr quarter about Pokomtuck, after hee returnd from Boston. And yt in their sight hee burned certene papers that hee said were letters from Boston to ye French saying what shall I doe with these papers any longer, Hee said to the Indians I would not have you burne the English mill, nor the meeting houses, nor the best houses for wee [ie the French] intend to bee with you in the spring before planting time & I will bring three hundred of yor countrymen yt are hunters & have bene three yeares at the French. And wee will bring armes & ainunition enough, for wee intend to helpe you against the English & posses our selves of Keneckticut river & other English plantations, and our King [ie ye French King] will send shipps to stopp supplyes from coming by sea [from their King] to Boston.

Hee saith that they told him that the Pennakooge Indians were quartered about the head of Keneticut river, & had not at all ingageed in any fight with the English, & would not, their sagamors Wannalancet & others restrayned the young men (who had an opptunity to have destroyd many of Capt Moselys men when hee was at Pennakooge last sumer but their sagamores would not suffer them to shoot a gunne.

yt they were inclinable to have peace againe with the English, but the young men [who are their principal soldiers] say we wil have no peace wee are all or most of vs alive yet & the English have kild very few of us last summer why shall wee have peace to bee made slaves, & either be kild or sent away to sea to Barbadoes &c. Let us live as long as wee can & die like men, & not live to bee enslaved. Hee saith there is an English man a young man amongst them alive named Robert Pepper, who being woonded in the legg in the fight when Capt Beares was kild hid himselfe in the crotch of a great tree yt lay on the ground ; where an Indian called Sam Sagamore of Nashaway, found him alive & tooke him prisoner & hee became his master hee lay lame severll weekes but beeing well vsed by his master & means vsed hee is now wel recoxAed, hee saith y' once since hee was wel his master [earring him abroad with him] left him at Squakeake neare where hee was taken prisoner his Mr wishing him to goe to the English [whether y was a cart way led] but Robert Pepper told James hee was afrayd his master did it but to try his fidelity to him to intrap him, & yt if hee should have gon away towards ye English they would have intercepted him & so his life had beene in danger, so hee went after his master & enquired after him & at last found him out, hee saith Rob Peper would bee glad to escape home and hopees hee shall meet with an oppertunity, when the Indians march nearer the English. James said [his master told him hee would send him home when hee had convenient opptunety. Also hee was informed that there are two more English men prisoners with Philip & Hadly Indians, one is of Boston servant to a ship carpenter Grenhough, the other hee remembers not his name.

Hee saith, that before hee & Job came among those Indians they told yni the Narragants had sent in on or 2 English scalpes, but these indians would not receive them, but shot at y messenger & said they were English mens friends all last summer & would not creditt yr first messengers, after yer came other messengers from Narragansetts & brought more heads [hee saw twelve scalpes of English hangd upon trees] yt then these Indians beeleved ye Narragansset & receved the scalps & paid ym [as y"" maner is], & now they beeleved that the Narragansitts & English are at warre, of w^^ they are glad. The Narragansets told these indians that the English had had fight with them, & killed about forty fighting men & on Sachem & about 300 old men women & children were kild & burnt in the wigwams most of w^h were destroyd, they told him yt as the Narragansetts said that the Moliegins & Pequitts Indians killed & woonded of ym, as many as the English had kild. Being questioned by Mr Danforth whether hee could learne whether the Narragansetts had ayded & assisted Philip & his companey in the sutrier against the English, hee answered yt hee vnderstood by those indians yt they had not, but lookt on ym as freinds to the English all along til now & their enemies. Hee saith yt hee was informed that the Nargansets said yt an Inglish man one Joshua Tift was among them when they had yr fight at the English & yt hee did ym good service & kild & woonded 5 or 6 English in yt fight & yt before they wold trust him hee had kild a miller an English man at Narragansit, & brought his scalpe to them. Also hee said yt the Naragansits told these indians yt one William that lives in those parts brought them some powder & offered them all his catle for provisions desiring only yt his life might bee spared & his children &: grandchildren. These Narragansits solicited these Indians to send them som helpe [ . . . they knew them to be stout soldiers], they promised to send with them 20 men to goe w'h them to see how things were, & they determined to begin y jorny laast Saturday [ie 22th January] and they also resolved to take Job with them to Narraganset Indians ; and vpon the same day Mawtaamp the sagomor said hee would goe with another company up to Phillip, to informe him & those Indians of the breach betwene the English & Narragansitts & hee said that James [our spy] should goe along w'li him to Philipp to aquaint him of the state of affayres among the English & praying Indians. James sd to Mataamp I am willing to goe to Philip but not at this present because Philip knowes that I fought against him on the English side at Mount Hope & other places, & hee will not beeleve yt I am realy turned to his pty, vnles I first do some exployt & kill some English men & carry y heads to him. Let me have oprtuty to doe somthing of this nature before I goe to Philip, this answer of James seemed to satisfy the sagamore Mawtaump. But James doubting notwithstanding, that hee might change his mind and take him with him when hee went, hee was resolved to endevor an escape before y^ time they intended the iorny, especially considering what Tachupawillin told him in secret y' Philip had given order to his men that if they mett wth these John Hunter, James Speen, this James & Thomas Quannupaquit [brethern & Andrew Pitamee & Peter Ephraim they bring them to him or put ym to death]. Accordingly James moved Job [his companion] to contrive a way for an escape. Job conceled his purpose, and vpon Wensday the 19th of this instant they 2 early in the morne went out as if they would goe a hunting for deare, as they had don at other times & returnd againe [James having goten about a pint of nokake of Symori Squa on of ye praying indians] they beeing in ye woods hunted for deere & killd 4 deare & as they traveld to & fro they percevd that by som footing of indians that some did watch their motions, so towards night ye being neare a pond they drew the deare ad ye pond & tooke vp y quarters in thicke swampe & their made a fire & dresd some of ye venison, but no other indians came to y" ; so about 3 oclock before day, James said to Job now let vs escape away if wee can. But Job said I am not willing to goe now, because my children are here I will stay longer if God please hee can p^serve my life if not I am willing to die I will therfore goe backe againe to ye indians & goe along with the company to ye Naragansitt & if I returne I will vse what policy I can to get away my children, if I live about . . weekes hence I will com back & I will come to Naticke & therfore if you can take 4 or 5 indians to meet me there, I shall if I live by y' time get more intelligence of affayres. Then James sd to him I must now goe away for I am not like to have a better opptunity, & if they should carry mee to Philip I shall die, but I am sorry for you Job, least when I am gon they kill you for my sake, but you may tel y"" I runne away from you & was affrayd to goe to Philip before I had don som exployt. So they parted - & James our spy came homeward travilling through the woods night & day vntill he came to Naticke to James Spene wigwam who lives their to looke to som aged & sick folkes yt were not in capacity to be brought downe to Deare Hand & on Lord's day came to Serjant Williams at ye village & by him was conducted to & so to Boston before the Councel the same day w^h was the 24th day of this instnt Janury 1675 where his examination & relation was written by 2 scribes: & though this may a litle differ from others in some pticulers yet for substance it is the same.

It is proper to say that the statement of facts in this Relation is fully corroborated by other records ; and the disclosure of future plans, as the intended raids on Lancaster and other towns, was verified by the events. And it is proper to add, that the authorities of Boston were not influenced to take the necessary precautions for defence, and the towns named fell a prey to the vengeance of the savages.

The necessity of a depot of supplies, and shelter for troops and posts, between Marlborough and the Connecticut river, becoming apparent, and as a point from which to strike the Menameset camps, the Commissioners of the United Colonies issued an order Feb. 8, 1675-6, for raising 600 men to forthwith rendezvous at Quabaug ; and Connecticut was requested to engage the Pequots and Mohegans to join in the service. A large part of the soldiers were to be either dragoons, or troopers well fitted with long firearms ; and there was to be one man for every ten horses to take care of them. The first date set was the 20th, afterwards changed to the 29th.

Two days after the issuing of this order, viz. Feb. 10, (the date named by Job in his Report) the town of Lancaster was surprised by a war party sent out from the camp north of Brookfield, most of the buildings burnt, and about fifty of the inhabitants killed or carried away captive. Among the latter was Mrs. Rowlandson and her three children, who were taken to Menameset. Her " Narrative," published soon after her release, supplies important information, which is quoted in these pages.

Feb. 21, (the day that the Indians from Menameset assaulted and nearly destroyed Medfield) the Council at Boston ordered that carpenters' tools for six men, nayles of all sorts with hooks and hinges for doors and locks and of such sort as the chief carpenter shall appoint, be sent up to build a quarter at Quoboag. And four days later, the Committee was ordered to procure either John Brewer of Sudbury or John Coolidge of Watertown, to go up with the army and build a house or houses for lodging and shelter of provisions. At the meeting on the 2ist, the Mass. Council voted to raise 100 foot and 72 troopers to fill

English March To Menameset. 1 19

An expeditionary force was organized and sent up under command of Maj. Thomas Savage of Boston, consisting of a company of Horse under Capt. John Whipple, and three Foot companies under Capts. Wm. Turner, Samuel Mosely and Benj. Gillam. They reached Quabaug Mar. 2, and were joined there by Maj. Treat witli three or four companies from Connecticut.

March 3, leaving Capt. Turner to garrison Quabaug, Maj. Savage with this formidable body of men marched to Menameset, hit fotind no Indians.

It will be remembered that in the middle of January, Quanapohit had found about 1,000 Indians gathered at Menameset, of whom 300 were fighting men. To these had been added 400 or 500 warriors, and double that number of non-combatants from Narragansett, as well as squads and stragglers from other tribes. All accounts agree that there were in camp here the last week in February, not less than 2,000 Indians. The cattle, swine and corn taken at Brookfield in the fall, with venison, and the spoils from Lancaster had made food abundant, and life easy ; and the deep snows had rendered their position secure from attack. But the Indians had not been ignorant of the later English movements. Marlborough was the midway headquarters and rallyingpoint of troops, destined for more western service. It was easy for their scouts to skulk there, and watch all the preparations, and as easy to divine the intended purpose ; and a day's run carried the news to Mattaump and the allies.

Acting on such information, the great body of Indians left Menameset simultaneously with the concentration of English troops at Marlborough, viz. on Feb. 27, and pushed on northward, heading for Paquayag. They reached Miller's river ' Mar. 3, the same day on which the English forces started to look for them at Menameset, Their scouts had reported the starting of the troops from Quabaug, and though well on their way, the alarm was great, and the last day's march of the savages was a " rush." But by a stratagem the English were thrown off the scent ; and the whole great body got safely over the river, and out of harm's way.

This manoeuvre of the Indians, by which the English plan was frustrated, deserves a detailed notice in this connection ; and fortunately Mrs. Rowlandson, who was with the Indians, in her Natvative supplies the materials. When Maj. Savage left Quabaug on the 3d, the savages were encamped in a swamp about 17 miles from Menameset, and 8 miles southward of Paquayag. The crowd was unwieldy ; " there were many hundreds, old and young, some sick and some lame, many had pappooses at their backs, the greatest number (at this time with us) were squaws, and they travelled with all they had, bag and baggage : . . . they went as if they had gone for their lives for some considerable way ; and then they made a stop, and chose out some of their stoutest men, and sent them back to hold the English army in play whilst the rest escaped ; and then like Jehu they marched on furiously, with their old and young : Some carried their old decriped mothers, some carried one and some another. Four of them carried a great Indian upon a bier; but going through a thick wood with him, they were hindered, and could make no haste ; whereupon they took him upon their backs, and carried him one at a time, till they came to Bacquag River. Upon a Friday a little after noon we came to this river : . . . They quickly fell to cutting dry trees, to make rafts to carry them over the river, and soon my turn came to go over. By the advantage of some brush which they laid upon the raft to sit on, I did not wet my feet (which many of themselves at the other end were mid leg deep) : . . . A certain number of us got over the river that night ; but it was the night after the Sabbath before all the company was got over." Where, all this while, were our English dragoons? Mrs. R. says that some of the stoutest Indians were sent back "to hold the English army in play." This covering party, in conjunction with the scouts left near Menameset, kept Maj. Savage at bay, or on false scents for two whole days, so that he did not reach Paquayag till sometime in the forenoon of Monday, Mar. 6. As they came up to the river, they saw on the other side the smoke of the wigwams, which the retreating Indians had set fire to ; but they did not cross. Our authoress writes : " this river put a stop to them. God did not give them courage or activity to go over after us." It should be said, that the river was swollen by the spring freshet, and crossing by horse must have been difficult and hazardous. The Massachusetts Council were deeply chagrined at the signal failure of this expedition. In a letter to Maj. Savage at Hadley, dated March 31, they say : "Leaving Capt. Turner in Capt. Poole's place, with the rest of the army we expressly command you to draw homeward, and endeavor in your return to visit the enemy about Pachquake (Paquayag), and be careful not to be deceived by their lapwing stratagems, by drazuing you off from your nest to follow some 7nen."

Maj. Savage returned to Quabaug, and thence marched to Hadley, which was again made the headquarters of the army. Capt. Turner had left a guard of 11 men (out of his company of 89) under Sergt. William Ingraham, to garrison Quabaug, and gone to Hadley, and thence to Northampton.

Condition Of The Garrison

"Accord to warrant from Authority, I have taken into my hand 83 bushels and half of Indian Corn, which were by the Indians of this town set up in barns. Out of which parcell of corn by the Hond Major General's warrant, Capt. Whipple had 1 1 bushels & a peck for the use of his Company, Capt. Gookin had 9 bushels more of it, Capt. Oakes had 4 bush. 3 pecks- Also in fulfillment of a warrant from Maj. Willard requiring me to furnish them with Corn for their horses. Quartermaster Wade had for the use of his Company 3 bushels and a half. I paid one penny half pence a bushel for threshing out this Corn, which amounted to 3 bush, and a peck. The Indians sent from Ouabaug had half a bushel. The remainder of this Corn I have secured in the Magazine at Marlboro'.

And Loving ffriend. Sir the occasion of my presant wrighting to you is this, upon serious Thoughts wrighting what we heard by the last posts from our Army, that our Army was disposed to garrison the towns they were in & the neighboring towns & being Resolved, not to follow the Enemy, till further help be sent them, & we know that cannot be very spedy, therefore the enemy being so Numerous & not ffollowed by our forces they will have opportunity Enough to scatter or to Remove their body & we may Expect their Coming this way & to fall on us who are but few, & So distant from being Reliefed by any that we Can expect nothing but to be Cut off, and in order to our preservation, as to the use of means, I have now sent you a post for Ammunition, Especially Bullets, and some powder & some flints, for we are badly man d as this bearer Can Informe you & worse for Ammunition, therefore as you Love our Lives & welfare I request & require you to Assist this bearer with Conveniensys as Above s d & a fresh horse & Som Guard with said Ammunition forthwith to be sent us, or Else if we be set upon by Any Considerable force of the Enemy, before we have A recruit we shall not be Abel to maintaine our Garreson. I have writen by the post to the Counsell ; but you know are farr distant & not so sensibel of our Condition as I wish they were, & I know not when I shall have any supply from them & Considering our presant eminent danger makes me Chus make my Aplication to you for reliefe. Which if we be not presantly relieved as Above, I shall not keepe the souldiers here, for they are discouraged for the reason Above Expressed therefore pray faile not In the Least herein but with all presant Expidition to send away to us. and if you can to spare us alsoe a file of men, for this bearer will Informe of how it w* us (I meane a file of men till we Can send to the Counsell) not else at presant to troubel you, not questioning your diligence to Acomplish our desires already mentioned Soe Leaving you with our selves to ye protection of y^ Almighty God whoe Alone is abel to preserve us, desiring your prayers for

" Ho7i'i Sirs From the hand of a single man that came post I having received this day a letter from Mr. Ingrem the comdr of the Garrison at Quoboag judged it my duty to inform your Worships as soon as I could of the deplorable estate of that Garrison the Report of which you have in his letter here inclosed. Adding my most humble request that their jeopardous condition may be speedily taken into your serious consideration. Yourselves well Know of what sad consequences 'tis like to be if that Garrison should be over come by the enemy. The force in this place is barely enough to secure the Country's store, and the several fortifications, therefore we cannot supply them with men ; and here. is likewise a scarcity of able horses for posts ; and whereas Mr. Ingram formerly sent to me for wastcoats & drawers for the supply of the Army & themselves at Quaboag, & for some hose, I have not to supply them : he also wrote for flints, and of them we have but few. I refer those matters to your prudence, and subscribe myself

It is ordered that Capt. Syll give forth his order to the several constables of Charlestown, Cambridge, Watertown, Sudbury and Marlborough forthwith to send in to him the horses and men that were under his command formerly, or in default thereof to impress so many, for the carriage of ammunition and provision from Marlborough to Brookfield ; and Maj. Willard is ordered forthwith to appoint said Capt. Syll twenty troopers & dragoons of Essex & Norfolk men to guard the said provisions to the place appointed, and after the delivery of the said provisions and ammunition at the garrison there, the said Syll is ordered to return home, & dismiss the said horses and men, and return the troopers and dragoons to Maj. Willard, and attend his further order

It is also ordered that Capt. Syll cause the troopers at Cambridge and Charlestown to make so many 4 gallon runletts to put powder in as may suffice to carry 200 lbs. of powder from Marlborough to Brookfield for the Country's service."

Council'S Order To Capt. Thomas Prentis

"You are herely ordered and required to impress 7 sufficient Troopers armed with carbines or long arms to be furnished with ammunition, provisions for horse and men for eight days - for guarding, out of the Troop, and send them fitted and furnished unto Cambridge the 24th inst. at 10 o'clk A.M., then and there to march under the command of Capt. Nathaniel Graves for guarding the carriages from Marlboro to Brookfield. You are also ordered to impress 6 Troopers in Marlboro ; and Capt. Davis is also to impress 6 Troopers, all to march from Marlboro with the rest. Dated March 22, 1675-6."

Order Of Council Held At Boston. 1 23

Ordered, that Capt. Nathaniel Graves of Charlestown shall be the commander of the garrison at Brookfield, and all inferior officers and soldiers are required to be obedient to him :

Also the said Capt. Graves is ordered to take the command of twenty Troopers, and thirty horses, and fifteen men besides with the carriage [pack] horses to be loaded with provisions and ammunition, to be conveyed to the garrison at Brookfield: and after the carriages [pack-loads] are lodged there, he then send back the Troopers and carriage-horses, dismissing them to their several homes : And that Wm Ingram now Commander of the Garrison at Brookfield is dismissed after Capt. Graves comes there, who is to return with the Troopers and carriages. ^ It is further ordered that Maj. Savage order ten soldiers more to strengthen the Garrison at Brookfield as soon as he can conveniently : And the said Capt. Graves is ordered with all convenient despatch to march up to Brookfield with the said carriages.

Warrants Are Issued Forth To The Constables

It is ordered that the Committee of the Army shall and hereby are impowered to sell all those Arms that came from the Narragansetts and are so damnified as that without great charge they can be repaired, to such of the inhabitants as will get them fixt for their own use and for the service of the several companies."

Extract of a letter from the Council to Maj. Savage, dated April i, 1676 : " We have lately sent Capt. Graves of Charlestown with about 50 men and 30 horses laden with provisions & ammunition to Quabauge, ordering him to take the charge of the garrison for the present, and to return the horses & men with Sergt. Ingram, so that we will be sufficiently recruited with ammunition at the fort at Quabauge."

The following letter from Capt. Graves gives us a somewhat graphic picture of garrison-life at Quabaug, at this date. Punctuation marks are to be inserted in their proper places.

Sir we are all In Indifferent helth we dayly are goeing forth but Cannot see any Indians, our provissions dus spend apace And if you Intend to

Continue ys place we must have more provissions ys we have may Last about 8 or 10 days, for my owne partt I can be Content w* Les yn many of ye men heare : I have eatten but Littell of your provissions : I expect A release by ye next y' Cum up : for I am not fit for ys Employ being out of my way & know there are many men more fit than I for ys busines I do not Apprehend any danger to Ly heare for I Beleave ye Indians will nott Cum to our Garreson all my f eare is of our men yt go Abroad & are not so Carefull as they shud be we have had no damage yet yt makes us Secure if you doe Continue ye men heare they will wantt showes & Shurtts And Linin drawers & Tobacco and A glace to keap watch w^h all our discontent Arises from yt now afore it was want of meate now we have enough, heare are many would not Care if they did stay there time out. They ow there masters here is nothing to doe but up to play And down to sleepe. if ye Counttry Can Afoard to maynteyn them so : I am Content rather to bare my partt of ye charge than to play heare where I Can do no good w^t showes and other things we had was sent for to hadley & I have A Resayte of them from ye Commessarrys w^ I hoap w^ discharge me which is all yt offers att

May 5, "The Court judgeth it meet that the garrison at Quoboag be continued there, and that they have suitable provision sent to them, and to that end have treated with Lieut. Wm Clarke [of Northampton] for a supply to be made from those towns upon the river, which will be more easily effected than to be sent from hence ; and do therefore order and impower the said Lieut. Clarke with all possible speed to procure the same ; and Capt. Turner is ordered to appoint a sufficient guard for the provisions above said to Quoboag. . . .

"The garrison of Quopaug being out of provisions, and the supply ordered from Hadley not being likely to be with them for their present relief, it is ordered, that forthwith provisions for one week be speedied up to them.

" There being a present necessity to send up some provisions to Quoboag for the relief of the garrison, and also a person to command instead of Mr. Graves, it is hereby ordered, that Sarjant Ephraim Savage do march up with the provisions now sent, and take the command of the said garrison, and that the infirm or sick men there be dismissed, provided thirty soldiers be kept there. And for the conveyance of the said provisions, it is ordered, that the captain of Sudbury do send up a sufficient guard for the said provisions to Marlborow, and is hereby empowered to press sufficient horses to carry the same to Quoboag, and that Lieut. Jacob do, from Marlborow, send up a good guard with the said provisions to Quoboag."

Movements Of Indians. 1 25

for a reason which will appear shortly : and another similar order is passed, viz. " The Court, considering the want of provisions for the garrisons at Marlborow and Quoboag, who are in distress, together with the wants & sickness in the army, do order, that all the sick or necessitous persons in the army be licensed to repair to their own homes for ten days, and that forty or fifty of the ablest be retained and quartered in Sudbury & Concord, & be imployed to guard up provisions to Quoboag, Marlborow & other magazines, which are with all expedition to be sent up."

John Hull, in a petition to the General Court, stated that Sergt. Savage was in feeble health, and asked that he be discharged from that duty at Quabaug. And May 12, is the record: "The Deputys judge meet to grant this petition, and have nominated and appointed Thomas Walker the brickmaker to be Commander of the Garrison at Quaboage in his stead, desiring the consent of our Hond Magists hereto."

Probably, for some reason, the Magistrates did not consent ; and Sergt. Savage, with a commission as lieutenant, went to Brookfield, where he remained with a small force till the 20th of June, and perhaps later. But after June 12, at which date the hostile Indians appear to have disbanded and scattered in various directions, the garrison was maintained chiefly as a relief station for posts, and companies marching homewards.

We get an occasional glimpse of the movements of the Indians in this neighborhood, at this date. In a letter from Capt. Benjamin Newbury, dated Westfield, May 24, 1676, he says: "I find the people very desirous for motion against the enemy, and according to best intelligence cannot but judge it may be for great advantage to be doing as soon as may be : They seem to be secure by what returns the scouts make, and doubghtly are not yet numerous : It's credibly affirmed there is a considerable party at Quaboag, nigh 300 by the intelligence that is come from thence last night. So that we are apt to think if Maj. Talcott would please to come this way, with his forces he might do good service both here and there." '

"Northampton, June 8, 1676, 10 o'clock at night. In pursuance of your orders, I past from Norwich to Wabaquesset, at which place suppose was about 40 acres of Corn, and a fort, but none of the enemy to be found upon the best of our search. From thence made Chanagongum in the Nipnap Country on the 5th of June, and took 52 of the enemy of which 19 slain and one shot and made an escape, followed by his blood but lost him; and on the 6th instant made towards Squaboag and gained it on the 7th day at

12 of the clock, and on the 7th instant gave Hberty for some of our Indians to hunt in the afternoon, one party of which came to our rendezvous in the evening, and informed us of a party of the Indian enemy were pitching for that night about 3 miles from our quarters ; and not knowing what strength might be there, sent out about 120 English and Indians at midnight, with orders to gain the sight of their fires as soon as might be, and to lie close until day break and then fall upon them; which accordingly they did ; but there was but two of the enemy, which they assaulted and took, who were loaden with as much fish as they could carry, and each of them a gun, their horns full of powder, which were taken ; - And think the Account of Arms before was five that was taken - of men slain 12, and one or two saved, - We sent 27 women and children to Norwich under conduct of some of those we call honest Indians, and the others are come to Hadley with the army, and by the last that was slain we receive intelligence that there is 500 fighting men at pa cumticutt. This eight instant we made Hadley with about 200 Indians and about 250 English soldiers; but the Bay forces are not come. I past away from Squabaug a letter to the chief commander of the Bay forces intended for conjunction with us in these parts, . . .

These letters, and others that might be quoted, serve to show that the Indians hereabouts were not now aggressive ; that the squaws and old men were watching the growing corn, and subsisting on fish ; and the warriors were here only in transit. Capt. Henchman, in a letter to the Mass. Council, dated June 30, says : " Our scouts brought intelligence that all the Indians were in a continual motion, some towards Narraganset, others towards Watchuset, shifting gradually, and taking up each others' Quarters, and lay not above a Night in a Place."

Closing Account of the Quabaug Indians. - A brief summary of events connected with the ending of King Philip's War, and the dispersion of the native tribe that once held peaceful possession of our soil, will close this chapter on the First Setdement of Brookfield.

As stated on p. 119, the great company of Quabaugs, Nashaways, Narragansetts, and their allies, having successfully foiled Maj. Savage in the woods above Menameset, crossed Miller's river in safety, and reached Northneld March 7.

As stated on p. no, Philip and his Wampanoags had moved off towards the Mohawk country, at the close of the fall campaign of 1675, and pitched their winter quarters at a place about 40 miles northward of Albany. When the Narragansetts under Canonchet joined the Quabaugs at Menameset in January, Muttaump went to Philip's retreat to carry the good news of the great accession, and urge his return to the Connecticut valley. He complied and reached the west side of the

This gathering of Indian tribes and clans at Northfield at this date, was a notable event. The chief of the once renowned VVampanoags, and the chief of the not less renowned Narragansetts, met and united their forces and fortunes. All the personal adherents of Philip and his kinsman Quinnapin were here ; and Canonchet, son of Miantonimoh and hereditary sachem of the Narragansetts, was attended by the flower of that once terrible clan. His uncle Pessacus, now just past the prime of life, was his chief counsellor. In addition to these, Sancumachu, a Nonotuck sachem, and now the acknowledged leader of the Pacomptucks and Agawams, was here with a considerable part of the united tribes. Muttaump, now in the zenith of his success and glory, and his Quabaugs were here. A part of the Nashaways, the Nipnets, some from Natick and Marlborough, and stragglers from other clans were here. And these, with the Squakheags (the home tribe), made up an immense multitude. From rehable data, it is believed that from the 9th to the 25th of March, there were not less than 2,500 Indians, including women and children, at the Squakheag village-sites about the mouth of the Ashuelot river and on the opposite side of the Connecticut.

It was a critical time with the savage horde. The chiefs had to detertermine two important matters, viz., the plan of the season's campaign ; and how to make secure and provide subsistence for the non-combatants, who largely outnumbered the warriors. The first care was to get a supply of food for the present necessity. By a raid on Northampton and Hatfield, March 14-16, they captured a number of horses, sheep, and other plunder, which furnished a temporary supply. But there was great scarcity of provisions. "Many times in the morning," writes Mrs. Rowlandson, who was with them, " the generality of them would eat up all they had. Their chief and commonest food was ground-nuts ; they ate also nuts and acorns, hartychocks, lily roots, ground beans, and other weeds and roots that I know not." Occasionally the hunters would bring in a bear, or a deer, or a beaver, when they would have a feast. Mrs. Rowlandson says : " A squaw gave me a spoonful of meal, I put it in my pocket to keep it safe, yet somebody stole it, but put five Indian corns in the room of it : which corns were the greatest provision I had in my travels for one day." " One day Philip invited me to dinner : I went, and he gave me a pancake, about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten, and fried in bear's grease ; but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life."

By a bargain made with the Dutch from Fort Albany, Philip and the confederates were supplied with a sufficiency of ammunition, which allayed one cause of anxiety. i\.nd at a council of chiefs it was decided to hold the Connecticut valley north of the mouth of Miller's river, as a common rendezvous, and abiding-place of non-combatants. They could contrive to eke out a living till the fishing-season came ; after which they had no reason to fear a scarcity of provisions till the last of summer. To insure the autumn and winter supplies, Canonchet, who appears to have been the master-spirit among the chiefs, both in the War and Commissary departments, proposed that all the old fields, formerly occupied by the Indians, and recently taken from the English, should be planted with corn. (This of course was to be the work of the squaws.) But there was none of last year's crop left here for seed. Canonchet said there was plenty of seed-corn stored in the barns in the Narragansett country : but no one of his followers would volunteer to run the venture of fetching it. The chieftain himself decided to go for it ; and the small number of 30 braves offered to accompany him. He reached his old home safely ; collected the corn in bags and baskets ; and despatched his escort with it to Squakheag, Himself lingered on the banks of the Pawtucket ; and on April 2, while in camp with 6 or 7 of his men, he was surprised and captured by a scouting party of English and Indians, under Capts. Avery and Denison and Oneko. He was taken to Stonington, where he was promptly executed by Oneko, and his head sent to Hartford.

The seed-corn was carried safely to Squakheag ; and as we shall presently see, that place, and Pacomptuck, and Paquayag, and Quabaug, were fully supplied ; and in this respect anxiety for the summer's campaign was allayed. But the master-spirit was no more among them. Philip's name was no longer a talisman ; and his counsels no longer inspired confidence ; and his presence had no magnetism ; and his own tribal adherents were insignificant in numbers. The death of Canonchet was the death-blow to the cause. Personal rivalry, and distracting counsels prevailed. Proposals of an armistice were discussed. The Pacomptucks deserted, and went home to Deerfield ; and gave out intimations that they were ready to purchase a peace with the price of King Philip's head. Philip himself prudently departed April 10, and with Quinapin and a part of the Narragansetts, moved towards safer quarters in the strongholds of Wachusett. Pessacus was left in command of the allied forces, which comprised the bulk of the Narragansetts, the Squakheags, some of the Quabaugs, and a motley crew, large enough in numbers, but unwieldy and weak for active field service. There were several pretty strong forts, for defence; and the commander could send out foraging parties and scouts ; he could prepare for planting the cornfields, and guard, and negotiate for the ransom of the English prisoners, a large number of whom were still in the hands of the Indians. - Letters, and ofticial papers, describing the situation of affairs in the camp

The Falls Fight

About the first of May, when the fishing-season commenced, the Indians at Northfield separated into convenient parties for work. The Squakheags remained at home, for salmon fishing and planting ; a small party went to Paquayag for the same purposes ; and the great crowd repaired to the Pasquompscut falls near the mouth of Miller's river, for fishing. The Pacomptucks had already gone to their old home, to prepare for seeding their rich fields. Corn-planting began May 9th or loth, and lasted about 2 weeks. By May 22, about 100 acres had been put in at Deerfield, and probably a like proportion at the other towns.

A letter written by Rev. Mr. Russell of Hadley, dated May 15, gives a clear view of the situation at this time : " This morning about sunrise came into Hatfield one Thomas Reede a soldier who was taken captive when Deacon Goodman was slain (at Hockanum, about the first of April). He relates that they are now planting at Deerfield and have been so these three or four days or more - saith further that they dwell at the Falls on both sides the river - are a considerable number, yet most of them old men and women. He cannot judge that there are on both sides the river (at the Falls) above 60 or 70 fighting men. They are secure and scornful ; boasting of great things they have done, and will do. There is Thomas Eameses daughter and her child (a younger sister) hardly used ; one or two belonging to Medfield, and I think two children belonging to Lancaster. The night before last they came down to Hatfield upper meadow, and have driven away many horses and cattle, to the number of fourscore and upwards as they judge. Many of these this man saw in Deerfield meadow, and found the bars put up to keep them in. This being the state of things, we think the Lord calls us to make some trial what may be done against them suddenly, without further delay ; and therefore the concurring resolution of men here seems to be to go out against them to-morrow night so as to be with them, the Lord assisting, before break of day." This purpose of the Hadley people was carried out three days later.

There were special reasons why the Indians felt secure just at this time. Most of the Massachusetts troops under Maj. Sav^age, and the Connecticut troops under Maj. Treat had been withdrawn, and returned home. Only about 160 men, under command of Capt. William Turner, now garrisoned the Hampshire towns. Besides, negotiations for the redemption of captives were pending between the Connecticut authorities and the Indian chiefs \ and it was presumable that no hostilities would be commenced against the Indians till this matter was arranged. And on the night of the i8th, the party at the Falls had gorged themselves " with new milk and roast beef, having lately driven away from

At this fortunate juncture - Thursday evening May 18 - Capt. Turner and Capt. Samuel Holyoke, with 160 mounted men, one-half inhabitants and one-half soldiers, started for the Indian fishing-camp at the Falls. They reached the place about daybreak. "They found the Indians secure, yea all asleep without having any scouts abroad ; so that our soldiers came and put their guns into their wigwams, before the Indians were aware of them, and made a great and notable slaughter." [Mather's Brief History ^^ About 180 Indians, old and young, perished that morning.

But this apparent victory, ended in a disastrous defeat of our troops. Just as our men started for their horses, which were left a half-mile in the rear, the report was started - no one knew how - that Philip with 1,000 Indians was approaching ; and " a panic terror fell upon many of them, and they hastened homewards in a confused route." Capt. Turner and 37 of his men were slain - all but one after they left the Falls.

The Indians remained in their fishing and planting camps ; they assaulted Hatfield May 30, and Hadley June 1 2 ; but no attempt was made to dislodge them, by the English forces, till June 16, when Maj. Talcott and Capt. Henchman marched up as far as the Falls ; but '-' they found no Indians."

As before stated, Philip, with his Wampanoags and part of the Narragansetts, left the Connecticut valley April 10, and marched towards Wachusett, where he arrived about the 17th; and where he was joined by the Nashaways under Sagamore Sam, and that clan of the Quabaugs that were under the immediate orders of Muttaump, and a large body of Nipnets. About this date [negotiations were begun earlier], the Massachusetts Council made overtures to this band for the redemption of Mrs. Rowlandson and the other Lancaster captives. Sam and Muttaump and the Nipnets favored the plan - either for the sake of the large price expected, or because they, foresaw the hopelessness of their cause, and preferred peace to destruction.^ But Philip saw that such a bargain was a confession of weakness, and sternly opposed entertaining the proposal and parting with any of the captives ; though with his usual cunning he proposed a truce of a month or more, and gave plausible reasons for the same. The contention in the camp, between the advocates of peace and the favorers of war, was so sharp, and Capt. Henchman's bold raid of May 30, coming so near the Wachusett stronghold, that Philip and the Narragansetts departed for their old homes on the coast. They left Wachusett the first week in June, and marched leisurely to the south. Philip made for his old headquarters in the neighborhood of Pokanoket. His return was discovered ; and after July II, he was continually followed and harassed by war parties of English and Indians. On the morning of Aug. 1 2, he was surprised in a swamp near his ancient seat, and shot by an Indian named Alderman.

From incidental statements contained in official documents, it appears that after the death of Canonchet, the Quabaugs divided into two parties : one party under Cognowasco ? remaining with Pessacus [and were in the sanguinary fight at Turner's falls May 19, where "some of them were slain "], and the other party under Muttaump going to the Wachusett fastnesses. The first of May, the sachems at Wachusett, including Philip, sent a letter to the Governor and Council at Boston, asking for a cessation of hostilities and permission to plant corn in their old fields at Quabaug, Mendon, etc., and "promising not to do hurt to English towns, if they are not hindered in their planting." Although the Council did not accede to their overture, yet some of the squaws of our tribe returned and planted a considerable field at Quabaug Old Fort, and probably another field at one of the other village sites. Rev. James Fitch, in a letter dated May 29, says: "The sum of our intelligence is that [brought] by the Indians from Wabaquassog . . . it's the general report of all that the chief place of their women and children is at Watchoosuck, not far from Quabaug ; that they have planted at Quabaug, and at Nipsachook nigh Coweset ; that Philip's men and the Narragansetts are generally come into those above mentioned places, only Pessacus one of the chief of the Narragansett sachems did abide up at Pocomptuck with some few of his men."

To strengthen his position as peace-maker, about the middle of May Sagamore Sam went to the Connecticut valley to endeavor to arrange with Pessacus for an exchange or ransom of English captives then in his hands ; but the tragic affair at Turner's Falls frustrated his plan ; and he returned to Wachusett only to find that Capt. Henchman had raided his camp May 30, and killed or captured 36 of his people, including his own wife and children, and Muttaump's wife.' He sent the following letter :

" My Lord Mr. Leveret at Boston, Mr. Waban, Mr. Eliot, Mr. Gookin, and Council, hear yea. I went to Connecticut about the Captives, that I might bring them into your hands, and when we were almost there the English had destroyed those Indians. When I heard it I returned back again : then when I came home, we were also destroyed : After we were destroyed

"About May 30, 1676, the forces under Capt. Henchman were called together again, and sent to Brookfield . . . : in the way, ours, by direction of Tom Dublet, a Natick Indian . . . following tracks of Indians, came upon a party of the enemy fishing in Weshakim Ponds toward Lancaster, of whom they killed 7 and took 29, mostly women and children." - Hubbard's Ind. Wars.

then Philip and Ouanipun went away into their own Country againe : and I knew they were much afraid, because of our offer to joyn with the English, and therefore they went back into their own Country, and I know they will make no warre : therefore because when some English men came to us Philip and Quanipun sent to kill them : but I said if any kill them, I'll kill them

The sending this letter was certainly a politic move. And negotiations for the exchange of captives continued on both sides. Some of the English prisoners escaped - probably with the connivance of the sachems. But results were not definite and satisfactory to either party. And as a last resort, the chiefs united in subscribing a letter, which, Mr. S. G. Drake remarks, " surpasseth any thing, in supplication, that we have, from the poor Indians."

"July 6th, 1676. Mr. John Leveret, my Lord, Mr. Waban, and all the chief men our Brethren Praying to God: We beseech you all to help us: my wife she is but one, but there be more Prisoners, which we pray you keep well ; Mattamuck [Muttaump] his wife, we entreat you for her, and not onely that man, but it is the Request of two Sachems, Sam Sachem of Weshakum, and [John] the Pakashoag Sachem.

"And that further you will consider about the making Peace: We have spoken to the People of Nashobah (viz. Tom Dubler and Peter) that we would agree with you, and make a Covenant of Peace with you. We have been destroyed by yo^ir Souldiers, but still we Remember it now to sit still : Do you consider it again : We do earnestly entreat you, that it may be so by Jesus Christ. O ! let it be so ! Amefi, Ajnen.

Another letter of similar tenor, signed by Pumkamun and Ponnakpukun or Jacob Muttamakoog, was sent to the Governor and Council, about the same time. The answer of the Council was : "That treacherous persons who began the war and those that have been barbarously bloody, must not expect to have their lives spared, but others that have been drawn into the war, and acted only as souldiers, submitting to be without arms to live quietly & peaceably for the future shall have their lives spared."

Indians Taken Prisoners. 1 33

traced. Some time in August, the sachems and clans that had been quartered about Wachusett, were induced by what they understood to be a promise of amnesty, through the mediation of Peter Jethro, to go to Pennacook, and from there to Cochecho (Dover, N.H.). The first of September, the Pennacooks and about 200 of the Quabaugs, Nashaways and their aUies, were gathered at the house of Maj. Waldron, with whom the truce had been made, and whom they considered their friend and father. By a stratagem, which was approved by military men, but sharply condemned by every philanthropist, the whole body of Indians were suddenly surrounded by English soldiers, seized, and disarmed. The Pennacooks were dismissed. The others were made prisoners, and sent to Boston. " Seven or eight of the chiefs were condemned and hanged ; the rest were sold into slavery in foreign parts." In Sewairs Diary is the entry: "1676, Sept. 26. Tuesday, Sagamore Sam & Daniel Goble is drawn in a cart upon bed cloaths to execution. . . . One-eyed John, Maliompe [Muttaump] Sagamore of Quapaug, General at Lancaster and Jethro (the father) walk to the gallows.