Boston City (part 33 of 67)

The second meeting of the commissioners was held in Boston, Sept. 7, 1643. After the transaction of some formal business, they took up the matter of the war between Uncas and Miantinimo, reaching the very harsh conclusion "that Uncas cannot be safe while Miantinimo lives, but that either by secret treachery or open force his life will be still in danger. Wherefore they think he may justly put such a false and bloodthirsty enemy to death, but in his own jurisdiction, not in the English plantations; and advising that in the manner of his death all mercy and moderation be shown, contrary to the practice of the Indians, who exercise tortures and cruelty."' The commissioners then recommended that each General Court should see that every man kept by him. a good gun and sword, one pound of powder, four pounds of shot, and suitable match or flints, to be examined at least four times a year, and that each colony also should keep a stock of powder, shot, and match ; that there should be a uniform standard of measure throughout all the plantations in the United Colonies ; and that there should be at least six training-days yearly in every plantation. They then determined the proportion of men to be furnished by each colony in any present danger; and taking into consideration the complaints against

* [The articles are given at length in Pulsifer's style into new style. The Proceedings of the Hisedition of the Records of the Commissioners, torleal Society, ii. 243, 244, note, contains Mr. vol. ix. (1643-52) and x. (1653-79) of the Ply- Adams*s letter accepting the invitation to. demouth Col. Records; in Brigham*s edition of liver the address, and a letter from Mr. Savage, Plymouth Laios ; in Bradford's Plymouth Plan- at that time President of the Society, pointing tatiofit p. 416; in Hazard's Collectiotts, W. Pal- oat the principal authorities for the history of frey, A^no England, ii. ch. i., makes a survey of the confederacy. [Hubbard, in New Ettgland, the condition of the colonies at this time. - ch. lii., gives an account of the doings of the Ed.] confederacy, and later accounts are given in

The Memorial History Of Boston

Gorton and his company, the commissioners declared that if Gorton and his followers stubbornly refused to obey the summons of the General Court of Massachusetts, the magistrates of that colony might proceed against them with the full approval and concurrence of the other jurisdictions, provided nothing was done prejudicial to the land-claims of Plymouth. Finally, it was ordered that letters should be written to the Dutch and Swedish governors, complaining of the injuries done to the Hartford and New Haven men at Delaware Bay and elsewhere.*

Meetings of the commissioners were held annually, and sometimes more frequently, for upward of twenty years; but in September, 1664, - a few weeks after the arrival of the Royal Commissioners sent over by Charles II., - it was ordered that henceforth the meetings should be held only once in three years.^ At the same time provision was made that the number of the commissioners should be reduced, in case the Connecticut and New Haven colonies should be united under one government.^ Six years afterward, at a meeting held in Boston in June, 1670, the articles of agreement were renewed, again entered on the record, and ordered to be presented to the several General Courts.* In the new compact the order of the articles was changed, some new provisions were inserted, and some of the powers heretofore exercised by the commissioners were transferred to the General Courts of the United Colonies. Hartford and New Haven having been consolidated under the charter granted by Charles 11.^ in 1662, the number of commissioners was reduced to six* They were to meet only once in three years; and of every five regular mcetmgs, two were to be held in Boston, two in Hartford, and one in Plymouth, T^ut the strength and glory of the old Confederacy had departed, and tfic new union had only a short existence. The commissioners met in September, 1672, and formally ratified these articles; and they met also in the following year, on a special call from the governor and magistrates of Connecticut, in consequence of the capture of New York by the Dutch. Their only other meetings were in 1675, 167S, 1679, r68i, and 1684. Their last act was the issuing of a recommendation to the several colonial gov- signatures of cxjmmisstomfjis, seph 1657.' ernments for the appointment of the 22d of October, 1684. as a day of solemn humiliation, *'to the end that we may meet together in united prayers at the Throne of Grace, for the more effectual promoting of the work of general reformation, so long discoursed of amongst ourselves (but greatly delayed) ; and that wc may obtain the favor of God for a farther lengthening out of our tranquillity, under the shadow of our Sovereign Lord the King; and that God would preserve his life and establish Iiis crown m righteousness and peace, for the defence of the Protestant religion in all his dominions/*^ The death of that worlhlc?>s sovereign a few months afterward, the accession of James IT, and the appointment of Sir Hdmund Andres as governor of all New England put an end to the New England Confederacy; With the expulsion of Andros, wfio imitated on a narrower field the tyrannical acts which led to the expulsion of James IL from England, the colonies resumed their charter governments; but the Confederacy was not revived.

It had accomplished the purpose for which it was formed; but it was never a strong organization, and it had the inherent defects of every simple confederation. Even if the growing jealousy of the colonies which existed in the mother country would have permitted its re-cstablishment, public opinion on this side of the ocean was not yet ripe for the formatioh of a union in any considerable degree free from the interference and control of the colonial legislatures. In its early days, however, the Confederacy had exerted a powerful influence in making the colonies feared and respected by their Dutch and French neighbors, and by the Indians within their own borders. As the principal town in the most important colony in the Confederacy, Boston shared largely in the benefits which Massachusetts derived even from this imperfect union ; and in any enumeration of the causes which have combined to make Boston what she now is, the formation of the New England Confederacy of 1643 cannot be overlooked.^

^ Any account of the relations of Boston with the neighboring jurisdictions would be incomplete which did not include some reference to the two abortive missions of Father Druillctes to Boston and Plymouth in 1650 and 1651. Four years after the formation of the New £ngland Confederacy, Governor Winthrop wrote to the Governor of Canada proposing a free trade between the colonies. Apparently no answer was returned to this proposition during Winthrop's life ; but in 1650 Gabriel Druilletes, one of the Jesuit fathers, was sent to New England by his superior, with 'the concurrence of the Governor, to negotiate on the subject The chief object of Druilletes seems, however, to have been to engage the New England colonies in a war with the Mohawks for the advantage of the Abenakis; but his mission failed to produce any result, though he says he had a moral assurance that three of the four colonies were fovorable to his plan^. In his narrative he represents the Governor of Plymouth as urgent in the affair, and he had strong hopes that the younger Winthrop would give his aid, ** after the letter which I wrote him praying him to finish what his father began.** Of Boston he writes: "The Vice- Governor of Boston, named Mr. Endicott, who is now probably Governor, has pledged his word to do all in his power to liring the Boston magistrates to consent and unite with the Governor of Plymouth. All the Boston magistrates write that they will recommend it earnestly to the deputies Boston's interest is the hope of a good trade with Quebec, especially as that which it has with Virginia and the Isle of Barbadoes and St. Christopher's is on the point of being destroyed by the war excited by the Parliamentarians to exterminate there the authority of the Governors who still hold for the King of England. This interest has made the Boston merchants say in advance, that if the republic makes any difficulty about sending troops, the volunteers will be satisfied with a simple permission for the expedition." While here, he visited Salem, and was hospitably entertained by Endicott, who, he says, ** speaks and understands French well." He also went to Plymouth to see Governor Bradford, whose influence, every one told him, was all-powerful. At Koxbury he spent the night with the Rev. John Eliot, "who was instructing some Indians," and he adds: ** He treated me with respect and affection, and invited me to pass the winter with him." In Boston he was the guest of Major- General Gibbons, who "gave me the key of a room in his house, where I might in all liberty pray and perform the exercises of my religion, and he besought me to take no other lodgings while I remained at Boston." Druilletes was very naturally impressed by these attentions; but the failure of his mission shows that he was overconfident in his expectations. It is not at all probable that the United Colonics had any intention of attacking the Mohawks. In the following year lie came again under the authority of a regular appointment from the Government of Canada, accompanied by the Sieur Godefroy, one of the council. But their mission also failed of success. (See Hutchinson, Hist, 0/ hfass. Bay, pp. 166-171 ; 2 Coil. iV. K /////. .SW., iil. 305-328; Proceedings of Mass. hisi. Soc, for Oct. 1869^ pp. 152-154; Plymouth Col. Records^ ix. 199-203.)

iNore. - La Tour's story is the subject of an essay by Henry Winsor of Philadelphia, contained in Montrose and Other Biographiioi Sketches^ Boston, 1861. There is a paper on D'Aulnay in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., iv. 462, translated by Dr. William Jenks from (Euvres de Chistoire de la Maison de Menou, Paris, 1 852, p. 165. A considerable number of original papers relating to La Tour and D'Aulnay are preserved at the Sute House in Mass. Archives, vol. ii. - Eo.]

By Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson

WINTHROP died in 1649. The best picture left to us of the wonderful transformation which he had seen wrought in the New England wilds since his coming is to be found in .the quaint narrative by Edward Johnson, The Wonder-working Providence^ probably written about 1650. He says of the condition of the Colony : -

''The Lord hath been pleased to turn all the wigwams, hats, and hoveb the English dwelt in at their first commg into orderly, fair, and well-built houses, well furnished many of them, together with Orchards filled with goodly frait trees, and gardens with variety of flowers. There are supposed to be in the Mattachusets Government at this day ncer a thousand acres of land planted for Orchards and Gardens, there being, as b supposed in this Colony, about fifleen thousand acres in tillage, and of cattel about twelve thousand neat, and about three thousand sheep. Thus hath the Lord incouraged His people with the encrease of the general, although many particulars are outed, hundreds of pounds, and some thousands, yet are there many hundreds of labouring men, who had not enough to bring them over, yet now worth scores and some hundreds of iK)unds.

" And those who were formerly forced to fetch most of the bread they eat, and beer they drink, a hundred leagues by Sea, are through the blessing of the Lord so encreased that they have not only fed their Elder Sisters, - Virginia, Barbados, and many of the Summer Islands that were prefer'd before her for fruitfulness, - but also the Grandmother of us all, even the fertil Isle of Great Britain ; beside Portugal hath had many a mouthful of bread and fish from us in exchange of their Madeara liquor, and also Spain." »

''The chiefe Edifice of this City-like Towne is crowded on the Sea-bankes, and wharfed out with great industry and cost, the buildings beautifull and large, some fairely set forth with Brick, Tile, Stone, and Slate, and orderly placed with comly streets, whose continuall inlargcment presages some sumptuous City. . . . But now behold the admirable Acts of Christ : at this his peoples landing, the hideous Thickets in this place were such that Wolfes and Beares nurst up their young from the eyes of all beholders, in those very places where the streets are full of Girles and Boys sporting up and downe, with a continued concourse of people. Good store of Shipping is here yearly built, and some very faire ones : both Tar and Mastes the Countrey a/Tords from its own soile ; also store of Victuall both for their owne and Forreiners ships, who resort hither for that end : this Town is the very Mart of the Land ; French^ Portiigalls^ and Dutch come hither for Traffique." *

Such was the peaceful life of the Massachusetts Colony.* The busy citizens thus continued to thrive, and the children to sport, during all the period when the iron Cromwell ruled England, taking little thought among his cares and victories for the humble settlements across the ocean. He sometimes found them a convenient place of banishment for his Scotch prisoners,^ and he thought of them as a source from which he could repeople Jamaica; but this was almost all. He ruled, and died ; and his weak son succeeded, - and still Massachusetts was at peace under the beneficent leadership of Endicott, while the stern progress of events was bringing about the great Royalist reaction in England, and the day of the Restoration was drawing near.

In London, on the 29th of May, 1660, the River Thames was alive with gay barges, the streets were full of merry-making people, the air resounded with martial music, with cheering, and with the roar of great guns from the Tower. The merchants had hung brocade and cloth of gold from their shop windows, and among these gorgeous stuflfs drooped torn and tattered flags that had been scorched with fire from Cromwell's cannon. The pikeheads of the train-bands glittered along the streets, decked here and there with wreaths of flowers tossed from upper casements by laughing girls. All this tumult and passion and madness was to welcome the Restoration of a profligate prince and a fatal dynasty; and meantime, in the quiet streets of Boston, men came and went about their sober errands, and '' girles and boys " still played in the highways, not knowing that all they had revered and trusted in the mother country was being swept away. For twenty years Massachusetts had exercised virtual self-government, had kept clear of all English complications. She had never directly recognized the succession of Richard Cromwell ; she was in no haste to recognize that of Charles the Second.

The news of the Restoration was brought to America by the very ship which brought Gofie and Whalley, the regicides. Massachusetts had never distinctly approved the execution of the King, but she took the men who had abetted it into her heart For nearly a year they were honored guests at the firesides of the State ; when a Commission was sent for their arrest, the fugitives were hurried from place to place though New England, ance of the town's quiet by trials and execu- ' * [A ship arriving in 1652 brought two huntions for witchcraft - as when Margaret Jones, dred and seventy-two such, - captives of Dtmof Charlestown, suffered in 164$, and Ann bar battle and others. A list is given in S\ £.

From Death Of Winthrop To Philips War

and faithfully guarded ; there was an outward acquiescence in the search, but " the Colonels/' as they were habitually called, were always warned and removed in ample se.ison. Their names were as well known on the lips of the people as those of Endicott and Winthrop ; they remained a traditional phrase down to this present generation : I can distinctly remember to have heard from the lips of country people, in my childhood, the oath " By Goffe- Whalley ! " «

But even the testimony of ** the Colonels " did not readily convince the people that the Restoration was a permanent thing. Affairs in the mother country were full of changes, and this might be but one change more. Then followed trials and executions that affected New England as well as Old. Sir Henry Vane, once Governor of Massachusetts, the defender of Quakers, Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, the opponent of slavery and of Cromwell himself when needful, - Sir Henry Vane suffered death at the block. Hugh Peter, once the minister of Salem and one of the founders of Harvard College, was hanged; his last words to his friends being, "Weep not for me, my heart is full of comfort; " and to his daughter, *' Go home to New England and trust God there.*' These events must have touched the hearts of the Colonists very nearly; but the ocean then seemed very wide; a passage of six weeks was considered short; Europe was far more remote in those days of Colonial dependence than in these of National separation. This had already taught Massachusetts men the habit of evading some troublesome problems by simple delay; so they let a year pass before they sent a congratulatory address to the newly made King.

When the time for writing the letter came, it seemed necessary to put some loyalty into their words, if there was not much in their actions. The

1 [Colonels Goffe and Whalley had arrived in Boston July 37, 1660, and were kindly received by the principal ])eople ; but they very soon removed to Cinibridge, and when the Act of Indemnity, in which they were by name excepted, arrived from England, they relieved the magistrates of cmlnirrassincnt by departing in February, 1661, without their jurisdiction. It was one of the charges raised against Massachusetts Bay a year or two later that " Whaley and Goffe were entcrtayncd by the magistrates with great solemnity, and feasted in every place ; " Cartwright's account, in N, V. Hist. Coll., 1869, p. 85. When the Royal order was received by Endicott for their arrest, the Governor despatched two commissioners to find their hidingplace, but they returned to Boston without accomplishing their pur|>osc. The pursued men finally found refuge in Iladley, but kept up a correspondence with friends in England through Incre.ise Mather in Boston. Several of Goffc's letters are given in the Mather pa|>er8, now preserved In the Public Library, and printed in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll.^ viii. Hutchinson had before this printed others in his Collection ofPaptrs, The regicides were, it would seem, visited at Hadley by Governor I Everett, and by Mr. Richard Saltonstall (son of Sir Richard), who left £%p in the hands of Edward Collins, of Charlestown, for them when he went to England in 1672. Their story is succinctly told in Dr. Chandler Robbins's lecture, " The Regicides sheltered in New England," in the course before the Lowell Institute. Cf. also Bresident Stiles*s Hist, of the Judges ; Palfrey's New England, ii. 495; TnimbulFs Cotmeciicut, i. 242; F. B. Dexter's memoranda in the Nntf Haven Colony Hist. Soc, Papers^ vol. ii. ; N. R. Hist and Geneal. Reg, July, 1868, p. 345; Sibley's Harvard Graduates, i. 115, &c. Bostonians find more interest, however, in a third of the regicides, though he was never in Boston, but lived and died in New Haven under the name of James Davids. I le was the progenitor, through a

*^ Royal Sir : your just title to the Crown enthronizes you in our consciences ; your gradousness in our affections; that inspireth unto duties, this naturalizeth unto loyaltie, thence wee call you lord, hence a savior . . . Nowe, the Lord hath dealt well unto our lord the King ; may New England, under your royal protection, be permitted still to sing the Lord's song in this strange land."

Comparing the first sentence with the last, we see which part of the " script " was perfunctory and which was genuine ; it was only when they came to speak of their own affairs that they got down to straightforward talk and monosyllables. Yet doubtless even their loyalty was not wholly fictitious, but it belonged to the realm of vague traditions; it was their present work that was real. They soon discovered the small value for that work of the " royal protection *' they asked. Little cared the King and his advisers for that ideal community at which the Puritan Colony aimed. Moreover their easy natures were repelled, and with good cause, by the Quaker persecutions; although true it is that King Charles himself found those indomitable schismatics quite unmanageable, and was glad to recommend " a sharp law " at last, though always, to his honor, stopping short of the penalty of death. He took, at any rate, small interest in the higher aims of the Colony; but when he considered its thrift and prosperity, and the ships from Spain and Holland that filled the harbor of Boston, it was not to be expected that a spendthrift monarch, in those days of commercial monopolies, should keep his hands off. In the Act of Navigation, passed in 1660, the first real blow fell.

'* No merchandise shall be imported into the plantations but in English vessels, navigated by Englishmen, under penalty of forfeiture." Trade thus summarily checked, further restrictions followed. It was soon decreed that all exports to America must not only be shipped in English vessels, but from English ports ; then the staples of the colonies must be sent to England alone, unless they were also articles which England produced, and in that case they might be sent to remote foreign ports south of Cape Finisterre ; no produce must be sent from one American colony to another, except under a duty equal to that which would have been levied on it in England. It shows what was the spirit of the American people, at that early day, when we consider that these destructive laws remained a dead letter. During sixteen years the Massachusetts Governor, annually elected by the people, never once took the oath which the Navigation Act required of him; and when the courageous Leverett was called to account for this, he answered : " The King can in reason do no less than let us enjoy our liberties and trade, for we have made this large plantation at our own charge, without any contribution from the Crown."

But the navigation acts were to be followed by still more direct invasion of liberties. In view of threats and supposed dangers, it became needful for the Massachusetts Colony to send commissioners to England.

From Death Of Winthrop To Philips War

Norton and Bradstreet were sent ; they were received with courtesy by the King and his ministers, and brought back an answer. The Colonial Charter was confirmed, but wholly new interpretations were placed on it. It was asserted that " the principle of the Charter was the freedom of the liberty of conscience," and that this freedom should extend to those who wished to use " the booke of common prayer." On the same principle it was demanded that the elective franchise should be given to all male freeholders of competent estate; and it was also required that justice should be administered in the King's name, and that all laws in derogation of his authority should be repealed. Some, at least, of these newly required provisions seemed reasonable enough, and some were readily granted; but it was the precedent thus created that was alarming. For instance, it did not seem too much to ask that y^ them. The royal authority hurt the very cause it aimed to help; and the antagonism thus created increased the suspicion already growing in England. The union of the two colonies had already been interpreted as a step toward entire independence, and the ghosts of Goffe and Whalley came up to trouble the King's advisers, if not that easy-going personage himself. What if " the Colonels " should be raising an army?

In July, 1664, there sailed into Boston Harbor an English fleet, intended ostensibly to attack the Dutch settlements on the Hudson. It bore the members of a Royal Commission, against whose power and purpose the Colony at once protested. Massachusetts readily contributed two hundred men for the war against the Dutch, and the fleet went on its way. The Commissioners remained behind, to cope, as well as they might, with the unanimous opposition of an unwilling people. The Colonial authorities first prohibited all complaints to these Commissioners, and then issued their own deliberate remonstrance in words so clear and dignified as to give a foretaste of the Revolutionary State-papers that were to follow a century later. The document is of deep interest, as showing how early the conscious separation of interests had begun, and how the later Revolution was really the accumulated protest of successive generations : -

''Dread Sovereign, - The first undertakers of this plantation did obtain a patent, wherein is granted full and absolute power of governing all the people of this place, by men chosen from among themselves, and according to such laws as they should see meet to establish. A Royal donation, under the great seal, is the greatest security that may be had in human affairs. To be governed by rulers of our own choosing and lawes of our own, is the fundamental privilege of our patent.

" A commission under the great seal, wherein four persons (one of them our professed enemy) are impowered to receive and determine all complaints and appeals according to their discretion, subjects us to the arbitrary power of strangers, and will end in the subversion of our all. . . .

" God knows, our greatest ambition is to live a quiet life, in a comer of the world. We came not into this wilderness to seek great things to ourselves ; and, if any come after us to seeke them heere, they will be disapiK)inted. We keep ourselves within our line ; a just dependence upon and subjection to your majestie, according to our

From Death Of Winthrop To Philip'S War

Charter, it is far from our hearts to disacknowledge. We would gladly do anjrthing within our power to purchase the continuance of your favorable aspect But it is a great unhappiness to have no testimony of our toyalty offered but this, to yield up our liberties, which are far dearer to us than our lives, and which we have willingly ventured our lives and passed through many deaths to obtain." *

But this was not all. Public meetings were held ; Hathome and Endicott * publicly protested ; the English friends of America remonstrated in vain, and could not comprehend the objections made to commissioners who had as yet done no harm. Meanwhile, the emissaries went to the other Colonics, whom it was their policy to conciliate; then returning, desired that the whole male population of Massachusetts should assemble in Boston to hear the message from the King. When this was rejected, the Commissioners announced that they should hold a Court, at which the Colony was cited to appear as defendant. Then followed one of the picturesque scenes so characteristic of the life of those days, - a life which we misconstrue as tame and colorless only. The Court was to be held at the house of Captain Thomas Breedon, on Hanover Street, at 9 A. M., May 24, 1665. It seems that a brother officer of Captain Breedon's, one Colonel Cartwright, was then lying lame of the gout in this house ; and at eight on the appointed morning, beneath the very window of the unhappy Colonel, a messenger of the General Court stationed himself, blew an alarum on the trumpet, and proclaimed " in his Majesty's name " and by authority of the Royal Charter, that the Court regarded this action of the Commissioners as gross usurpation, and could in no way " countenance any should in so high a manner go cross unto his Majesty's direct charge." This said, the messenger departed with his trumpeter, to make the same proclamation in two other parts of the town ; and when the Commissioners assembled at nine, they found nobody with whom to confer except the gouty Colonel Cartwright, with all his symptoms doubtless exasperated by this intolerable interruption of his morning nap.

papers are in the Afass, Archives^ cvi. (Political, gallery of the Historical Society, taken by Smii63g-i7oa) - Ed.) bert in 1737. Mass, Hist, Sac. Proc, il. 61. Of sioners' visit, - he died March 23, 1665. There is wrote, in 1873, in relation to a copy then prean account of Endicott in J. B. Moore's Gcvemors sented to the Amer. Antiq. Society (see their

What neither Church nor State nor days of fasting could convey to the minds of the Commissioners was apparently made plain by this one herald's proclamation. Sermons and prayers were unavailing, but the sound of a trumpet seemed significant " Since you misconstrue our labors/' said the Commissioners with dignity, " we shall hot lose more of our labors upon you." This was precisely what the Colony wished. It proceeded to show its loyalty in its own way ; sent provisions to the English fleet in the West Indies, and sent a ship-load of masts to the navy in England, - an act which Pepys describes as " a blessing mighty unexpected, and but for which we should have failed next year." But Massachusetts persisted in her protest against the Commissioners, and nothing ever came of their enterprise. It was not until many years later, after a season of cruel Indian wars and the death of King Philip, that the English Ministry, which had done nothing to help the Colony through its struggle, at last fulfilled for a time its purpose '* to reassume the government of Massachusetts into its own hands."

By The Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D.

ON the twenty-first of June, 1675, an express which had started from Marshfield, in Plymouth County, early that morning, came clattering over the Neck, and delivered to Governor Leverett, at three or four o'clock in the afternoon, a letter from Governor Winslow of the Old Colony. The original letter is still preserved.' It announced that Philip and his band of Indians had alarmed the people of I Swansea, and before. Winslow's letter says, manfully, that the Plymouth Colony will give a good account of Philip in a few days if the Massachusetts will see that the Narragansetts and the Nipmucks do not act to assist that chieftain. He also says that the Old-Colony people had been taking all precautions not to insult or injure Indians. But the war with Philip had had a long prelude, and in this very month of June the Indian murderers of Sausaman, or Wussausman, one of Eliot's disciples, had been executed. One of them had testified before his death that his father, AA .jt^ ^ a^PuP^^ft^li^ a counsellor and friend of Philip, had a ^ POiVllinA^^^^rO hand in that murder, which was supposed to have a political character.

Their twenty-first of June corresponds to our first of July, and the reader must imagine hot July days in the mustering of hosts which followed. Leverett's house stood at the corner of Court and Washington Streets, where the Sears building now stands.* We can well imagine that the Marshfield express, as he passed through the little town with the tidings of war, did not make the least of them. He had made good time on his sad errand. Leverett summoned his Council at once. We have the list of those who attendedi - and, as these Boston members of the Council became in practice the military committee who carried on the war, the names are worth recording here. They were Samuel Symonds, Simon Bradstreet, Richard Russell

(who was Treasurer), Thomas Danforth, William Hathorne, Edward Tyng, William Stoughton, and Thomas Clarke, with Edward Rawson, the Secretary. One fancies Stoughton picking up

The Council immediately engaged Edward Hutchinson (a young captain), Seth Perry, and William Powers, to go to the Narragansetts, bidding them to call on Roger Williams^ on the way, and avail themselves of all his influence in persuading or ordering the Narragansetts not to come into any alliance with Philip. Horses were impressed for them, and they started on their errand. From day to day, further news was received from Swansea, where the Plymouth forces were gathering around Philip ; and meanwhile two messengers were despatched to Mount Hope, with some expectation of negotiation with him. But these messengers found, on the twenty-fourth, that the war was begun. One of the Swansea men had wounded an Indian who was killing his cattle, and the Indians had retaliated by killing some of the Swansea men. Boston was all alive meanwhile ; drums beat for volunteers ; in three hours' time one hundred and ten men were mustered. Meanwhile, the regular train-bands were notified that they must be ready for draft ; and the whole history shows that their organization was complete, and that they were ready to meet such demands with promptness.

Winslow had not asked for military assistance. But, in the note sent to him in reply to his first despatch, Leverett had assured him that the larger colony would send him any arms or ammunition which he required. As accounts of real war came in, the Council organized an aggressive expedition. To the command of it they appointed Captain John Richards to go " as captain of the foot ; who shamefully refused the employment." * Captain Daniel

» (Drake, Landmarks, p. 83. Sec Inlroduo - (The original minutes of thin meeting, at tion to vol. ii. for the site of Governor Leverett's Uken by Rawson tlie secretary on a bit of pahouse. - Ed.] per, are preserved in the Mass, Archives, Ixvii.

Boston In Philips War. 3I3

Henchman was then chosen to " go forth as the captain of one hundred men for the service, and Captain Thomas Prentice to be captain of the horse." These titles were given them because they were already captains in the train-bands. Orders were given to the militia of Boston and of all the neighboring towns to furnish such a number of able soldiers as should make one hundred in all for Henchman's command, to be ready at an hour's notice. Each soldier was to have his arms complete and knapsack ready to march, " and not fail, but be at the randyimtsy On the twenty-fifth, these men were summoned to appear ** at their colors in the market-place at six in the evening, with their arms ready fixed for service." On the next day, Daniel Denison was appointed commander- ^^ in-chief of^all the forces of ^^^^ 4/ ^W<t^ ^^^'3 ^^^^ reached Neponset River, at a point about twenty miles - from Boston, there happened a great eclipse of the moon, which was totally darkened above an hour. William Hubbard says that some melancholy fancies thought the eclipse ominous, and conceived that in the centre of the moon they discerned an Indian scalp. He adds that they might rather have thought of Crassus's joke when the moon was eclipsed in Capricorn, that he was more afraid of Sagittarius than of Capricornus. Cotton Mather improves on Hubbard enough to s.iy th.it some of the soldiers did think of Crassus. Henchman had been master in the l^tin school, and may have remembered the story. ^ Q^ ^^ ^^ ^ The nej^t day Samuel Mosley volunteers in Boston, and with one hundred and ten men, who were called " Privateers/* * had made a quick march ; so that he and Henchman and Prentice all arrived together at Swansea.

It is no part of this Memorial History to trace the details of the history of Philip's war, except so far as Boston took part in it. But as the gov-

1 [Cf. an account of Denison by D. D. Slade * [So Hubbard says. - Ed.] in N, E, Nisi, and Geneal, Re^,, July, 1869. > Probably as a synonym for "volunteers,** ernor of Massachusetts and the military committee were Boston men, and as the commissioners for the united colonies met in Boston, most of the orders for the war went out from the council chamber in the Boston Town bury, Dorchester, and Charlestown furnished a considerable proportion of the Massachusetts contingents, who were always ready with a singular promptness, which shows that the people must have lived as in the presence of an enemy. To describe the arrangements thus made for war in the capital, with such thread of its history in the field as may be necessary to explain them, is the object of this chapter. Everything in the history shows that the colony at this time was fairly in the second generation from the settlement. There is nothing of the polish and state of the beginning, but there is in all the despatches and letters the vigor, not to say the rigor, of a generation only too well trained by hardship. John Leverett, the governor, was such a man as republics are apt to put in the front. He was born in the English Boston in 1616, was trained under Cotton's preaching, and seems to have crossed the ocean in the same ship with him and with Governor Haynes. He returned to ICngland in time to serve through the whole Civil War as a Captain of I lorsc, and he acquired the confidence and friendship of Cromwell.

In 1655 he was sent to England as the colony's agent, and he remained there till Charles II. was well seated on his throne. Very likely the old soldier would have been glad to lead this campaign himself But at sixty years of age he did not take the field, and the immediate direction of affairs fell to younger men. His own letter to the Government of Connecticut, written on the 28th of June, is a good description of the energetic activity of those first days : -

" Upon the aist instant, about three o'clock, came an express to me from the Governor of Plymouth, signifying that upon the Lord's day before an armed party of Philip's men attacked two houses not fiur from Swansea, and drove the people out of them, who fled to the town and gave intelligence thereof; and accordingly Swansea men sent a post to the Governor of Plymouth to acquaint him of their needs, - with all intimating that the Indians were marching to Swansea. The Governor thereupon ordered some relief to be sent to Swansea, as he informed us. The armed Indians marched up to the bridge at Swansea, but 40 of the English of Swansea being posted at the bridge the Indians retreated to Mount Hope again ; but since have made several excursions in small parties, and have plundered several houses not far from Swansea. And afterwards, about the 24th and a 5th and 26th day of this instant, have killed about 5 or 6 persons in all in a skulking way, and barbarously taken the head, scalpe, and hands of two persons, and some within sight of a Court of Guard, - others they have wounded about twenty ; and a house they have fired, and daily we hear of the increase of trouble. The Governor of that colony has frequently solicited us for aid, which as soon as we could possibly raise we have sent to them. It is certified from Plymouth

* [A portrait of Lcverett is preserved in the gallery of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester. He was the Governor from 1673- 78. He died March 16, 1679, ^"d the order of march at his funeral is given in Snow's Boston, p. 170. Dr. N. B. Shurtleff gives an account of him and his family in the N. E. Hist, and Geneal. ^fg't '850, p. 125; cf. also October, 1858. A communication on the seal and family of the

Governor is in the Heraldic Journal, i. 83. A Memoir of Sir John Leverett and of the Family generally, by Rev. C. E. Leverett, was printed in Boston in 1856. Two of the three preserved portraits of the Governor are engraved in this memoir. Mr. Leverett also prepared the tabular pedigree in Drake's Boston^ folio edition. J. B. Moore has a memoir of the Governor in his Governors of Plymouth and Mass, Bay, - Ed.)

and Swansea that both Narragansetts and Nipmucks have sent aid to Philip ; we sent messengers to Narragansetts and Nipmucks to warn and caution them not to help Philip, and if any were gone to command to return. Our messengers are returned from both these places. The Nipmucks speak fair, and say they are faithful to their engagements and will not assist Philip. The Narragansetts say they will not meddle ; but there is more reason to suspect the latter, and we believe they are not unconcerned in this matter. All our intelligence gives us ground to believe that the poor people in these parts are in a very distressed condition in many respects. Their houses burned, their people killed and wounded, and they not able to make any attempt upon the Indians, wanting for victuals, amunition, and arms. We have occasion to send greater force for their relief We have sent about three hundred foot and about eighty horse, besides several carts laden with munition, provisions, and armes. Moreover we are sending two vessels with provision and munition to supply their forces, the vessels to serve as there shall be cause. We sent Captain Savage and Mr. Brattle four days since to speak with Philip, who are returned, but could not obtain speech with him. The Council has appointed a fast to-morrow to seek God in this matter for a blessing upon our forces. How far this trouble may speed, it is with the Lord to order. There is reason to conceive that if Philip be not soone suppressed he and his confederates may skulk into the woods and greatly annoy the English, and that the confederacy of the Indians be larger than yet we see. Major-General Denison was chosen for the general of these forces, but he being taken ill Captain Savage is sent commander-in-chief. Captain Prentice is Commander of the Horse, and Captain Henchman and Captain Mosley Captain of the Foot. Our eyes are unto the Lord for his presence with them, and hope you will not be wanting in your prayers and watchfulness over the Indians, and particularly request you to use your utmost authority to restrain the Mohegans and Pequods."

John Richards the captain, who is spoken of so cavalierly as having shamefully refused the command, was a person of a good deal of note, and does not seem to have lost in public estimation by this refusal. He was chosen an Assistant from 1680 to 1686; in Andros's time he was a "high friend of liberty," in Mr. Savage's phrase; was a Judge of the Supreme Court, and when he died was buried with all the honors. The ** shameful refusal " to take command of the foot may be the testy memorandum of an excited day.

Boston In Philip'S War

The captains of the eight companies in Boston were Thomas Clarke, Thomas Savage, James Oliver, William Hudson, Daniel Henchman, John Richards, John Hull, and [John?] Clarke. Failing Richards, as has been said, the command of the infantry was given to Henchman, and that of the horse to Thomas Prentice of Newton. Daniel Denison, the major-general, was not well, and the general command was transferred to Savage, the father.

Daniel Henchman first appears in our local history as the assistant teacher in the Latin School, then under the charge of Robert Woodmansey. In 1669 he was appointed on the committee ^^^ /I for the survey of a new plantation, and from ^^Sf ^yj/^Jf/yYliJi/iT^ the history of Worcester it appears that he J^^^^'*^^ ^ ^' was one of the most important persons in laying out and settling that town. He died there in the year 1685. He was a connection of Judge Sewall, and there was in Sewall's house a room called by his name. Everything in his letters shows that he was a good soldier and a prompt executive man, and he is, perhaps, the most prominent representative of Boston as the war goes on. Like other commanders he is often blamed. Doubtless he made mis* takes like other men. But there is a manliness in his treatment of the Christian Indians which conciliates respect.

Both the Savages, father and son, appear in these campaigns with distinction. The son, Perez Savage, who was an ensign, was but a young man ; and in one of the very first encounters he was badly wounded in the thigh by a shot from his own party. He was wounded again in the Narragansett fight, but recovered and died twenty years after, a captive in Mequinez in Barbary. He had probably been taken by the Algerines in his trade with Spain. Thomas Savage, the father, was one of the men whom the General Court disarmed in the Wheelwright troubles. He had at one time retired into Rhode Island. He lived to revenge himself on his old persecutors by leading their army with courage, prudence, and skill. He became now the commander of the whole contingent into Plymouth County. He made his will on the 28th of June, the day he marched to the war; and on the 25th of June he was appointed one of the committee for the war, and had all the accounts of the military expenses confided to him. The next May he was appointed treasurer, as successor to Richard Russell.

John Hull, another of the captains, was the mint master. It is clear that his services as treasurer were so essential that it was out of the question that he should march with the troops. No suggestion of other reason appears in the record.

The various companies did not. take the field as such this year, but after October they were ready to do so. They were three times drafted for this war : once for the first expedition, and once for troops to the eastward ; again for the attack on the Narragansetts. The whole number was probably about 850, - of whom the greater part were called into one or another service during the war. For the sinews of war the proper taxes were levied, and a powder-mill was successfully established at Dorchester.

The three companies arrived at Swansea in forty-eight hours from the time when they left Boston. There is an intimation in one despatch that Henchman's forces, though infantry, went as ** dragoons," - by which phrase was then meant what we call ** mounted infantry." If the first march were effected thus, their horses were sent back, for they certainly served afterwards as foot. They at once drove the Indians back from Swansea to Mount

Captain Thomas Savage.'

1 [This engraving follows an original painting owned by his descendant, Colonel Henry Lee of Boston, who some years ago bought it of another descendant, Mr. William H. Spooner, in whose family it had descended. Beneath the arms in the upper right-hand corner is the inscription : " Mta. : 73. An? 1679." ^^ ^ buried in the King's Chapel yard, and the inscription on his tomb, with the arms, is given in the Heraldic Journal^ ii. 22. Shurtleff, Description of Boston, p. 195; Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 23 ; Whitman, Ancient and Honorable Artillery Cotnpany. He lived near the northerly corner of North and Fleet streets, and had a shop near Edward Gibbons's house. He was a tailor. - Ed.]

Hope, in an action in which young Savage was wounded. His father, the commander-in-chief, arrived the next day, and led his force to an attack on Mount Hope. They found and destroyed Philip's own wigwam. But the enemy had flown. After a week's marching and countermarching. Henchman with his force crossed into Rhode Island, and gave efficiency to the negotiation which ICdward Hutchinson and Joseph Dudley had been directed to carry on with the Narragansetts. The Sachems of that tribe bound themselves not to enter into the war, and to detain any of Philip's subjects who fell in their way; to surrender any goods stolen from the English, and themselves to make war against Philip : for which they gave four hostages. This treaty was signed by Cocman, Taitson, and Tawageson, as " Councillors and Attorneys " to the six Sachems of the Narragansetts. It is dated on the 15th of July.

While this was passing. Colonel Benjamin Church, in command of the forces in the Old Colony, had brought Philip and his men to bay at Pocasset, on Taunton River. So soon as Henchman returned, on the i8th of July, he undertook to besiege them there. Retaining his* own company of foot he sent the other Massachusetts companies home. Prentice and his troop were ordered to Mendon, in Norfolk County. Philip outwitted Henchman. He waded the Taunton River at low tide with his warriors, leaving one hundred women and children behind. Henchman secured these, and learning that Philip was marching north-west followed with his company, about a day behind. He went to Providence in a sloop, '* giving each one three biscakes, a flsh, and a few raisons, with ammunition that may last two or three days." A party of Mohcgans, on their way from Boston to reinforce him, cut off Philip's rear, and killed about thirty men. But Philip escaped further pursuit Henchman was blamed for letting him escape. It seems clear that the blame, after the first mistake, was not well deserved. But Philip himself said, that when they were in Pocasset their powder was almost gone, and that if they had been pressed there they must have surrendered.

The intense excitement in Boston, meanwhile, may be well conceived. As Leverett's letter has shown, the Council appointed a Fast for the 29th of June. But persons who suppose such appointments were very eagerly met must notice the memorandum on the Dorchester church records: "There was no meeting that day in this town, but people went abroad to meetings in other towns." Besides the troop of Prentice, Captain Isaac Johnson was ordered on the 15th to march with sol- ' T A^^^ , - ^ cu^^^y^^ diers " listed under the order of Major -TJ T^kZ^

Treatt" (Governor of Connecticut), as also some others from Boston, to relieve Mendon and Wrentham. Johnson was of Roxbury, the son of John Johnson. Like all the other train-band captains, he was a man of distinguished social position. He had been many years in the artillery company, and had served in the Legislature.* Major Treatt, who had formerly lived

The towns westward from Medfield and Wrenthami as far as Springfield, Westfield, Hadley, and Hatfield, were in constant danger through the rest of the year. Edward Hutchinson was killed in an early surprise near

Marlborough. He and Captain Wheeler, of Concord, had been /TLi>^^i^ despatched on an expedition / nlruPtxA^ from Boston into the Nipniuck country, to ascertain how those Indians were affected. Wheeler was wounded in the same ambush.

Henchman and Mosley, with Boston soldiers, were moving backward and forward as occasion directed. Beers, Captain of Watertown, and Lothrop, at the head of the ** Flower of Essex," were killed in that campaign. It was Captain Mosley's good fortune, hearing the musketry, to come to the relief of the wounded after the massacre at Bloody Brook. Lothrop lost fiftynine men ; Mosley lost three.*

Of all these commanders, Samuel Mosley is he who would figure most brilliantly in a romance. He had, perhaps, been what we call a privateer. He had a rough-and-ready way with him, and indulged his prejudices to the country's injury. It was he who, in this western campaign, took fifteen friendly Indians from their fort at Marlborough, and sent them under guard, tied to each other, to Boston, to be tried for the attack* on Lancaster. It was he of whom the old story is told, that he took off his wig and hung it on a tree that he might fight more coolly, - to the great terror of the enemy, who thought there was little use in scalping such a man. It was he who, next year, in proposing to raise another company, said he would take for pay the captives and plunder, - and was permitted to do so. He was a lesser Garibaldi, and, it need hardly be added, was always in hot water.

Meanwhile, Boston had all the terrors and other excitements of a town which is a little removed from the scene of danger, where every rumor swells the truth, and people have not the safety-valve of vigorous work before an enemy. In August, when the Christian Indians at Marlborough were tried on the charge of murder, John Eliot, the minister of Roxbury, with Daniel Gookin, always the Indians' loyal friend, made every effort to save them from the popular fury, and succeeded with all but one, who was sold for a slave. There seemed some doubt of his innocence ; that of the others was certain. But their friends brought the indignation of the mob on their own heads. Eliot happened to be run down in a boat, by a large vessel, and was almost drowned. Cotton Mather repeats with horror the exclamation of some man unknown, that he wished Eliot

1 Only two nunei are legible, - Peter liarron ilain in the county of Hampshire, 1675, Is and John Vatet. Theite, it will be observed, given in the MasmthtutUt Arckwes, Ixviii. 3> were privateers, or volunteers. [A list of the - Ed.]

Boston In Philips War. 32 1

had been drowned.^ The Indians, after acquittal, were let loose by night. This so inflamed the mob, that some thirty boys and young fellows called at nine o'clock at night on James Oliver, a magistrate, thinking he would lead them in an attack on the prison, that they might take and hang one remaining Indian. Oliver nianfully took his cane and cudgelled them then and there, and "so far dismissed them." There was a clamor for " martial law." A few days after, when a Watertown man, named Shattucke, had said at the porch of the " Three Cranes," in Charlcstown, that he would bo hanged, if he would ever serve again if the Marlborough Indians were cleared, Gookin relates with satisfaction that within a quarter of an hour he was drowned by the sinking of the Charlcstown ferry-boat. There were other men on board, but all were saved excc|)t him.

Swayed by the popular resentment, or striving to satisfy it, the General Court made stringent orders about Indians. None were to enter the town unless with a guard of two musketeers ; any Indian found in town without such guard might be arrested. And by another vote Eliot's colony of praying Indians at Natick were removed to Deer Island, in Boston Harbor, with the consent of Mr. ShrimJ)ton, who owned it. Prentice supervised the sad removal. The Indians made no opposition. Two hundred men, women, and children, they loaded their little possessions on six carts Prentice had brought with him, and at a place called "The Pines," at the Arsenal grounds, not far from Mount Auburn, they were put on boats for the Island. At "The Pines" Eliot met them to comfort and help them. On the 30th of October, at the full tide, they embarked at midnight and were carried to the Island. Another colony of friendly Indians and prisoners were afterwards sent to Long Island, in the harbor. They were kept at fishing and digging clams, and when the next summer came they broke up the land at Deer Island for planting. The Council appointed two " meet men " to oversee them, and supply them with food. Before winter came, the number of the Deer-Island colony had enlarged to five hundred.

It has been seen that Philip had abandoned his women and children without hesitation. These were made prisoners ; most of them seem to have been brought to Boston, as well as the prisoners of war. At first they were assigned to such families as would receive them ; but before the war ended they were sent into West-Indian slavery. " What was the fate of Philip^s wife and child? She is a woman; he is a lad. They surely did not hang them? No. That would have been mercy. They were sold into slavery: West-Indian slavery I An Indian princess and her child sold from the cool bfeezxs of Mount Hope, from the wild freedom of a New-England forest, to gasp under the lash beneath the blazing sun of the tropics! Bitter as death I Ay, bitter as hell I " These are Mr. Everett's indignant words in his Bloody-Brook address. Dear old John Eliot of Roxbury made his protest

Randolph picked up some of the gossip about Eliot and his friends, when in his report of September, 1676, he said : " These have been the most barbarous and cruel enemies to the English/' - a charge which is wholly untrue. In the State archives are two weather-stained placards, duplicates in manuscript, posted on the walls to alarm Gookin and Danfortli. They are in this language : -

" Feb. 28, 1675. ** Reader, thou art desired not to suppress this paper, but to promote the design, which is to testify (those traitors to their King and country) Guggins and Danford, that some ginerous spiritts have vowed their destruction ; as Christians we warn them to prepare for death, for though they will deservedly die, yet we wish the health of their souls.

Richard Scott was imprisoned and tried for scandalous, reproachful, and vile execrations of several persons in authority. He pleaded that he was drunk, and was discharged on giving bonds for his good behavior.

** The humble petitioo of John Eliot showeUi (hat llie terror ofaelling away auch liMlians into the islands (or perpetual sUverjr, who shall yie!d up themselves to your inercy, h like to be an eflectual prolongation oT the war. Such an exasperation of them as it may produce we know not what evil consequence upon all ilie bind. Christ hath saki: * Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obuin mercy.' This usage of them ia worse than death. To put to death men that have deserved to die is an ordinance of God, and a blessing ie promised ibr it Itmaybedoneinfisiih- The design of Christ in these but days is not to exiin«te nations, but to gospelise them. He will spread the gospel round the worid about Rev. id. 15: 'IIm kingdoms of the work! are become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ.' His sovereign hand and grace hath brought the gospel into these dark ptoces of the earth* When we came we declared to the worki, and it is recorded, yea, we are engaged by our Letters Patent from the King's Majesty, that the endeavor for the Indians* conversion, not their extirpatkm, were one great end of our enters prise in coming to these ends of tlie earth. The Lord hath so succeeded the H*ork as that (by his grace) tliey have ihe Holy Scriptures, and sundry of ihemselvesable to teach their countrymen the good knowledge of God. The light of the gospel b risen among those that sat w darkness and in the region of the shadow of death. Andhowrever some of them have refused to receive the goepel, and now are incensed in their spirits into a war against the English, yet by that good promise, - Psalm ii. i, a, 3i 4, 5i *» 7. - 1 <lo«bt not but the morning of Christ is to open a door for the free passage of the gospel among them, and iliat the Lord will publish the Word. Ver. 6 : * Yet have I set my king, my anobited, upon the holy hill of Zion, though some rage at It' among them, and not to destroy ihem. To send into a place a slave away from spiritual direction, to the eternal ruin of their souls, is as I apprehend to act contrary to the mind of Christ. Christ's command b we should enlarge the kingdom of Jesus Christ. Isay, liv. s : * Enlaige the place of iliy tent'

** It secnicth to me tliat to sell them away as sbvcs b to hinder the cnlaigenicnt of his kingdom. How can a Christiau sell (except ?] to act in casting away their souls Ant whidi Christ haih in an eminent hand provided an offer of the gospel? To sell soub for money seeroeih to me a dangerous merchandise. If they deserve to die, it is fiir better to be put to death under godly persons who will lake religious care that means may be used that they may die penitently. To sell them away from all means of grace when Chrbt hath provided means of grace for them b the way far us to be active in destroying their soub, when we are highly obliged to seek their conversion and salvation, and liavc ut>|ioriunity in our hand so to do. Deut. xxiii. iSi 16. A fugitive servant from a Pagan master might not be delivered to thb master, but be kept in Israel for the good of hb souU How much less la%vful b it to sell away soub from under the light of the gospel into a condition where their soub shall be utterly kisi so lar as appcarelh unto men ! All men (of reading) condemn the Spanbrd for cruelty upon this point in destroying men and depOpubting the Und. The country b brge enou^ Here is land enough for them and us too.

** I beseech the honorabb CbunGil to pardon my boldness, and let the case of conscience be discussed orderly before the thing be acted. Pardon my weakness, and leave to reason and religion their liberty in thb great case of coo-

* \Afast. Archives, xxx. 193. Palfrey, iii. 201, has a note of this incensed feeling of the poptilace. The matter is also examined by Dr. Ellis bi hb chapter on '* The Indians of Eastern Massachvsetts " in the present volume. ^ £o.|

Boston In Philips War

To return to the prosecution of the war in the field. The Commissioners of the four united colonies determined to carry the war against the Narragansctts. It was charged that their young men had been found in the parties of warlike Indians. It was certain that they had not delivered up the Wampanoags, Philip's men» who had taken shelter with them. Far less had they held to the treaty m<idc by their ** attorneys/' and carried on war against him. A new army of one thousand men was now called out, of which Massachusetts was to furnish five hundred and twenty-seven. Boston, as she then was, furnished one hundred and eight. Charlcstown furnished fifteen. Winslow was the commander-in-chief. Dec. 13, 1676, is one of the terrible days ^.^r^vin our history. The lit- ^^fJZf^ZL^^ tie army marched from UJ^^ X ^^ modern tourists as Tower Hill, on Narragansett Bay. Passing over Kingston Hill, in a cold snowstorm, they came upon the Indian fort in the midst of a swamp. The Stonington railroad of to-day passes close by the place. They stormed the fort at once. Johnson and Davenport were killed at the head of their men, in leading the attack. It was only after a severe battle that the place was taken, and the wigwams burned. The only vestiges to be found to-day are here and there a grain of Indian corn burned black in the destruction.^ The full loss of the army was thirty-one killed and sixty-seven wounded. Such, at least, was the official return at the time. ^ s s s

The power of the Narragansctts was thus broken. But war harried every frontier; and on the 28th of December the Council of Massachusetts passed an order to add three hundred more men to the army, of which Suffolk should furnish one hundred and twelve. For this order the commissioners thanked the Council the next day. The Suffolk militia had all been in readiness to take the field at once, since the session of the Court in October. The army with its reinforcements kept the field, much of the time in terrible weather, following the remnants of the Narragansctts where it could find them. The men suffered a great deal from the cold. But on the 5th of February, when the army returned to Boston, there were not wanting critics

Forl)c«, James Thomas, Irland Trevor (sul»stl- Gardiner), all of Boston; Jacob Cook, of Charlestute for Davis Turner), all of Boston; John town; John Specr, of Dorchester, and "sundry who said they should have done something the army did not do. The severest part of the war, for whites and Indians both, was to be crowded into the next four months.

Captain Hull's contemporary diary, kept in Boston, might show us the view of things by a bigoted and hard man of affairs there. But it follows the universal law of diaries ; namely, that when a man is busy he has no time or heart to write the record, and that it is only when he has nothing to say that he wastes his time in memoranda. For pages as crowded as ours, perhaps no briefer skeleton of the history could be given than his, which is here copied, with no abridgment : -

"Several particular fasts this year. Feb. lo, Lancaster spoiled by the enemy. aist, Medfield in part burned by ditto. Mar. 13, Groton burned. 26th, Marlborough burned in part. 28th, Rehoboth assaulted. April 6, John Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, died in Boston. i8th, Sudbury part burned by the enemy. Capt. Wadsworth, Capt Brocklebanck, and iifty soldiers slain. The second and third months were very sickly throughout this colony. April 25, Major Simon WiUard, one of our magistrates, died, a pious Orthodox man. Mr. Peter Lidget died, an accomplished merchant May S, some houses burned at Bridgewater. nth, some also toward Plymouth. 14th, Mr. Hezekiah Usher died, a pious and useful merchant. 15th, Mr. Richard Russell died, a magistrate and the county treasurer, a godly man. 16th, Mr. Joshua Atwater died. i8th, the Fall Fight, many Indians slain. 24th, Capt. William Davis died. June 29th, a day of public thanksgiving. Aug. 12, Sagamore Philip, that began the war, was dain." ^

Twenty such entries, passing through the sad gamut of fasting and grief, but culminating in thanksgiving, are all the Boston merchant finds time for in seven months.*

The share which Boston took in such a season must be briefly told. The Fast Day in the old meeting-house on the 23d was interrupted by alarms, and on the 25th Major Savage marched again to the west, as far as Northampton, which he relieved. John Curtis of Roxbury was ** guide to the forces," and six friendly Indians from Deer Island went with them. All this year the " friendly Indians " are much more cordially spoken of; and before the war was over they were enlisted, and served with distinction and success. Meanwhile Philip and his men having pressed too far westward, in retiring from the English, were attacked by the Mohawks, whom he kept off by a short truce, but who afterwards fell on his women and children. A letter from Savage at Hadley, written in March, makes it almost certain that the Dutch traders supplied the Indians with powder. But Andros, who was Governor of New York, was very indignant when this charge was made.* The Fall Fight - so called from the great Falls of Connecticut River, now known as Turner's Falls - was a victory over the savages; but it cost the life of William Turner, a Boston captain. lie was not a train-band captain, but early ofTered to raise a company of volunteers. Because he was a prominent Baptist his offer was at first slighted ; y .^^ ^

On the 20th of April another fast was held, close on the news of the loss at Sudbury ; and on the 27th another ** army " is raised for a westward expedition. April and May were very sickly months. In May alone fifty persons died in the little town, whose whole census, including its soldiers in the field, cannot have been six thousand." On the 9th of May is another day of humiliation, attended .it the First Church by the magistrates and General Court; and on the 21st of June one church in Boston held another. But by the 29th of June, as the reader has seen from Hull's journal, affairs had so far brightened that on that day, as the anniversary of the first fast day of the war, the Government ordered a day of thanksgiving. The Boston troops returned from an expedition to Mount Hope on the 22d of July, dissatisfied. But they had taken or killed one hundred and fifty Indians with the loss of only one man. With Philip's

Thanksgiving in December it was said: "Of those several tribes and parties that have hitherto risen up against us, which were not a few, there now scarce remains a name or family of them in their former habitations but are cither slain, captivated, or fled into remote parts of this wilderness, or lie hid, despairing of their first intentions against us."

There was never again an important Indian rising, not instigated by Jesuit or French hatred. But the terrors of Philip's war were the origin of the horror and contempt with which for a century men regarded the Indians.

For such local incidents, connected with this life-and-death struggle, as it has been possible to collect, the best authorities are the contemporary his-

* Fifteen hundred families is the guess in a and hanged at the " town's end," Sept. 26, report to England. Sec Chalmers*^ /f«mr/.r. Hut 1676. - Ed.]

* (One of the most insolent of the Indi.ins, lx)ught a part of Mount Hope neck and laid Monahco, - or onc-cycd John, - w.is marched, out the town of Bristol, and Colonel Benjamin with others who had been taken, through the Church settled there. Ci. Rhode Island IlisLSoc, Itoston streets with a halter alwut his neck, Aw., 1874-75, p. 60. - Ed.J tones, Gookin's admirable narration of the praying Indians, the letters of the time, and the State archives. These have been freely used in this narrative. The church records afford little light on a struggle which was, however, followed with intense interest in the churches. " Ned Randolph," as he was called, in his spiteful review of the war, written the same year, says that the church members staid at home, and only " loyal " men went to battle. But this is not true, even as he meant it. It is clear that all classes shared in the dangers of the struggle. The churches contributed freely for the poor of the towns destroyed or depopulated. For instance, the Old South provided a house for the Rowlandsons after their captivity.

The town records contain little more allusion to the war than a few references to the " settlement " of the poor people thrown back upon Boston. The knotty questions of "town settlement" and "State settlement," as we now define them, began with these experiences.^

Boston went into the encounter ready for war, indeed, but with little experience of it. Not a man fought who had ever been in battle, - unless he had seen it in fights with cavaliers in England. " Ned Randolph," an unfriendly critic, saw their army after a year's training in the field, and he says : "Each troop [of horse] consists of sixty horse besides officers ; and they are well mounted and completely armed with back, breast, and head-piece, buff coat, sword, carbine, and pistols, each troop distinguished by their coats. The foot also are very well furnished with swords, muskets, and bandoleers. The late wars have hardened their infantry, made them good firemen, and taught them the xeady use of their arms."

Of a population of perhaps twenty-five thousand, Massachusetts had lost in battle five or six hundred of her sons. The estimate frequently made, that she lost one tenth of her fighting men, is probably beneath the truth. Of that population Boston alone, as she then was, made perhaps one fifth. Her loss was nearly proportional to that of the others, though her troops were not in any one of the great massacres. Four of her captains, Hutchinson, Johnson, Davenport, and Mosley had been killed. When in October, 1675, a special tax of ;f l,S53 was ordered, Boston paid ;f300, Charlestown ;f 180, Dorchester £^0, and Roxbury £10. This gave Boston a little more than one third of the tax, - about the proportion she pays to-day.

Boston In Philip'S War

Editorial Note. - If the reader desires to follow out more minutely the events of this war, he will find one of the best general accounts of the causes of it in Palfrey's AVw England^ iii. ch. iv. That historian does not believe it was a wide-spread, premeditated effort to expel the colonists. A Rhode Island Quaker, John Easton. wrote a Narrathfe of the Causes which led to Philifs War^ which was printed in 1858, with notes by F. B. Hough. Easton did not think all the faults were on the side of the Indians. (Cf. Palfrey, iii. 180, on its supposed authorship ) Increase Mather, in his Early History of New Ettj^and, of which Drake edited an edition in i8(i.|. goes Into the cpicstion of the origin of the war. Drake has followed the preliminaries in his -- Notes " in the yV. A. ///>/. and Cenett/. AV^., April, 1858, January, April, and July, 1861. He also, in his Old Indian Chronicle^ 1836, has reprinted several contem|K>rary n.irrativcs, the original editions of which are preserved In Harvard Cnllcgc Library. They were written In New England, but printed in lytndon. Some of them - like The present State of Nntf England^ 1675 ; A neiv and further Narratir*e of the State of New Etiglaudy 1676; Warre between the Et/glifh and Indian* in New England^ 1676 ; Mather's Brief Hi story ^ 1 67 6; Neros from Nc7v England^ 1676; and Hubbard's Narrative^ all which once belonged to Sir Walter Scott, and were given by him to Mr. Rrevoort, of New York - were described by Baylies in his History of the Old Colony^ i. p. x., while in the possession of J. Carson Brcvoorl, of Brooklyn. It was ostensibly to correct the statements of one of these old narratives, some of which were ascribed to "a merchant of Boston " (see Palfrey's New England^ iii. 151), that Increase Mather hastily prepared his Brief History of the War with the Indians in Nnv England, from yune 24, 1675, /^ Aug, 12, 1676, Ix)ndon, 1676, and Boston, same year (a copy, which l»clongcd to .Samuel Mather, .ind had iKcn " revised and corrected " by the author, his father, is one of fourteen early tracts lx)und together by the son, being writings mostly by the father, the whole priced in 1876 by William Oeorge, bookseller, Bristol, at ;f 350), - a reprint of which was edited by S. G. Drake in 1862, collated with Cotton Mather's account of the war in his Magnalia, This last account was written twenty years after the war. and its author availed himself, without giving credit, of Hubbard's Nar* rative of the Troubles with the Indians, - a better account than Increase Mather's. The ground is also gone over in Hubbard's Neiv England, ch. Ixxi. Palfrey, A^etv England, iii. 153, thinks Hubbard had good opportunities.

The hero of the war was, perhaps. Colonel Benjamin Church, of Plymouth Colony, whose sword is preserved in the Historical Society's cabinet. (Cf. I^rocecdings, i. 379.) The history of the ordinary portrait, so called, of Church, - which is really a likeness of Charles Churchill, the English poet, with a powder-horn slung over his shoulder, - is given by Mr. Drake in the Hist, Mag,, December, 1868, p. 27. Cf. Mass, Hist, Soe, Proe,, March, 1858, p. 293. It was engraved by Paul Revere, who also engraved a picture of "Philip. King of Mount Hope." Church's son, Thomas Church, wrote out for his father an account of the war, - Entertaining Passages relating to Philip'' s War, - which was published long afterwards in Boston, in 1716, and often since; the best edition being that edited by Henry M. Dexter, 1865-67, in two volumes, including a memoir of Church. Tlie original edition is very scarce ; Brinley, having watched forty years for a sale of it, secured it at last at Drake's sale. {Brinley Catalogue, No. 383.) A copy once owned by Dr. S. A. Green passed for $200 some years since into the hands of Sabin, who at that time h.id *' never seen a copy for sale" (Sabin, Dictionary^ No. 12,996), and from him passed to a Brooklyn collector tt I400.

Other original material, beside that at the State House, can be found, somewhat scattered : Records of the United Colonies, published by the Stale of Massachusetts ; Gookin, Historical Collections, and his narrative transmitted to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, printed in the Archcrologia Americana; Mrs. Kowlandson's Narratri>e of her Captivity, an original copy of which is in the Prince library, but it has been reprinted ; Captain Thomas Wheeler's narrative of the expedition to Brookfield, in the N, H, Hist, Coll, ii., and in Foot's Historical Discourse on the History of Brookfield : the Bradford Club, 1859, published Papers on the Attack on Hatfield and Deerfield ; the New Hampshire Provincial Papers, 1. 354; the life of Major-General Denison in the N E. Hist, and Geueal. Keg,, July, 1869; papers in the appendix of Drake's edition of Mather's Brief History ; a letter of Major Bradford is printed in Davis's edition of Morton's Memorial ; the Prince Catalogue shows various contemporary manuscripts ; Waldron's letter on the war at the eastward in the N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg., January, 1853; a few original papers are given in a volume ("Miscellaneous Papers, 1632-1795") in the Historical Society's cabinet An examination of all the contemporary authorities is given in the Narrative and Critical History of America, iii. 360. Of the later historians, mere mention may be made of the following: Palfrey, New England, iii. ch. iv., who takes a low estimate of Philip's character, and gives an all-sufficient account, with full references ; Drake, Book of the Indians, bk. iii.; Baylies, Old Colony, with additions in Drake's edition, ii. ch. iv. ; Bancroft, United States, ii. ch. xii. ; Bryant and Gay, United

Fuller bibliographical detail on this subject can be found in Field's Indian Bibliography, Some of the rarer titles are given in the BrinUy CaUdogne, Nos. 382, &c.

Convenient maps for the campaign will be found in Dcxtcr's edition of Church, and the same in Drake's edition of Baylies ; also others in Hough's edition of Easton's Narrative, and in Kidpath's United States, p. 139. These may be contrasted with the map of New England which was issued in England at this time by John Seller, hydrographer to the King, accompanied by a description taken from Josselyn's 71m; Vcyages, which shows the prevalent ignorance of New England geography in England ; there is a copy of it in Harvard College Library. The same cartographer issued a New England Almanac, 1685, which has a small sketch-map of New England ; and Palfrey, New England, iii.

489, gives a reduced fac-simile of a map of New England and New York, likewise by sieller. In some respects a more accurate though rude map of New England was issued, just at the close of the war, by Hubbard in his Narrative of the Troubles in Ne%(t England, and it is said to be the first map cut in the colony. It is given entire in Judge Davis's edition of Morton's New England Memorial, and in Palfrey's New England, iii. 155. William B. Fowle had a fac^ simile made of it in 1846^ Sections showing Boston Harbor are given in Lossing's Field-book of the Revolution, i. 446, and in S. A. Drake's New England Coast, A similar section is given herewith. Both Davis's and Palfrey's fac-similcs are given, however, from the London edition of the book of the same year, for which the map was recut, and is to be known from the Boston edition by the substitution of ** Wine Hills " for *' White I fills." A copy of this I.ondon edition, with its map, is in Harvard College Library. In 1872 Henry Stevcn.s, of London, had facsimiles made of both editions of the map, and be says : ** The London edition, though a closo copy, is entirely recut," and differs in minor par^ ticulars. Cf. Stevens's Bibliotheca Ceographica^ p. 228; Field's Indian Bibliography, p. 178.

The First, And Its Final Loss In 1684

THE Royal Charter of "The Governor & Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England " passed the seab March 4, 1628-29, confirming to Sir Henry Rosewcll, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcott, John Humfrey, John Endicott, and Symon Whetcomb, and twenty others, their associates, named, their heirs and assigns, a certain parcel of land in Massachusetts Bay in New England, extending from three miles south of Charles River to three miles north of Merrimac River, and in breadth from the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea, - which land had been granted to these six persons named above by the Council for New England, March 19 in the preceding year. The Charter also ordained that these twenty-six persons and all such others as shall hereafter be admitted and made free of the Company shall be forever hereafter one body corporate and politic in fact and name, by the name above cited ; with power to make laws and elect oflicers for disposing and ordering the general business concerning said lands and the plantation, and the government of the people there.^ The powers of government contained in this instrument have been

1 Some authorities say that the charter cost the Company two thousand pounds sterling. The original instrument is at the State House in Boston. It is beautifully engrossed on (our sheets of parchment, the initial letter " C " containing a representation of King Charles the First. It was printed by Governor Hutchinson in his Coi- Ifcthn of Original Papers in 1769, from a manuscript copy, each sheet of which bears at foot the autograph signature of Governor Winthrop; it is attested by him at the end, under the date of " this 19th day of the first month, called February, 1645-44." Here is an error in calling February the first month, which Hutchinson corrects. This manuscript is in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Hutchinson appends to his copy a note saying that the charter had never been printed, that there were but few manuscript copies of it, and he now publishes it as the most likely means of preventing its being irrecoverably lost The question might be asked if the original parchment, in Hutchinson's day, was missing ? The charter, however, had already been printed eighty yean before Hutchinson printed it, "by S. Green, for Benjamin Harris, at the London Coffee House near the Town- House in Boston, 1689,*' in 4tOn26 pp. See CattUogtu 0/ the Library of the Massaehmetis Historical Society^ vol. ii. p. 26. It was here printed from the duplicate of the instrument sent over to Governor Endicott in 1629, and now in the Salem Athenseum. The charter is also printed in Hazard, vol. {., from the " original,** likewise in the volume of Charters and General Laws^ Boston, 1814, and is also included in the first volume of the Mass. Col. Rerorels.

[A heliotype of the charter, as at present displayed on the walls of the Secretary*! Office at the State House, is herewith given. A cut of the heading of the document if given in Bryant and Gay's United States^ ii. 376. The original is indorsed with the autograph of Wolseley, while diflferently interpreted by difTerent writers; and there has not been an entire agreement on the question as to the legality of the transfer of the corporation and charter to New England, which took place at the time of the Winthrop emigration. As to the latter branch of this subject, Hutchinson says : " It is evident from the charter that the original design of it was to constitute a corporation in England like to that of the East India and other great companies, with powers to settle plantations within the limits of the territory, under such forms of government and magistracy as should be fit and necessary. The first step, in sending out Mr. Endicott, appointing him a council, giving him commission, instructions, &c., was agreeable to this construction of the charter." *

Tliis opinion has been concurred in by such historians as Chalmers, Robertson, Grahame, Hildreth, and Young, and by the distinguished jurist Story. On the other hand Dr. Palfrey, the eminent historian of New England, and the late Professor Joel Parker, of Cambridge, are of opinion that the charter was adroitly drawn, with a design on the part of the patentees to be used either in England or in New England, - there being an absence of any language locating the corporation in England.^

It does not come within my province here to write a history of the colony under this charter; but it is necessary that I should give a brief analysis of that instrument, and show what were the complaints of the home Government from time to time against the Colony for alleged violations of it, and the attempts by legal process and otherwise to vacate its franchises, at the same time that I narrate the struggles of the colonists to maintain their privileges and their rights, finally wrested from them.

the Salem copy bears his name in the scribe's hand. Shurtlcff, Dtscription of Boston^ p. 19. -- Winthrop Papers," in 4 Mass, Hist. Coll, vii. 15c), note. The Briuley Catalogue^ No. 2650, calls the 16S9 edition, above referred to, "exce^ively rare." That edition had a woodcut of the Massachusetts seal on the tiUe, which is given in fac-simile in Drake, Boston^ p. 840, who says the seal was of silver, was sent over to Governor Endicott in 1629, and continued in use till Andros's time. Cf. T. C. Amory's paper on the Seals of Massachusetts in Mass, Hist, Soc, Proc.^ Dec. 1867, and the appendix to Felt's Currency of Mass, The " Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England" are preserved in the Sute House. An ancient copy of them, from the first meeting in London to Aug. 6, 1645, which supplies some leaves wanting in the original records, belonged to Governor Hutchinson, and later to Colonel Aspinwall, and passed with his library into the hand of S. L. M. Barlow, Esq., of New York. Mass, Hist, Soc. Procy July, 1855. Cf. Archcrologia Americana, iii. From a transcript of the original records of the Colony made by Mr. David Pul- -ifer, the Sute ordered, in 185J-54, the printing of them down to i636, and it was done under the supervision of Dr. N. B. ShurtlefT. Cf. Chas. \V. Upham on **The Records of Massachusetu under the First Charter," in the /////. Soc, Lowell Institute Lectures, 1869. - En.)

^ It may be mentioned that Attorney- General Sawyer, in the subsequent reign, expressed the opinion **that the Patent having created the grantees, afid their assigns, a body corporate, they might transfer their charter and act in New England." But Chalmers thinks that he had probably neither perused the instrument with attention nor studied its history. " It conveyed the soil," he says, '* to the corporation a9ui its assigns ; it conferred the powers of government on it and its successors. And, to all who have been accustomed to legal or accurate reasoning, these expressions must appear as different in sense as they are in sound. The two Chief Justices, Rainsford and North, fell into a similar mistake by supposing that the corporate powers were to have been originally CxecMted in New England.** Annals, p. 173.

The Charter Of King Charles The First. 33I

As showing the process of issuing letters-patents, and as furnishing some evidence of the intention of the Crown as to the location of the corporation created by the Massachusetts Charter, it may not be inappropriate to give here a memorandum signed by the King's Solicitor-General, called a "docket," appended to the "King's bill," the latter being the first official form in which the charter appears, - in the very words of the instrument itself, as subsequently issued under the Great Seal, - and the authority for its issue. In all chancery proceedings, not to refer to others of a kindred nature, where papers are prepared for the King's signature, a memorandum is written at the foot of such documents by the Attorney or Solicitor General (sometimes by both jointly), addressed to the sovereign, briefly explaining to him the nature of the instrument he is about to sign. The following is the "docket" appended to the " King's bill " (or sign-manual) of the Massachusetts Charter, the spelling being here modernized:* -

Whereas your Majesty's most dear and royal father did by his letters-patents in the eighteenth year of his reign incorporate divers noblemen and others by the name of the Council for the Planting of New England in America, and did thereby grant unto them all that part of America which lieth between forty degrees of northerly latitude and forty-eight inclusive, with divers privileges and immunities under a tenure in free socage and reservation to the Crown of the fifth part of the gold and silver ore to be found there, which said Council have since, by their Charter in March last, granted a part of that continent to Sir Henry Rosewell and others, their heirs and associates forever, with all jurisdictions, rights, privileges, and commodities of the same.

This bill containeth your Majesty's confirmation and grant to the said Sir Henry Rosewell and his partners and their associates and to their heirs and assignees forever of the said part of New England in America, with the like tenure in socage and reservation of the fifth part of gold and silver ore, - incorporating them also by the name of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England in America, with such clauses for the electing of governors and officers here in England for the said Company, and powers to make laws and ordinances for settling the government and magistracy for the plantation there,* and with such exemptions from and instructions ... (or the settling of the forms instructions, forms, and ceremonies of govemand ceremonies of government and magistracy ment and magistracy, fit and necessary for and customs and impositions and such other privileges as were originally granted to the Council aforesaid, and are usually allowed to corporations in England.

The Charter gave power to the freemen of the Company to elect annually from their own number a Governor, Deputy-Governor, and eighteen Assistants, and to make laws and ordinances, not repugnant to the laws of England, for their own benefit and for the government of persons inhabiting their territory. Four meetings of the Company, called the ** four great and general courts," were to be held in a year, and others might be convened. Meetings of the Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Assistants were to be held once a month, or oftcner. The Governor, Deputy-Governor, and any two Assistants were authorized to administer to freemen the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. The Company might transport settlers not restrained by special name. They had authority to admit new associates, and to fix the terms of their admission, and to elect such officers as they should see fit for the managing of their aflairs. By a form of language used in all the English charters from that of Sir Humphrey Gilbert down to the Charter of Massachusetts, the franchise provided that all subjects of the Crown who should go to inhabit within said lands, and their children born there, or on the seas, going or returning, should enjoy all liberties of free and natural subjects within any of the dominions of the Crown, as if they had been born within the realm. The Company also were empowered, agreeably to the often-repeated phrase in previous and subsequent charters, " to encounter, repulse, repel, and resist by force of arms, as well by sea as by land ... all such person and persons as should at any time thereafter attempt or enterprise the destruction, detriment, or annoyance to the said Plantation or inhabitants," &c. No mention is made of religious liberty.

Many of the powers which the Colony during the next fifty years presumed to exercise, and for which they pleaded their charter as authority, were not specially granted in that instrument ; and, at a later period, these powers were held to have been assumed. No authority is expressly given concerning the government of the said colony Attorney-General. He miwt have been conand plantation,** &c suited, with his colleague the Solicitor-General, to erect judicatories, or courts for the probate of wills, or with admiralty jurisdiction, nor to constitute a house of deputies, nor to impose taxes on the inhabitants, nor to incorporate towns, colleges, or schools, - all which powers had been exercised, together with the power of inflicting capital punishment. Most, if not all, of the powers here exercised were necessary to the government of a colony remote from the mother country ; and if the charter was issued for this purpose, as the colonists constantly claimed, they might well find a warrant for their exercise in the general provision authorizing them " to ordain and establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable orders, laws, statutes, and ordinances, directions and instructions, not contrary to the laws of this our realm of England, as well for the settling of the forms and ceremonies of government and magistracy fit and necessary for the said plantation and the inhabitants there," &c.

The charter of Connecticut, granted at the Restoration, - the corporate powers of which were avowedly to be executed on the soil, - authorized a house of deputies and the erection of courts of judicature, but was silent as to many other specified powers, which were nevertheless exercised in common with Massachusetts.

The coining of money by the Massachusetts Colony may well be regarded as the exercise of a prerogative not conferred by their charter ; and some of their legislation was probably against the Navigation laws of the realm.