Brookfield Town (part 2 of 18)

..." There is another aged Sachem at Qiiobagnd, three score miles Westward, and he doth greatly desire that I would come thither and teach them, and live there ; and I made a journey thither this summer, and I went by Nashaway : but it so fell out that there were some stirs betwixt the Narranganset and Monahegan Indians, some murders committed, etc., which made our church doubtful at first of my going ; which when the Nashazuay Sachem [Sholan] heard, he commanded twenty armed men (after their manner) to be ready, and himself with these twenty men, besides sundry of our near Indians went along with me to guard me : but I took some English along with me also, so that hereby their good affection is manifested to me, and to the work I have in hand : Here also [at Quobagud] I found sundry hungry after instruction ; but it pleased God to exercise us with such tedious rain and bad weather, that we were extreme wet, insomuch that I was not dry night nor day from the third day of the week unto the sixth, but so travelled, and at night pull off my boots, wring my stockings, and on with them again, and so continued : The rivers also were raised, so as that we were wet riding through : but that which added to my affliction was, my horse tired, so that I was forced to let my horse go empty, and ride on one of the men's horses which I took along with me. Yet God stept in and helped : I considered that the word of God 2 Tim. 2:3, " Endure hardship as a good soldier of Christ," with many other such like meditations. . . . And I thank the Lord, neither I nor my company took any hurt." '

This was all the information, relative to his visit, called for by Mr. Eliot's then design in writing the letter. But to us, it is matter of deep, though unavailing regret, that he did not give the name of the " aged sachem " on whose invitation the visit was made. Circumstances, however, favor the conclusion that it was he who was known in our annals as David, the trusted friend of the Brookfield first settlers, who is mentioned in Wheeler's Narrative, as a " chief Sachem," and " great friend to the English."

That Mr. Eliot kept alive his interest in our Indian town, and found much to encourage him in his good work, is evident from Gookin's Account, written twenty-five years later [see ante, p. 39.] The intimate relations which subsisted between the Quabaugs and the Wampanoags, as hinted at in Pynchon's letter, and confirmed by subsequent events, render it certain that intercommunication with the Bay was not infrequent ; Indian customs of hospitality sanctioned a week's stay of our sachem and his chief men at Natick, or Punkapaug, or Hassanameset, where the apostle's influence was then paramount ; and the Gospel news, which spread through all these connected towns, became a quickener of thought, and a pervasive leaven.

Six years later, i.e., in 1655, Mr. Eliot must have made a special visit and exploration of the Quabaug territory, of which a record is preserved. In Ancient Plans, /., 285, is found a plot of yohn Eliofs 1000 Acres, endorsed: "Purchased by Rev. John Ehot, the 27th of Sept., 1655, of Wattalloowekin and Nakin, Indians - said 1000 Acres of land lies Southward of, and contiguous to the Township of Brookfield alias Quabaug, at a place called Pookookappog Ponds." The north-east corner bound was two perch from the north-west corner of Great Alum pond ; the line ran thence 402 rods to a point north of Little Alum pond; thence S. 5° W. 400 rods; thence E. 27° S. 460 rods ; thence northerly through Great Alum pond, 460 rods, to the firstmentioned bound. Eight hundred acres of this land lie in Sturbridge, and two hundred in Brimfield. Dec. 5, 1715, the title to this land was confirmed by the General Court to the heirs of Mr. Eliot.

Mr. Eliot's plan for evangelizing the Indians was a broad one, looking to the establishment of what were called "Praying towns " throughout the Massachusetts limits. The first and model town was built at Natick. Others were selected as fast as suitable men - white or Indian - could be found, to carry them on. For, like a common-sense Christian, as he was, he laid careful foundations, and " made haste slowly."

The facts in the case clearly show that he had in mind to establish a Praying town, either at Quobagud, or at the Indian settlement on his purchased land [see ante, p. 31]. The latter place was near the old southern trail ; and it had much to recommend it for permanent habitancy. It was of easy approach from Maanexit, and Wabbaquasset ; and it had fine cornland, which was regarded as a better agent of civilization than hunting-ground and other sources of native food supplies.

That the Massachusetts authorities were cognizant of his interest in the Quabaugs, and approved his plan for bringing them under Christian instruction, appears from the action of the General Court in 1661, earnestly requesting Wassamegin, the ruling sachem, to send some of his young men, and some returned captives to the Christian towns, where they might learn " to know and love God " under the ministration of Mr. Eliot.

It was in furtherance of this plan that Mr. Eliot petitioned the General Court, in 1664, for a large grant of land, which should take in his purchase of 1655. The record is : " In answer to the petition of Mr. John Elljott in behalfe of the Indians of Putikookuppogg, the Court judgeth it meete to grant this petition : viz', a plantation to the Indians, not exceeding fower thousand acres, and that it prejudice nott Ipswich grant [at Brookfield], or any former grant, in the place desired nere Quoboag, & for the ordering and seding thereof have appointed & empowered Mr. Samuel Smith, Mr, Elizur Holjoke, & Mr. William Holton, who may, vpon the place, determine the sittuation & Ijmitts of the sajd Indian plantation, & so to state & order the same as maybe for the accomodation both of English & Indians, & that the sajd comittee shall give notice to all persons concerned to attend at the time of their meeting, if they see cause, provided the sajd Indians engage nor sell it w'^out leave first obteyned from this Court." [Mass. Col. Rec. IV-2. p. 109.] The record of the laying-out of this 4,000 acre plantation has not been found. But the purpose of establishing Christian institutions at one of the Quabaug towns was not abandoned ; and as appears from Mr. Gookin's statement (already quoted), the plan was near a successful issue, when King Philip's War broke out, and clouded so many fair prospects and dashed so many bright hopes !

The next document in our series is dated September, 1659; and is valuable as giving the name of a Quabaug sachem, not elsewhere found. " In answer to a petition of Robert Ashley of Springfield for satisfaction for a horse killed by a Nipanett Indian the last year : The Commissioners being informed by Mr. John Pynchon that the said Indian liveth at Quabage, under the sachem Annoackamor ; doth think twenty pounds should be demanded of the said sachem, or the man that killed the horse to be delivered into the hands of the said Ashley to be by him disposed of as he sees cause. Mr. Pynchon is desired to take care that satisfaction be demanded, and the party secured if there be opportunity, which if he cannot attain, we desire the Mass. Government to effect the same as they shall see cause." [Acts of Com. of U. Col^. II. 225.]

We now come, in chronological order, to the grant of a part of the Quabaug territory, May 30, 1660, to the inhabitants of Ipswich. But the particulars of this transaction properly belong to the next chapter.

The next year, and before any whites came upon the ground, a war party of Mohegans, under Oneko, son of Uncas, with the knowledge and consent of his father, made an assault upon our Quabaugs (written Quabaconk), killing three, and carrying away six captives. The real motive for the assault is not apparent. The pretended motive was, to satisfy an old grudge against Onopequin, a native of Quabaug, but then living at Pacomptuck, some of whose men, as Uncas asserts, were then with the Quabaugs. If this was in fact true, Uncas had a plausible excuse. For in the spring of 1658, Onopequin had led a war party into the Mohegan country, and killed and taken several of Uncas' people - much after the fashion of this return raid of Oneko. But it is more hkeiy that Uncas intended the expedition as a defiance to Wassamegin (Massasoit) and the English authorities, to whom he bore no love, and whose interest just then, as he well knew, would prevent them from resorting to severe measures against him. He was a shrewd, turbulent, imperious man, and a daring warrior, skilled in making and breaking combinations ; generally favoring the English ; but feared and distrusted by all parties. He seems to have gained his end, whatever it was, in this business; and got off with a severe scolding, and a solemn injunction "not to do so again."

About ten weeks since, Uncas's Son, accompanyed with 70 Indians set upon the Indians at Quabaconk, and slew three persons, and carried away 6 prisoners, among which prisoners was one squa with her two children, whom when he had brought to the fort, Uncas dismissed the squa, on conditions that she would go home and bring him 25 lb. jn peage, two guns and two blankets, for the release of herself and her children, which as yet she hath not done, being retained by the sagamore of Washakeim, on hopes that their league with the English will free them ; at the said time he carried away also in stuffe and moneyes, to the value of 37 'b. And at sucli time as Uncas received notice of the displeasure of the English in the Massachusetts, by the worshipfull Mr. Winthrop, he insolently laughed them to scorn, and professed that he would still go on as he had begun and assay who dares to control him. Moreover, 4 days since there came home a prisoner that escaped ; two yet remaining whom Uncas threatens, the one of them to kill, and the other to sell away as a slave ; and still threatens to continue his war against them, notwithstanding any prohibition whatsoever, whose very threats are so terrible that our Indians dare not wander far from the towns about the Indians, for fear of surprise.

This paper was received by the General Court, and referred to a committee, viz., Humphrey Atherton, Joseph Hills, William Parkes. The committee reported June i, as follows :

1st, That letters from this Court be sent unto Uncas; signifying how sensible we are of the Injuries by him done unto us, in the Outrages by him committed by his hostile invading our subjects the Indians at Quabaconk, who there live under Wassamagin their sagamore, by destroying and killing of some, by carrying away and keeping others captives, and by spoiling them of their goods to the value of 37 'b. as they complain ; vi^illing and requiring of him the said Uncas to yield and deliver up the said captives, and to make restitution for the goods by him so taken from our said subjects : And that for time to come, he forbear all hostilitie and unlawful violence towards the persons, lands and goods of our said subjects the Quabaconk aforesaid. Signifying also to the said Uncas that if Wassamagin or his subjects have done or shall do any Injury to him or his subjects, that on complaints to us and due proof thereof he shall be righted.

2d, That Uncas be given to understand and be assured from this Court that if he refuse or neglect to release or deliver up the foresaid captives, and also to make restitution for the goods taken from our said subjects, that we then are resolved, the Lord assisting, to right our foresaid Injuries upon him and his subjects for the same. And for all the charges whatsoever that shall arise in the prosecution thereof.

3d, That if the said Uncas shall put us to right ourselves by war upon him, that we shall then require satisfaction also for the lives of our subjects by him slain as aforesaid.

4th, That for the encouragement and safety of the said Wassamagin and his subjects there be by order of Maj. Willard, 3 or 4 armed men well accommodated in all respects, with a proportion of powder, bullets and match, sent from Lancaster to Quabaconk unto the said Wassamagin, there to stay a night or two, and to shoot off their muskets so often and in such wise as the Major shall direct, to terrify the enemies of Wassamagin, and so to return home again.

5th, That either the Major or the soldiers by his order advise Wassamagin and his subjects there, that the General Court, the Gov and dep. Govr and Magistrates shall take it as an assured token of their hearty love and fidelitie to the English, and of their thankful acknowledgment of all favors extended to them, if they would let the English have the bringing up of those captives now to be released, and of some of their sons also, by means whereof they may the better know and serve God, and be the more helpful to their own kinsfolk, friends and countrymen afterwards. And that Mr. Eliot be desired to second and forward the motion to Wassamagin and his subjects as often seasonable occasion shall be ministered.

6th, That either the Major General, or Maj. Willard, or the soldiers to be sent as aforesaid, in the name of this Court advise and require Wassamagin and his men to be very careful of injuring or in any ways provoking of Uncas or any of his men, as he will answer our displeasure therein, and incur due punishment for the same. And that if, notwithstanding his innocence that way, that Uncas shall invade or injure him as formerly, that he give notice thereof unto Maj. Willard, who upon manifest invasion and assault of the enemie, shall act and do according to law in case of Alarm, so far as to him seems necessary, and this shall be his sufficient warrant for the same.

Dealings With Uncas

The matter was taken in hand by the Commissioners of the United Colonies ; as appears from the following communication sent to Uncas, and his reply through Capt. John Mason.

" Upon a complaint made to the Commers of the Massachusetts against Unkas, this following message was sent to him : - We have received information and complaint from the General Court of the Massachusetts of your hostile invading of Wasamequen and the Indians of Quabakutt, who are and long have been subjects to the English, killing some and carrying away others captives, spoiling their goods to the value of 33^. as they allege : and all this contrary to your covenant and promise to the Comm^rs several times renewed ; not to make war on any of our tributaries without the allowance of the Commers ; we also understand that the General Court of the MassttSj whose subjects the said Indians are, have formally signified their offence unto you. Requiring the return of your captives, and satisfaction for the wrong you have done, to which you have not returned any answer, which seems to be an insolent and proud carriage of yours, we cannot but wonder at it, and must bear witness against it, and do hereby will and require you forthwith to return said captives with due satisfaction for other wrongs done them, or to make out sufficient grounds and Reasons for your invading the said Indians, the which you are to speedily to send to the Governor of Massa"Sj and if it appear they have done you any wrong, upon due proof we shall take care that they make you satisfaction : if you shall neglect to observe our order and injunctions herein contained, we must leave the Massachusetts to right themselves, as formerly they signified unto you : in which case we must own and if need be assist our confederates.

Whereas, There was a warrant sent from the Court of Boston, dated in May last, to Uncas, sachem of Mohegan, wherein it was declared upon the Complaint of Wesamequen a sachem subject to the Massachusetts, that the said Uncas had offered great violence to their subjects at Quabauke, killing some, and taking others captive : which warrant came to Uncas not above twenty days before these presents, who being summoned by Maj. John Mason in the full scope of the said warrant, wherein he was deeply charged if he did not return the captives and 33 pounds Damage, then the Massachusetts would recover it by force of arms, which to him was very grievous : professing he was altogether ignorant that they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts ; and further said that they were none of Wesamequen's men, but belonging to Onopequin, his deadly enemy, who was there born : one of the men then taken was his own Cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his own person; and yet set him at liberty: and further said that all the captives were sent home : also that Wesamequen's son and divers of his men had fought against him divers times : this he desired might be returned as his answer to the Commissioners.

N. B. Alexander alias Wamsutta, Sachem of Sowamsett, being now at Plymouth, he challenged Ouabauke Indians to belong to him : and further said that he did war against Uncas this summer on that account.

A special interest attaches to the above papers, because the events recorded happened in our territory at the time when the white settlers were just taking possession of their new homes in Brookfield ; and we thus get an idea of the Indian life with which they came in contact. Nothing could better illustrate the daring courage of the Ipswich men and women who first pitched on Foster's hill, than this picture of their surroundings, with, on the one hand, savage vengeance and duplicity, and on the other, the timorous policy of our State authorities. It surely did not promise well for substantial help and support to an infant colony away in the wilderness, when the powerful Uncas could murder and despoil a peaceable tribe, and the English Governor, who claimed said tribe as his subjects, instead of demanding and enforcing redress, only devised a way to scare the haughty chieftain, by " stationing 3 or 4 men with fire-locks and plenty of ammunition " at Wekabaug, who should " stay there a night or two, and shoot off their muskets so often and in such wise as Major Willard should direct, and then return home again ! "

And these papers have additional and great value, in that they clear up what has been a mystery in the life of Wassamegin (Massasoit), and at the same time disclose the reason why the Quabaugs so earnestly espoused the cause of his son Philip, and why that chieftain fled hither for aid and protection, immediately on his defeat at Pocasset in tlie summer of 1675.

Massasoit, it will be remembered, was the Wampanoag sachem first to visit the Pilgrims at Plymouth in 1621, and then became and continued their firm friend. The treaty of peace and mutual defence, made between him and the whites, was carefully observed for above fifty years, and was an important factor in the prosperity of the colony. He was the father of Alexander, who married the distinguished Weetamoo, and was ever the friend of the English ; and the father of Philip, who became their deadly enemy. In 1632, when he made war upon the Narragansetts, Massasoit changed his name to Ousamequin (often written Wassamegin), by which name he is afterwards known in history. His home-seat was in the present town of Bristol, R.I. But he lived at various points in Bristol and Plymouth counties, Mass. There is evidence that in 1643-4 he was living in the western central part of Worcester County. And we found that in 164S, Cutshamakin, one of his leading under-sachems, asserted the claims of his chieftain to jurisdic- tion over our Quabaug tribe. From 1649 to 1657, he appears on the records as selling lands in Bridgewater, Rehoboth, Hogg Island, and elsewhere. At the latter date, he disappears from the affairs of his old home. Mr. Drake [Bk. of the Inds. II. 28] suggests that he had then disposed of most of his lands, and given up the sachemship to his son Wamsutta (Alexander). Did he then take up his abode with the Quabaugs? The evidence in the case, as given in the papers under consideration, favors such a conclusion. From his high standing, and former relations, he would of course be acknowledged by our tribe as chief sagamore. And the only fair construction of the statements - which are official - contained in these papers, renders it certain that he was living here and was sagamore in May, 1661. The best authorities give the date of his death in i66i, or early in 1662. He probably died at Quabaug. His age could not have been less than 80.

The next important item in the annals of our tribe is the sale, Nov. 10, 1665, by the sachem Shattoockquis, to the English settlers, of a tract of land about six miles square, covering the original town of Brookfield. But the particulars of this transaction properly belong to the next chapter.

And this brings us to the end of the sole Indian occupation, and the beginning of the joint occupancy of the township by the red and white races.

And it is a singular fact that the history of our Indian tribe for the next ten years is substantially a blank. We know that the natives remained in their villages, and cultivated their cornfields as before. We get a glimpse, now and then, from the Court records, of a drunken brawl, or a minor crime committed by or upon them ; of a leading Indian of Naunotuk perpetrating a theft at home, and fleeing for concealment to Quabaug. And we know, in a general way, that these ten years were years of peace between the Indians and the English in this neighborhood.

The condition of Quabaug, and its relations to the outside world, were greatly changed as compared with 1647. ^^ was now on an established English bridle-path between the Bay and the Connecticut. The single horseman, or a cavalcade of riders and pack-horses was a common sight to our Indians. They had taken part in matters of diplomacy and traffic, and had seen the features of English social life and customs, and felt the power of civilization, by actual contact. English towns had been established above Springfield. Northampton was purchased of the Naunotuks in 1653, and settled the next year. Hadley was settled in 1659. Deerfield was purchased in 1667, and a settlement made in 1669 ; but the Dedham committees had been passing to and fro since 1665, and had added to the bustle of our quiet settlement.

Savage man instinctively holds civilized man in reverence, as a higher order of intelligence and power. The records of all original explorations and discoveries prove this. Suitable clothing is a moral force ; good tools and weapons are a moral force ; habits of industry are a moral force ; ownership of a horse or ox is a moral force ; a fixed home is a moral force : they indicate prescience and providence, and they imply dominion, as a consequent of intelligence, and thus directly, as well as by contrast, awaken awe in the untutored child of nature.

For this reason, and for another to be named presently, our natives welcomed the white settlers. They sold their lands in good faith, and as a rule were satisfied with the price received. It was understood - perhaps stipulated - by both parties that the Indians retained the right to hunt, fish, and plant corn ; and the high sense of justice then prevalent among the better class of our Puritan fathers, led them to respect these aboriginal rights ; and thus many of the possible frictions of the two races were prevented. The Indian men bartered their furs and venison, for gims and hatchets ; and the women exchanged their baskets, brooms, and mats, for trinkets and kettles. The tidy housewife tolerated the dirty squaw in her kitchen, from womanly pity for her hard lot ; and the farmer made friends with the dusky trapper who trampled his meadows, as a matter of policy, to save complaints about his roving cattle trespassing on the unfenced native cornfields - though it must be said, he could not always resist the temptation to sell the said trapper when very thirsty a mug of beer for two fathoms of wampum (equal to five shillings in money) ; and the thrifty trader would accept the off'er of a good beaver-skin for four quarts of rum. But the public frowned upon such practices. The squaws sometimes hired the English to plow their cornfields, so that better crops were raised with less labor. And it was not uncommon for them to take English fields to plant on shares ; allowing the owner one-half the crop, divided on the ground.

But both races held the other at arm's length. They had too little in common, to invite mutual sympathy, and cement mutual interest. Our people learned the Indian words in ordinary use sufficiently to carry on conversation about the daily wants of life, and simple matters of barter and labor. And the Indian caught enough of our words to comprehend the subject of talk, and make known his thoughts, when he chose to be communicative. The more formal transactions, like the sale of lands, were made through the medium of interpreters, who had in some way become skilled in the two languages. Some of these interpreters were Indians, educated by Mr. Eliot.

Seen from the distance - this picture has features which to one of romantic turn, are strange and pleasing. But there was little of romance, and much of hard reality in the life of those times. By both whites and red men, it was a struggle for food, and raiment, and a shelter ; the former looking forward with hope to better times, and a competence and a comfortable home ; the latter taking " no thought for the morrow."

But probably the more weighty motive with our Indians for desiring the coming among them of the English in 1662-5, was fear of Uncas and his Mohegans from Connecticut, and of the Mohawks from New York. The grounds of their fear of the Connecticut sachem have been sufficiently indicated by the papers already quoted in full. And the Indians would naturally reason that the Governor at Boston would interfere to protect his own colony, when he might hesitate and parley, in avenging the wrongs of a native subject tribe. And his observation had taught him that the white settlers always carried their fire-arms with them to a new plantation. But Uncas was less dreaded by our Indians than the Mohawks, a powerful and blood-thirsty tribe living on the river of that name in New York, who were at this date, the special enemies of the western Massachusetts Indians.' In 1664, these Mohawks came in force to the Connecticut valley, destroyed the native fort at Deerfield, and inflicted great injury upon the Pacomptucks, and neighboring tribes. This bloody raid extended as far eastward as the Nashaway and Merrimack valleys. And for several years, scouting parties of the victors made frequent descents upon the Indians in these parts, and kept them in constant alarm. The presence, and friendship, and guns of the English were looked upon as a safeguard and defence.

All these considerations tended to -give the English favor with the natives, and worked together for the interests of our infant plantation. And a further potent reason to account for the ten years of peaceful co-occupation, was the fact that the old men of the tribe were still in authority. The memories of the Pequot war, and its lessons of white superiority, had not faded out ; and their experiences and observation had shown that the English always got the upperhand in conflicts, and they had become cautious, even if not reverential. And when the warcloud of 1675 appeared, these old men, with almost unanimity, counselled forbearance and submission. The peace-commission that visited the Quabaug clans in June, found the old chiefs inclined to resist the machinations of Philip. Ephraim Curtis, who came hither in July, was kindly received by the old counsellors. They knew the risk, and deprecated war. The old spirit within them was not dead ; but the new contact had engendered caution ; the new experiences had forecast the inevitable result. It was the young, hot blood that precipitated the conflict. The attack on Swanzey, June 24, was made by the young braves. It

" Moivhaiuks or Maquas. In 1646-7, the French asked assistance of Mass. Government to subdue them, but Mass. refused as Maquas had never injured them although they were the terror of all other Indians, being in hostility with the Massachusetts, Pawtuckets, Pokomtakukes, Quabaugs, all the Nipmuck Indians & Nashaway or Weshakim Indians." Gookin's Hist. Collections.

Sergt. Ayres and the Brookfield men had plausible grounds for their confidence in the fidelity of these old chiefs : their error was, in underestimating the influence of those who now first put on the war-paint.

Chapter Iii First Settlement, 1660-1676

Grant of 1660. - First Comers. - Indian Deed of 1665. - Re-grant of 1667. - Petition of 1670. - The Town Plot. - Allotment of Lands. - Meetinghouse. - Ministry Land. - Burial-place. - Corn-mill. - Petition of 1673. - The Town Incorporated. - Notices of the First Settlers. - Signs of a Storm. - Causes of King Philip's War. - Destruction of the Town. - Place of Capt. Wheeler's Surprise. - The Indians' Side op the Case. - Quannapohit's Relation. - Garrison maintained. - Movements of Troops AND Indians. - Fate of the Indian Chiefs. - The Place abandoned.

THE history of the English plantation of Brookfield begins with the following grant of land by the General Court. Although exhaustive search has been made among the State Archives, and wherever else there was a probability of success, the original petition of the inhabitants of Ipswich has not been found.

In Ansr to the peticon of severall the Inhabitants of Ipswich, this Court Judgeth it meete to Graunt the petitioners sixe miles square or so much land as shall be Contejned in such a Compasse in a place nere Quoboag ponds, provided they have twenty familyes there resident within 3 years, & that they have an able minister settled there within the sajd terme, such as this Court shall approve, and that they make due provision in .some way or other for the future, either by setting apart of land, or what else shall be thought meete for the Continuance of the ministry amongst them : And that If they shall faile in any of these particulars above mentioned, this Graunt of the Court to be voyd & of none effect."

From the scanty records extant, it is believed that John Warner, John Ayres, Wm. Prichard, and perhaps one other (who doubtless were of the petitioners) came to Quabaug in the summer of 1660, for the purpose of selecting the place for the new settlement. The first care of explorers, at that time, in locating a town site, was to find " conveniency of home-lots, meadow lots, and planting fields." But the prime con- sideration was " conveniency of meadows." These were essential for his first year's support and income, as they were his reliance for feeding his horses and horned cattle through the long winter season, and the only outlay required, was the labor of cutting and curing and stacking the hay-crop. The annual burning of the dry grass and sprouts by the Indians, in the late autumn, kept these river and brook meadows clean ; and thus they were found ready for the mower's scythe. The natural grasses grew thick and rank - as an early writer expresses it, "up to a man's face ; " but when cut early they were very nutritious, and were depended on for hay and fall feed. The virgin soil of the uplands required no rotation of cultivated crops, and corn and rye were grown many years in succession, and the tame grasses were consequently neglected. For summer pasturage, the cattle were allowed to range the woods and "commons." They were sometimes put in charge of a herdsman, but oftener permitted to roam at will. As late as 1728, the Hadley farmers allowed their cattle to range many miles to the eastward ; and what they called the " Brookfield pastures " were bounded easterly by Ware river.

The second care of the first planters was, conveniency of corn-land and rye-fields, what they termed "plain land." The custom then prevailed, to set apart the Great Field, i.e., a tract where all the proprietors could have each his proper proportion of tillage land, to be worked in common and enclosed by a common fence. Hence the broad plains and swells which were free from rocks were in demand. These conditions were exactly met by the tract which lay to the west and north-west of Coy's brook. And as the eminence now known as Foster's hill, was then free from woods, except possibly here and there a huge timber tree, and was sufficiently near and commanded a full view of the meadows and plain, and was every way an eligible spot for dwellings, it would seem that there could be no hesitancy where to locate the Town Plot.

If any preparation was made this year for marking off the home-lots, and erecting houses, the plan was most effectually frustrated by the Indian raid of the next spring, [see ante, p. 42.] and the tedious and unsatisfactory negotiations which were carried on by our English authorities with Uncas, and which lasted through the year. And the threatening state of Indian affairs, which continued for a considerable period, seem to have discouraged these intended planters, so that no further attempt at a settlement was made till the spring of 1665.

The grant, the previous year, to Mr. Eliot, of 4,000 acres adjoining the Ipswich grant, near Quabaug, for a new Indian plantation ; and the movement of the Dedham men, early this year (1665) to secure the rich Deerfield meadows, stimulated John Warner and his associates to take possession of their granted Quabaug lands before it was too late. It is probable that Warner and his son Samuel, John Ayres, Thomas Parsons and Thomas Wilson came upon the ground, and put up at least two frames, and planted some corn - though Mr. Warner's family did not remove hither till fall.

Now that an actual settlement had been made, and possession taken, it became necessary to procure a title to the land from the native owners. [And the fact that a deed was not taken earlier is presumptive evidence that possession was not taken earlier.] As was customary in these parts, the pioneers employed one of the magistrates or traders living at Springfield, who had the acquaintance and confidence of the Indians, to bargain for and take a deed of the premises.

Here followeth the coppy of the Deed for the Purchase of the lands at Quawbauge (now called Brookfeild) from the Indian called Shattoockquis, together w'h Leiut. Thomas Cooper his Resignation of the said Deed to y^ Inhabitants of Quawbauge now called Brookefeiid for the said Deed was framed in Name to the said Leiut. Cooper but indeed for ye only use and behoofe of ye Inhabitants of the said Plantation called Brookefeild: Also ye Coppy of ye said Leiut. Coopers acknowledgmt of his said Resignation before ye WorppH Majr John Pynchon.

These presents Testify, That Shattoockquis alias Shadookis the sole & propper Owner of certayne lands at Quabauge hereafter named Hath for good & valluable Considerations him the said Shattooquis thereunto moveinge given graunted bargayned & Sold, And by these p^sents Doth fully clearely & absolutely give grant bargayne & sell Vnto Ensigne Thomas Cooper of Springfeild for the vse & behoofe of the p^sent English Planters at Quabaug & their Associates, & their successors & to them & their heires for Ever, certayne p cells of land at towards or about the North end of Quabauge pond that is to say beginning at a little Meddow at the north end of the pond Quabauge w ch meddow is called Podunk w'h the land about it, & soe to a little hill Wullamanick & from thence Northward or North & by East about Three miles & soe Westward off to ye North end of Wecobaug Pond taking in all the playnes meddowes & upland from Podunk by Quabaug pond to Wecobaug pond all the land betwixt, as that called Nacommuck (viz' a brook where meddow is) and soe to Massequockummis viz' another brook where meddow is, and soe through the playne to Wecobaug pond & then down to Lashaway viz' the River wch comes from Quabaug pond all ye land as aforesaid on the East or Northeast side of that River and about three miles North or North & by East from the River together w'h the said River, & the lands on the west side or south or southwest side of the said River, & particularly from Lashaway down the River to a brook or streame called Naltaug & soe up that brook to the head of it Southward, & then from the head of that brook to verge of a hill called Asquoach, & soe down Southward or Southeast to ye pond Quabauge, taking in all the wett meddow & meddowes called Masquabamisk & Nanantomqua it being about foure Miles from the river to the verge or foote of tlie hill aforesaid called Asquoach and about six miles or neere thereabouts from the River at the mouth of ye brook called Naltaug to Ouabaug pond: All the aforesaid Tract of land from Wecobauge to Podunk at the North end of Quabauge, & from Naltaug to Ouabauge, called Naltaug Lashaway, Massequockcilmis Nacommuck Wullammannuck Podunck Nanantomqua Masquabamisk & soe to the hill called Asquoach : All wch land aforedescribed together wth the trees waters stones profits coinodityes & advantages thereof, & thereunto belonging, the said Ensign Thomas Cooper for himself and for the present Planters at Quabaug and their Associates & successes is to have hold and enjoy & that forEver.

And the said Shattookquis as well for other considerations as also for &in consideration of the summe of Three Hundred fadom of Wampampeage in hand Received doth grant bargayne & sell All & Singular the aforenamed Tract of land to Ensigne Thomas Cooper his successo''s & assignes as aforesaid & to their heires for Ever : And the said Shattoockquis doth hereby covermate & promise to & w^h the said Ensigne Thomas Cooper that he will save y^ said Thomas Cooper harmless from all manner of claymes of any person or psons lawfully clayming any right or interest in the said lands hereby sold or in any part thereof, & will defend the same from all or any molestation & incumbrance by any Indians lawfully laying clayme or title thereunto : In witnes whereof the said Shattoockquis hath hereunto sett his hand this tenth day of November, 1665 : -

Shattoockquis an Indian above mentioned did own & acknowledge this to be his act & deed resigning up all his right title & intrest in the lands above mentioned unto Thomas Cooper his Associates & Assignes as above said, this Tenth day of November, 1665 : -

In relation to this deed, the first thing that strikes the reader is the indefiniteness of the bound lines. It is evident that the compass was not used in the survey. Indeed, the compass was first brought into use in laying out land grants in this region, by Lieut. Fisher of Dedham when he surveyed the Deerfield lands in 1665. They had a chain to measure distances, and some prominent object was selected as starting and turning point. The chief concern was to get the full quantity named in the grant.

chieftain. Tlie Indian village site, before described, at the southerly end of Quabaug pond, with its fishing-places and planting-ground, was, by the terms carefully excluded, as was also the territory on the west belonging to the Indian hill settlement.

The third noticeable point is, the care taken to enumerate all the valuable meadow-lands within the six miles square. The meadows on both sides of the Quabaug river are specified ; and the other smaller meadows and brooks " where meadow is," are named in their proper order, going westerly from the starting-point on the right hand side of the river, and easterly on the left bank. And this helps us to place the several localities indicated. Nacommuck was what was formerly known as Great brook, now called Moore's brook ; Massequockummis was Coy's brook ; Lashaway retains the same name ; Naltaug was Dean's brook in Warren ; Masquabamisk was the valley of Mason's brook ; and Nanantomqua was the meadow and low land lying south of the river and south-west of Quabaug pond. The "little hill Wullammanick " must have been the rounded hill northerly of East Brookfield village. This places Podunk meadow some distance to the west of the mouth of Five-mile brook.

The price paid for this land was three hundred fathom of wampumpeage. This was the Indian money made from white sea-shells, wrought in the shape of beads, and strung like beads. There were 360 pieces in a fathom. The current value of this money in English shillings and pence varied ; at the date under consideration, it was worth five shillings a fathom, which made the price paid for the land, 1,500 shillings, equal, according to the rule of reckoning of that day, to ;£tS-'

As already intimated, it is believed that John Warner was the father of Brookfield, and probably built the first house here. His son Samuel came with him in 1665. John Ayres was perhaps the "pushing man" of the enterprise, and came with the Warners. Thomas Parsons, then unmarried, and Thomas Wilson were here at about the same date. Richard Coy and Wm. Prichard, who became leading men, did not bring their families here till 1667. John Younglove came on in 1667. And these persons comprised the "6 or 7 families " named in the General Court's order of this latter date.

Re-g7-ant of i66j. As the three years' limit, named in the original grant, had expired, and the political status of the settlement was somewhat uncertain, the above-named inhabitants sent a petition to the General Court, asking to be organized into a township, or for the appointment

May 15, 1667, In ansr to the petition of the inhabitants at Quabaug : This Court, having perused tlie grant which the Generall Court made anno i66c to the first undertakers for that place, doe finde that, i. By their non observance of the condition of their grant, the same is altogether voyd, & that now the ordering & disposing thereof is wholly in this Court's power.

2. Considering that there is already at Ouabauge about sixe or seven familyes, & that the place may be capable of receiving many more, this Court will readily grant them the liberty of a touneship when they shall be in a ffit capacity.

3. In the meane time this Court appoints Capt. John Pinchon, John Aires, Wm Prichard, Richard Coy, & John Younglow, or any three of them, whereof Capt. Pinchon to be one of the three, who shall have power to admitt inhabitants, grant lands, & to order all the prudentiall affayres of the place in all respects, untill it shall appeare that the place shall be so farr setled with able men as this Court may judge meete to give them the full liberty of a touneship according to lawe.

4. Because the inhabitants of Ipswich made the first motion for that plantation, & some of them have binn at charges about it, although by their remisse prosecution they have now lost all their right, yet, such of them as shall setle there by midsummer come twelve moneth, they shall have an interest in the lands there in proportion with others ; but if by that time they shall not be there setled, they shall then loose their lands, & all their charges which they have been at upon ye place.

5. They are to take care for the getting & mayntayning of a godly minister among them, & that no evill persons, enemjes to the lawe of this commonweale in judgment or practise, be receaved as inhabitants.

6. For promoting of the aforesajd plantation, & incouragement thereof, this Court doeth now grant that plantation seven yeares freedom from all publick rates & taxes to the country, provided those inhabitants of Ipswich which intend to inhabit at Ouabauge by midsummer come twelve month doe engage to give security to the above-sajd committee, within three moneths after the date hereof, that they will performe accordingly, that so others that would setle there may not be hindred." '

Under the circumstances, this action of the Court was both just and generous. It evinced the purpose to overlook any past remissness, to give the Ipswich undertakers the chance to secure themselves for any expenditures heretofore made, to foster the infant plantation and give it an established footing, and keep out all " evill persons " and adventurers. The safe-guards were commensurate with the privileges.

Some writers on Brookfield history have taken exception to what they regard as an obnoxious restriction and reproach on the character of these founders of the town, viz., the appointment of a Committee to admit inhabitants and manage affairs. But such was the custom of the time. Lancaster had such a Committee in 1657, Northfield in 1672. And it was a measure dictated by wise forethought. The poHcy of the Province was, to distribute its eligible lands so as to insure the planting of towns of sufficient capacity in numbers and pecuniary resources, to become self-supporting and productive centres ; and to have from the outset an able and godly ministry of the Word. Numbers, character, and wealth were thus essential factors. And until a plantation should have these, and thus be qualified to be a township, it was wise to put its prudential affairs in the hands of a Committee of trustworthy and discreet men ; otherwise the six or seven settlers might apportion the whole six miles square among themselves, and yet be without capacity for selfsupport and the support of religious ordinances and schools. The passion for land speculation, and personal aggrandizement was not unknown in 1667 ! It should be added, that in most cases, the ad interim Committee was composed wholly of non-residents ; the Quabaug Committee had the advantage and special honor, that 4 of its 5 members were of its own inhabitants. As will appear, the powers of this Committee ceased, when the town was incorporated in 1673.

Allotment of Lands. - In the orderly settling of a new town, an early and important matter was the division of the lands among the planters. The fee was commonly vested in the inhabitants as a body ; which body, either through a Committee, or by corporate action, made distribution to individual engagers and families. The statutes provided no general rule of apportionment ; each town established its own rules of equity. Usually, both persons and property were considered in making divisions. The head of the family and the older sons, and sometimes the wife and all the children were taken into the account, in estimating the needs of a household and its ability to cultivate the lands. Quite often the "home-lots " were equal in size, or put in two or four classes, representing wholes, halves and quarters ; and the " meadow lots," and the proportions in "planting fields" varied according to pecuniary means and ability of labor. In the settlement of Sudbury in 1637, the home-lots were nominally of equal size, viz., four acres, varied however, to conform to the lay of the land. These lots represented the common venture of the planters, and were not taxed for ordinary town charges. Meadow lands, which were the main source of income, constituted a person's " estate," on which the taxes were levied. They were apportioned " according to persons (polls) and property, and a man's ability to improve his land." Plain lands were set apart into common fields, on the same rule as meadows, each man cultivating his particular allotment, and maintaining his share of the general fence. Woodlands were held as public property, and the cutting of fire-wood and timber was regulated by the town. In Hadley, settled 1659, every planter had a home-lot of 8 acres. The meadows were distributed somewhat according to the sum which each planter subscribed to the common stock " to take up lands by." In practice, a list was made out, and a sum set against each settler's name (by his consent) which was taken to represent his estate put into the venture (not necessarily his actual estate), on which he was to be rated both in the allotment of lands, and in taxation. The highest sum was ^200, the lowest ^50. ;^200 drew 50^^ acres of meadow ; ^50 drew i2| acres.

But as the Brookfield settlers came from Essex county, it is likely that they would hold the views which prevailed in that vicinity. In Haverhill, where John Ayres lived for a time, the rule of division and apportionment was : " There shall be three hundred acres laid out for house-lots and no more ; and he that was worth two hundred pounds should have twenty acres to his houselot, and none to exceed that number ; and so every one under that sum, to have acres proportionable for his houselott, together with meadow, and Common, and planting-ground, ^ proportionably."

The first Book of Records of the Committee for Quabaug appears to have been kept by Mr. Pynchon, who signs himself " Recorder." Naturally this book was given into the hands of the town clerk of Brookfield, at the incorporation of the town in 1673 ; and undoubtedly it perished in the conflagration of 1675. The means therefore, for determining the place and dimensions of the original Brookfield To7v?i Plot, and the rule by which the lands were allotted to the settlers, consist of a few attested extracts from that first Record Book, copied in 1674 and found among Mr. Pynchon's papers ; the deeds by which the original planters or their heirs transferred their titles ; the site of the first meeting-house, which can be identified ; and a few land-marks that time and cultivation have not obliterated.

A careful study of these several records and landmarks makes it certain that the Town Plot, i.e., the home-lots, was laid out so as to take in what is now known as Foster's hill, extending from Hovey's brook on the south-east to Coy's brook on the north-west, and bounded by the river meadow southerly, and reaching on the northerly side to the foot of the hill. The area of this Plot was nominally 500 acres.

It is beheved that the home-lots originally contained 20 acres each, with a right to 20 acres of meadow and 8 or 10 acres of plain land. The minister, and men with grown-up sons, appear to have received double lots, or one and one-half lots.

The Town Plot

die of the Plantation ; and that it stood " about 20 rods " from Sergt. Ayres' tavern, which would place it a little to the west or north-west of D. H. Richardson's barn - " the slough," or wet run, then being " on the west side of the house."

The order in which the home-lots were laid out, is as follows - beginning at Coy's brook: i. Richard Coy; 2. Thomas Parsons; 3, John Warner; 4. Samuel Kent; 5. Samuel Warner; 6. John Younglove ; 7. Thomas Wilson [in Second Settlement, the Grosvenor, and later Rev. T. Cheney's lot]; 8. Thomas Millett ; 9. Meeting-house lot - "half an acre;" 10. Sergt. John Ayres (now D. H. Richardson) ; 11. William Prichard (the Watson place) ; the broken land adjoining was reserved for " Common ; " 12. James Travis; 13. Judah Trumble : 14. Daniel Hovey ; 15. James Hovey; 16. Thomas Hovey. These three Hovey lots were located easterly of the little brook, and on the north side of the road, and contained 30 acres each ; Thomas did not come to occupy, and the lot was granted to John Chadwick.

Besides "meadow" and "plain," each home-lot carried a right to 40 acres of "upland," - the precise application of which term is not easy to determine. All undivided lands were held in common, for firewood, lumber and pasturage.

The meadows, which were allotted and occupied in the First Settlement, were those on the river, on Coy's and Hovey's brooks, and on the Great brook that runs into Wekabaug pond, and particularly those on the eastern branch then called Mill brook.

The "Great Field," where all the families had their planting-ground, comprised the plain lands lying westerly from Coy's brook, extending towards the Indian planting-field. It covered the site of West Brookfield village as far west as the " Common." The same land was held for a like purpose in the Second Settlement.

Ministry Land. One full home-lot, with its due proportion of meadow and plain, and all accruing rights, was set apart for the use and improvement of the minister. As no one was installed in that office in the First Settlement, this lot was not taken up. Mr. Younglove, who officiated as the first preacher, received a grant as an inhabitant, and his heirs held the fee and sold the same after the town was re-settled. The same is true of Mr. Millett, the second preacher. The following scrap, preserved from the general destruction of ancient records, relates to the ministry lot : " At a meeting of the Committee for Brookfield July 2^ 1668, Present John Pynchon, John Ayres, Richard Coye, William Pritchard, then ordered and agreed that the land that is lying between John Younglov's and Samuel Warners' land be reserved for a ministry ; there is six acres of meadow secured for it on the west side Coy's brook next the Pine plain."

Burial Place. - It was customary in the early days of New England, to bury the dead around the meeting-house. But there is no tradition or other evidence to connect the old Brookfield meeting-house lot with such uses. Indeed the land was wet, and unsuitable for such a purpose. As neither the records nor tradition pointed to the old cemetery by Wekabaug pond (then covered by Indian wigwams), nor to the cemetery at the South village, as the place of the first interments, the question. Where were the first burials made? promised to remain unanswered. To the observing habits and good memory of Mr. Thomas Knowlton, librarian at West Brookfield, belongs the credit of furnishing the probable answer to the question. Mr. K. states that in his boyhood he often noticed a smooth plot of ground, containing about one-quarter of an acre, where there were then plainly distinguishable eight or ten grave-mounds, having rude stones set to mark the head and foot. One of the larger head-stones contained a monogram ; but time 'had rendered it practically illegible. The writer has visited the spot in company with Mr. K. and others. It lies about 100 rods northerly from the old meeting-house site. And although considerable changes have been made by building a wall across the graves, and utilizing the gravestones in its construction, enough remains to verify Mr. K.'s early observations, and render it reasonable to conclude that here was the place of the earliest burials. The soil was favorable ; the spot was in plain sight from the meeting-house ; and the distance was not objectionable. The land is now owned by A. W. Smith and D. H. Richardson, and is occupied for pasturage. The Brookfields owe it to their good name, and filial instincts, to enclose and forever consecrate this spot to the memory of their pioneer dead ! Near the burial place are some very ancient cellar holes. And there is evidence that in early times the road ran from the Ayres tavern to this spot, where it parted, one branch leading round the hill towards the west, the other striking more north towards the Owen place.

Corn Mill. - This was a necessity to a new plantation. A sawmill was a convenience, but not a necessity. For in its place, the first settlers built a saw-pit, viz., a platform and pit, set in a steep hillside, where two men, one above and the other below to operate the saw, would supply the few boards for inside casings, and the joists and small stuff for a frame ; and the large timbers were hewn by hand ; and the outside covering consisted of cleft-boards, i.e., boards split from oak and chestnut "bolts," and laid on as we lay clapboards. - The records state that Mr. Pynchon had built a grist-mill at Quabaug, before 1674, probably as early as 1667. It stood on the east branch of the brook that enters the head of Wekabaug pond, which branch was then called " Mill brook." The site is about fifty rods from the point where the brooks unite. This mill was burnt by the Indians when the town was destroyed in 1675. Not finding sufficient water for summer use, a ditch was dug across the meadows above Whortleberry hill, with a view to turn the water from the west branch into this mill branch - hence the name " Ditch meadows." For his labor and pains in the matter, Mr. P. received the following grants : " Granted to Mr. John Pynchon 7 acres of meadow upon the Mill brook about 40 rods off where the mill now stands, and all the meadow above the mill upon both sides the brook, and 3 acres along the brook to his mill, together with the stream." And for this and other services and expenses, Mr. P. had granted to him at Quabaug " 50 acres of upland, laid out and measured to him together on the westerly side of the Brooke which runs through Matchuck meddow ; and 25 acres of meddow, laid out in two parcels, one at the small falls in the brook, 20 acres on both sides, at Matchuck, joining Samuel Kent's meddow." " Measured and returned by corp. Richard Coy, the measurer of land there."

As might have been foreseen, but probably was not fully weighed, the liberal allotments of " meadow lands " made to each of the first undertakers, consumed all the handy grass-bearing intervales on the Quabaug river, Coy's brook, Hovey's brook and Great brook. And a desirable class of adventurers were not attracted by the small and scattered patches of meadow on the more distant streams which fell within the six miles grant. More land was craved for the sake of more " meadows ; " and the people desired " the privileges of a town," so that they could dispose of their territory in a way to promote what appeared to be their true interests. And it was in furtherance of this desire that they sent the following petition to the General Court :

" This honored Court being pleased upon petition presented to them by some of the inhabitants of Ipswich for land to settle a plantation at Quoboag ; so far to favor their motion as to grant them a tract of land of six miles Square for that end, and farther since to encourage the poor inhabitants that are upon it : The humble petition therefore of the poor inhabitants of Quoboag to this honored Court is that according as they were pleased to intimate their readiness to grant us the liberty of a township (whereby meet inhabitants upon the place we should be capable of it) so they would be pleased at this time to do it, Our humble petition to this hon'd Ct. is farther that they would be pleased to enlarge our grant, if they see good - for that we may go six miles every way from the centre, The reason of this our request to the hon'd Ct. is because we find the meadow to lie very much scattered about the place in many small parcels far distant one from the other & therefore we fear that unless the hond Ct. grant us some considerable further enlargement we shall not be able to fetch within our bounds a sufficient quantity of meadow to accommodate families enough to make a comfortable society in a place so remote in the wilderness as ours is. We would further crave leave to acquaint the honored Ct that there is a great farm of land laid out very near our plantation for Peter Tuft as we do adjudge within a matter of three or four miles from the river which runs through our place to Springfield as we humbly conceive that it will fall within our bounds, If it should not we humbly crave that the hon'd Ct would grant that it may pay public charge with us ; it being very difficult to carry on a place so remote from all other plantations in the woods as ours is ; And this hond Court so far countenancing us as they have already doth persuade us by way of humble petition to present these things to this hon'd Court, submitting ourselves their good pleasure concerning us herein.

No action of the General Court on this petition is found in the State Archives. Perhaps the largeness of the quantity of land asked for, contrasted with the fewness of the then inhabitants, may have been a reason for non-action. And it is feir to infer that the slowness of the people in settling a minister may have been another reason. And the two restrictive provisos in the Act of 1673 (soon to be quoted) suggest other reasons.

The " Peter Tufts farm," referred to in this petition, was a tract of 600 acres, originally granted, Apr. 29, 1668, to Capt. John Pierce, who sold the same June 4, 1669, to his brother-in-law Peter Tufts of Charlestown, said farm being " southwest about 5 or 6 miles from Quabaug, upon the road to Springfield " - in what is now the southwesterly part of Warren, and adjacent part of Brimfield.

The Town Incorporated. - The next paper in order, in our annals, is the petidon of 1673, which led to the passage of an Act to incorporate the town, and which furnishes a list - probably complete - of the then settlers. " The files of the General Court had been repeatedly searched in vain for the petition, on which was based the legislative action of Oct. 1673 ; ^"^^ ^^ discouraging conclusion was arrived at that this most important link in the chain of the early history of the town was forever lost. But by the merest accident of time and place, the original petition has been recently brought to light, not from the Archives of the State, where it ought to have been found, but from the apparently uninteresting material of a junk-shop, where it was rescued by Dr. John F. Pratt, of Chelsea, who has kindly allowed the following copy to be made : " '

The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Quaubauge, Sheweth That whereas wee being not yet allowed a Township wee are disabled as to comfortably carrying on ye affaires of the place as is requisite for the publicke & our own conveniences in diverse respects, as for the Ordering the Prudentiall affaires of the Town proper to Select Men, makeing & collecting of Rates &c. Wee have indeed a Committee to helpe in these matters, but in regard we cannot rationally desire or expect the pi'sence & assistance of One of the Comittee (viz t. the Honnord Majo^ Pynchon) Soe often as we need by reason of his remoteness, And yett wt^out his p^sence or concurrence the Comittee cannot make a valid act : The p^mises considered Our Humble request is, that this much Honnord Co"e would be pleased to grant us the Priviledge & libertyes of a Township whereby we may be the better inabled to carry on our owne matters w'^out too much distraction.

I have long desyred to be discharged from being one of the Committee for Ovabaug : in regard of my many occasions & remoteness having bin little serviceable to : I doe vtterly decline ye worke, & desire their motion for being allowed a Towne may be accepted & granted by ye Honored Court, hoping it may p^ve beneficial to them and the Publike :

" The magists Consent heereto provided they divide not the whole land of ye Township till they be forty or fivety familyes, in ye meane time y' their

" In ansr to ye peticon o£ the Inhabitants of Ouabaug The Court Judgeth it meet to grant their request i.e. the liberty & priviledge of a Township and that the name thereof be Brookefeild Provided they Divide not the whole land of the Towneship till they be forty or fivety familyes, in the meane tjme that their Dividings one to another exceed not two hundred acres apeece to any present Inhabitant, originale, E. R. ^^.-"

Two months later, Lieut. Thomas Cooper of Springfield, who was named as grantee in the Indian deed of 1665 [see ante, p. 53], made assignment of the said deed to the inhabitants of the new Town as follows :

I Thomas Cooper above mentioned doe hereby relinquish & resigne up all my right & title in ye lands within mentioned to be bought of Shattoockquis, hereby declaring that my acting in ye prmises was only in the behalfe & for the use & behoofe of the Inhabitants of Quabauge (now called Brookfeild) & their successors : - The purchase of the above mentioned land being at their pper cost & charge, who had obteyned a grant thereof from ye Honnord Genr'l C^te & are now allowed a Towne : I doe therefore hereby deliver up this Instrument or deed of sale to John John Warner, Richard Coy, & William Pritchard of Quabauge alias Brookefeild for the vse <& as the propp' right of the Inhabitants of Brookefeild: - The said Persons beinge betrusted by the Towne or present Inhabitants of Brookefeild for taking in & receiving this present Deed : Wherefore I doe hereby deliver it up to them hereby declaring it & the land therein mentioned to be sold to be & belong to the pi'sent Inhabitants of Brookefeild as they are a Township, and to perticular psons only according as they have or shall have grants of land confirmed to them : The whole Tract of land above mentioned, I doe fully & absolutely resigne up to the Inhabitants of Brookefeild aforesaid and to their successors & their heires for Ever, As witness my hand this 19'h day of

December 19th 1673: Leivt Thomas Cooper above mentioned subscribed hereunto & acknowledged the resigning up this Deed & all his intrest in the premises to the Inhabitants of Brookefeild :.

Foua'Ders Of Brookfield

John Avres, Sen. He was of Haverhill, 1645; Ipswich, 1648; a petitioner for Quabaug, 1660, whither he removed with the first undertakers, and was a leading man in the new plantation. He was killed by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675. ^is first wife was Sarah, daughter of John Williams of Haverhill ; second wife was Susanna, daughter of Mark Symonds of Ipswich, who with the younger children returned to I. after the destruction of Brookfield. Of the sons, John, Jr., and Samuel were signers of the petition for the township, and perhaps then had families. The other brothers, Thomas, Joseph, Mark, Nathaniel and Edward (and the heirs of John, Jr., and Samuel), received large grants in Brookfield, ostensibly in their father's (and grandfather's) right, after the Second Settlement. One of them, viz., Joseph, came to reside at B., and left large posterity.

Richard Coy, Sen. In 1638, he, aged 13, and his brother Matthew, aged 15, came to Boston, perhaps with a sister Mary, who married John Lake. Was of Salisbury, 1650, and in 1658 he is found at Wenham with a wife Martha and sons Richard (a signer of the petition of 1673) and John, and had Jebuz, b. at W. June 16, 1660; and at Salisbury, Caleb, b. Aug. 16, 1666. He was in Brookfield 1667 ; a leading man; "Coy's brook" and "Coy's hill" perpetuate his name. He was killed by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675, ^"^ ^i^ widow " fled to Boston " with her children. In 1699, John Coy of Wenham, wife Elizabeth, sold to Thomas Barns, all his farm in Brookfield, together with the rights granted to his father " Richard Coy, Senior."

John Warner, He was born in England about 1 6 1 6 ; came to New England with his father WilUam, brother Daniel and sister Abigail in 1637, and settled at Ipswich. Mar. 10, 1655, he married Priscilla, daughter of Mark Symonds of I. He was probably an original petitioner for Qaubaug, and among the first undertakers there. In August 1665, he sold his homestead in I. and took his family to Brookfield, whither he himself had gone in the spring. He held honorable position at B. After the destruction of the town, he took refuge at Hadley, where his son Mark had settled, and where he died May 17, 1692. Of his children (some of them by a first wife), 1. Samuel, b. 1640, came to Quabaug with his father, had a home-lot and other lands, and was an inhabitant till 1675. ^^ married Oct. 21, 1662, at Ipswich, Mercy, daughter of Richard Swan. He was of Dunstable, N.H., 1685 ; had 8 children, 5 or 6 of which were born at B. 2. Mark, settled in Hadley. 3. John, probably settled in Springfield. 4. Nathaniel, signed the petition 1673, though only 18 years old, a weaver; was post-rider between Springfield and Boston, 1675-80; settled in Hadley. 5. Joseph, b.

William Prichard. He was of Lynn 1645, and of Ipswich 1648, where he was taxed in 1667, in which year he removed to Quabaug. He was killed Aug. 2, 1675. ^i^ ^^^ Samuel (who signed the petition of 1673) was killed during the siege of B. by the Indians. His sons, John of Topsfield and Joseph of Amesbury, in 1690, sell to their brother William of Suffield, all their lands in Brookfield, with their rights in the estates of their father and brother Samuel. Previous to this, however, a part of the father's estate had been sold to Hezekiah Dickinson of Hadley, who perhaps lived in Brookfield long enough to erect the " frame of a house," which he sold in 1693, with 55 acres of land, to Stephen Jennings of Hatfield, whose son Joseph (the second representative of B. to the General Court) with wife Mary, sold the same with other parcels, in 1 71 7, to Tilly Merrick of Springfield.

John Younglove. Perhaps he was son of Samuel of Ipswich. In the Memoir of Rev. Michael Wigglesworth by John Ward Dean, it is stated that Mr. W. being in poor health, was encouraged by John Younglove to visit the Bermudas with him. They sailed from Boston, Sept. 23, 1663, and were absent nearly a year. In 1667, he is in Quabaug, and the next January administered on the estate of his brother James of Q., who died without a family. He preached to the Quabaug people till 1674, probably with no great acceptance to them or himself. After the destruction of Q. he removed to Hadley, where he taught the grammar school for several years. In 1681, he is found as a preacher at Suffield. Probably he was never ordained, and when the Court advised him to cease preaching, it may derogate nothing from his moral worth, for as a correspondent says, " he may have had an unhappy temper, but it is not unlikely that the temper of the people was worse than his." He died in Suffield, June 3, 1690, leaving a wife Sarah and several children. The eldest son John was born in Brookfield, the others in Hadley and Suffield. In March 1 703, his home-lot, and the principal part of his estate in Brookfield was sold to Rev. Joseph Smith, then minister at B.

Samuel Kent. Was from Gloucester, perhaps son of Thomas, who was in G. 1643. Settled in Brookfield after 1667. On the destruction of the town, he removed to Suffield, where he died Feb. 2, 1691. In 1 686, he sold his home-lot and rights in B. to John Scott, Sen., of Suffield, whose sons Ebenezer and William, in 1703, sold the same to Thomas Barns of Brookfield. His wife was Frances ; children, Sarah, b. 1657, Mary, b. 165 8, Samuel, b. 1661, John, b. 1664. His brother Thomas Kent, says Savage, "was of Brookfield in 16 71," and of Gloucester 1690.

Thomas Parsons. Was son of Thomas of Windsor, born Aug. 9, 1645 J ^vas in Brookfield 1665 or 6 ; married Dec. 24, 1668, Sarah Dare of Windsor, and had Sarah, b. 1669, Hannah, b. 1671, Thomas, b. 1674. His wife died June 14, 1674, and he removed to Suffield, where in 1699, with a wife Priscilla, they " being old and having no posterity," adopt Nathaniel Austin, who, in 1702, then of Suffield, with wife Abigail (daughter of Lieut. Thomas Hovey of Hadley), sold Thomas Barns and Samuel Owen of Brookfield all lands there formerly granted to Thomas Parsons.

Thomas Wilson. Was son of Theophilus of Ipswich. He was living at I. 1657, when his daughter Mary was born ; probably went to Brookfield with the first undertakers in 1665. He was known to the Indians as " Major Wilson " ; was wounded during the siege of the town ; returned to Ipswich. Felt says that he was "allowed £,\., Oct. 7, 1675, for his losses by the Enemy at Quabaug." His daughter Hannah died at I. 1682.

James Travis. Was son of Henry of Newbury, where he was born Apr. 28, 1645. He married in Gloucester, Apr. 18, 1667, Mercy, daughter of John Pierce, and had Mercy, b. Feb. 8, 1668 (m. Benj. Whitney of Framingham), in which year he sold his house and land in Gloucester to Thomas Millett, Sen., and removed to Brookfield, where he had James (who settled in Framingham), and perhaps others. He returned to Essex Co., and died before 171 7, when his heirs applied for a grant of land in B., "in their father's right," and received " 60 acres near Brookfield Saw mill."

James Hovey. It appears that in 1668 or 9, three home-lots and their accompanying land rights, were granted to Daniel Hovey of Ipswich, and his sons James and Thomas. The home-lots were located on the easterly side of the Town Plot, and N. of the road. Thomas " not coming to reside " at Brookfield, his lands were re-granted to John Chadvvick of Watertown, who sold the same in 1687 to Peter King of Sudbury. Thomas settled in Hadley. Daniel, the father, came to B. in 1668, and settled; but before the town was destroyed he removed to Hadley, and subsequently back to Ipswich, where he died Apr. 1692. James settled on his grant in Brookfield, and raised a family. He was killed by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675, as appears from a list filed in the State Archives. His name is not mentioned in Capt. Wheeler's Narrative of the destruction of B. ; and the probable inference is, that he was overtaken by the Indians near his own house, which was at a considerable distance from the Ayres place. His wid. Priscilla filed Inventory of his estate, Mar. 26, 1676. In 1703, his children, James of Maiden, a weaver, Daniel of Ipswich, and Samuel Smith and wife Priscilla of Charlestown, sell their rights in Brookfield to Benoni Morse of Dedham,

JuDAH Trumbull. Was son of John, of Roxbury 1639, who married Ann, daughter of Richard Swan of Rowley, and sister of Mercy the wife of Samuel Warner of Brookfield. He was of Rowley ; removed to Brookfield ; and about 1676 to Sufifield. By wife Mary he had John, b. Mar. 5, 1674; Ebenezer, b. Aug. i, 1675, Joseph, b. 1677, Judah, b. 1679, ^ho ^^s killed by the Indians near Brookfield in July 1706, and others, and died in Suffield Apr. i, 1692. His brother Joseph, who was of Sufifield before 1675, '^^^^ grandfather of the first Gov. Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut.

Thomas Millett. There is evidence that he succeeded Mr. Younglove as minister at Brookfield in 1674 ; though his name does not appear in any list of the inhabitants extant. He received a grant of a homelot of" 20 acres, and 10 acres of meadow," which his son Nathaniel of Gloucester sold Feb. 21, 1710-1, to Lieut. Thomas Baker. " Millett's meadow," often named in later records, commemorates a part of this grant. He came to New England 1635, with wife Mary, and son Thomas, and settled in Dorchester, where he had other children. In 1655, he was in Gloucester, and a preacher, though perhaps not ordained. He was in G. in 1668 ; was with his wife living in Brookfield June 3, 1675, when he gave consent to the sale of land in Gloucester. He died early in 1676 ; his wife died at G. Sept. 27, 1682.

Hezekiah Dickinson lived awhile in Brookfield during the First Settlement, before his marriage ; he afterwards bought the Prichard homelot and rights, which he sold Apr. 15, 1693, to Stephen Jennings, and returned to Hadley, his native place.

Of the 17 men who signed the petition of 1673, ^^^ were killed by the Indians, either in the Ambush of Aug. 2, 1675, ^"^ the siege that followed ; and the rest scattered to old or new homes, when the town was deserted. No one of them (except Joseph Ayres, then a youth) appears to have returned to Brookfield. The terrible experiences of that week of woe made impressions and inwrought associations which were indelible ; and set their hearts against the place that could nevermore be home to them !

By the Act of Oct. 22, 1673, Brookfield was made in the full sense a Town, with authority to manage its own prudential affairs, through the agency of ofificers chosen in legal town meeting - restricted only as to the apportionment of lands. The area of the town, it should be remem- bered, at this date was the original six miles square. And considering the broken character of much of the land, and the fact that the best meadows had already been lotted out, the proviso " that their Dividings one to another exceed not 200 acres apiece to any present inhabitant," does not appear unreasonable. If, as there is evidence to believe, each head of a family had already received 120 acres of the most eligible land, the addition of So acres would certainly make a respectable farm.

Very little can be learned of the town's affairs, for the ensuing eighteen months. We know, incidentally, that Richard Coy was chosen town measurer, to survey and stake out land grants ; and that he was juror in attendance upon the county Court in 1674 and the March term of '75. William Prichard was clerk of the writs, an officer allowed by the shire Court, "to grant summons and attachments in civil actions." All males between 16 and 60 years of age were enrolled in the militia, and required to do annual duty ; but no town enrolling less than 64 men was entitled to have a captain. The Brookfield company could not claim a commissioned officer, and was in command of a sergeant. John Ayres was first sergt., Wm. Prichard second sergt., Richard Coy, corporal. Sergt. Ayres was licensed to keep an ordinary or inn, as appears from the county records.'

As previously stated, a meeting-house was built, and religious worship maintained on the Sabbath, for at least a part of the time. Mr. Younglove conducted these services for a time - though he was not settled, and probably had not received ordination. He was succeeded by Mr. Thomas Millet.

The evidence goes to show that there was little growth in the population of the town by accessions from abroad, in the years 1674-5. A reason for this may have been that other new towns offered greater inducements to settlers, from their rich and abundant meadow lands, and better lines of travel towards Boston. The old trails leading to

' Extractsfrom the County Records. - Sept. 26, 1671. Goodman Ayres of Quawbauge is licensed to keep an ordinary and sell wine and liquor for the ensuing year. The license was renewed in Sept. of the years 1672, 73, and 74.

Mar. 31, 1674. Jno. Ayres Sen. of Brookfield refuses to pay arrearage for the maintenance of Mr. Younglove, on account that he keeps the ordinary and has for time past, and should be free from it.

Mar. 30, 1675. Thomas Wilson of Brookfield was presented by the grand jury for cursing Samuel Warner of the same town. And the town of Brookfield was presented for defect in the bridge over the swamp at Richard Coy's, Sen. ; and for want of a common pound.

Mar. 26, 1676. Inventory of estate of James Hovey: " Land at Brookfield, of little value by reason of the Indian Wars and desolation made in that town."

Sept. 26, 1682. The grand jury presented to the court for consideration, the county or country Road at Quabauge, at a muddy brook called Coy's brook, that travellers may pass in safety: Upon inquiry the Court finds a feasible way ^ of a mile N. of the mirey place. Same date, the jury presented David Morgan, Nicholas Rust and Thomas Gilbert for hunting at Quabauge on Sabbath with Toby y"' Indian of Mr. Sam'l Marshfield's.

Quabaug were circuitous and hilly. The new " Bay Path " via Worcester, was only opened through in 1674 [see ante, p. 25]. And the nonaction of the Legislature upon the Brookfield petition of 1670, as well as the neglect, or inability of the inhabitants to procure the assignment of the deed of the granted and occupied territory to themselves, may indicate the existence of internal dissensions, or other causes, not now understood. And it is likely that the proximity of the Wekabaug Indian village proved a drawback as well as an eye-sore. The natives did not improve in character by intercourse with the whites. English beer and cider and rum induced drunkenness, and its train of evils ; the possession of guns rendered hunting more sure of success than his bow and arrows and yank-ups and deer-pits ; English beans in part took the place of corn for food supply, and required less labor ; and the easing off of the necessity for protracted toil by improved means of cultivation, and the possibility of begging, induced habits of laziness and shiftlessness among the squaws. And continued contact was demoralizing to the English. The white boys - and some of the men - learned to trap and hunt, and imitated the shiftless ways of the Indians.

Signs of a Storm. - As narrated in the preceding chapter, the Indians and English co-occupied the Brookfield lands and lived in comparative harmony, till the spring of 1675. But now the premonitions of a rupture of peace began to be apparent. Mr. Fiske, in his Historical Sermon, says : " Our Indians grew somewhat shy of their English neighbors, and took offence at some damages they had sustained from their cattle." Nominally, the English were required to fence in the homelots, and meadows, and planting-fields ; and they set apart and fenced an ox-pasture, and horse and sheep pastures ; but hogs ran at large in the town streets, and cows and young stock ranged the Commons. The natives usually put a brush fence around their corn and bean fields ; but it was poor protection against the roving cattle. Undoubtedly, causes of offence from this source, were not infrequent.

Enough was said in the preceding chapter to indicate the close relationship which early subsisted between the Quabaugs, and the Wampanoags, who had been the subjects of Massasoit, and now were the immediate subjects of Philip. And the records of the time show that intercourse between the two tribes was constant, and that some tie, not now fully understood, bound them in a common interest. This social and political intimacy is the clew by which to trace the early enlistment of our Quabaugs in the impending struggle. And it also accounts for the important part which they played in the first campaign, as leaders

Undoubtedly the primary cause is to be sought in race jealousy and adverse social conditions. These are always operative, in a greater or less degree, when two hitherto separated peoples come in contact. And they are especially potent when the two races are imbued with opposing religious ideas and customs. And if perchance, the intruding people are superior in strength, and crowd the natives, and impose new customs, the innate jealousy is all the more intensified. This was exactly the case of the New England white settlers. The Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies brought hither the power of civilization, and new religious ideas, and having got possession of the lands and the strategic points of dominion, sought to force upon the Indians obedience to their laws - and thus precipitated the conflict between right and might.

In treating this question, the fact is not to be overlooked, that the Indian possessed in a large degree, a dominant and sanguinary disposition. Suspicious, malignant, blood-thirsty, rule was sweet, and war was a necessity to him ; it was his field of glory ; the scalps in his belt were the emblems of his greatness, and the tokens of renown for his children to boast of. And this was his country. The Indian was owner and sovereign here by right of inheritance, or conquest and possession. He did not invite the English adventurers. They were intruders. [For certain adventitious reasons, already considered, he received them not unwillingly.] And when he sold them the fee in his lands, neither party understood that the native relinquished the right to occupy his old villages, and plant his old fields, and hunt and fish in the woods and streams. Neither by deed nor by treaty did he intentionally consent to part with his personal freedom and political independence, and become subject to the white man's will or the white man's statutes ; he held fast to "the inalienable right to hfe, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." That he did not comprehend the full force of the written obligations which he signed, is probably true. The Englishman wrote the deeds and treaties, and understood their technical and legal meaning ; and in the end he chose to interpret the terms used in said documents to his own advantage. He chose to exercise the right of might, as owner and sovereign.

And the peculiar shape and intensity of this antagonism - how the white man used his might - was determined largely by the preconceived opinion he entertained of the red man. What that opinion was, is indicated by the term applied to him by King James in the Plymouth Charter of 1620: "The Savages and brutish People." And the average Pilgrim Father looked upon the Indians as " heathens," who were to be treated as the Amorites and Canaanites were treated by the children of

Israel, either " destroyed," or " driven out," or made " to serve under tribute." Roger Williams, and the apostle Eliot, and the Mayhews, and Richard Bourne, and Daniel Gookin, and the promoters of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in New England, were honorable exceptions to this spirit, and notable examples of a true Christian philanthropy. But they did not represent the prevalent temper of the time ; and were always in conflict with the military arm of the government. Roger Williams mentions, " a sinful opinion amongst many, that Christians have right to heathens' lands."

But the fact which shows in the clearest manner the estimate put upon the natives by the colonists, is that in the early war with the Pequots (1637), and the later war with Philip (1675), captives - warriors, women and children - even those who voluntarily surrendered - were either condemned to death, or sold into slavery ! '

Those early declarations by the Indian Sachems of fealty to his majesty the King of England, and of subjection to the laws of the Colony, were formal acts, which to the signers meant only " friendship and reciprocity." And Bradford and Brewster were guileless of deceit in the premises, for they meant only " friendship and reciprocity ; " and Massasoit signed the compact of a free will ; and during their several lives the covenant was neither violated nor much strained. But the opinion that this land was " the Lord's heritage," from which the " powowing heathen " was to be " driven out," was still the shaping force of political measures. The feeble Pilgrim of 1620-40 became the strong landlord and astute diplomat of 1660-75 ; and Phihp the son succeeded Massasoit the father, and his young counsellors and braves had forgotten the lessons of the Pequot War ; and both parties gave their own definition to the terms of " friendship " and the obligations of -' reciprocity." And as the Indian became more sensible of his humiUation and restive under restraint and surveillance, the English drew the restraining cords the tighter, and made his humiliation the more galling. For some supposed, and some real violations of the written compact, which he signed under compulsion, Philip was summoned before the Plymouth Council, and required to make confession of guilt, pay fines, and deliver up his guns, which he had bought and paid for at English prices.

Mr. Bancroft in his History, has tersely and truly described the situation of things at this juncture. " Churches of ' praying Indians ' were gathered ; at Cambridge, an Indian became a bachelor of arts. Yet Christianity hardly spread beyond the Indians on Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard, and Nantucket, and the seven feeble villages round Boston.

' " The remnant of the Pequots were hunted to death. About 200, who surrendered in their despair, were enslaved, and given to the Narragansets to compensate them for their services, and fifteen of the boys and two women were exported by Massachusetts to Providence Isle." - Bancroft.

The Narragansets, hemmed in between Connecticut and Plymouth, restless and jealous, retained their old belief; and Philip of Pokanoket, at the head of 700 warriors, professed with pride the faith of his fathers.

" But he and the tribes that owned his influence were now shut in by the gathering plantations of the English, and were the first to forebode the danger of extermination. True, the inhabitants of New England had never, except, in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land without first obtaining a title from the Indians. But the unlettered savage, who repented the alienation of vast tracts by affixing a shapeless mark to a bond, might deem the English tenure defeasible. Again, by repeated treaties, the red man had acknowledged the jurisdiction of the English, who claimed a guardianship over him, and really endeavored in their courts, with scrupulous justice, and even with favor, to protect him from fraud and to avenge his wrongs. But the wild inhabitants of the woods or the seashore could not understand the duty of allegiance to an unknown sovereign, or acknowledge the binding force of a political compact ; crowded by hated neighbors, losing fields and hunting-grounds, and frequently summoned to Boston or Plymouth to reply to an accusation or to explain their purposes, they sighed for the forest freedom which was their immemorial birthright."

The antagonism of race and religion was radical ; and the conflict of right and might was inevitable. Either the Indian must yield and become the degraded vassal to the English conqueror ; or he must vindicate his manhood, and establish his rights by war.

Philip as the successor of Massasoit, and acknowledged chief of the Eastern Massachusetts Indians, was regarded by the English as the man to be humbled : and Philip, as the successor of Massasoit, and acknowledged chief of the Wamponoags, esteemed himself as the man to lead the tribes to the conflict, and humble the pride of his imperious neighbors, the English.

His first forecast of the situation was a broad and correct one. He laid his plans artfully and his first steps were wise. He took means to arouse the war spirit among his own tribe, and enlist all the dependent clans, and conciliate his allies. The English had got possession of most of his guns, and this proved his vital weakness, as he had not the means to procure a new supply. Probably he enlisted about 400 or 500 warriors of his own. He then opened negotiations with the Narragansets, who were supposed - probably an over-estimate - to be able to raise 1,000 fighting men. For reasons of good policy, Roger Williams had early brought the Narragansets into a league of friendship with Massasoit, which old alliance now greatly favored the schemes of Philip. And there is no doubt that Philip's emissaries visited all the Nipnet clans, the Quabaugs, and the tribes on the Connecticut river, and received assurances of aid.