Lexington Town (part 2 of 25)

Being organized as a parish, the people took measures to secure to themselves the great object for which they had sought corporate powers, the enjoyment of a Gospel ministry. The meeting house contemplated by the subsci'iption of which we have spoken, was erected early in the year 1692. It was located at the junction of the Concord and Bedford roads, near where the hay scales now stand. Having engaged Mr. Estabrook to preach for them one year and provided a house of worship, they looked forward to a continued ministry and its permanent support. At their second parish meeting, held March 1, 1692-3, after choosing their appropriate officers, they adopted the following measure, the effect of which is felt to this day : -

"David Fiske, Sen., Samuel Stone, Sen., Ephraim Winship, Benjamin Muzzy, AVilliam Munroe and John Teed shall treat with the town of Cambridge to by or obtain a pece of land for our ministry."

At a meeting on the 24th of the same month, "It was voted that we will empower the men chosen to treat with the selectmen of Cambridge, and theii' committee, about the purchasing of the land about the cascy, and to make a full agreement with them, either to buy the whole of said land, or a part of it, which they may see fit, for our ministiy ; and that we engage to stand to what these men shall agree unto, and that we will bear every man their proportion of money for the purchasing safd land." The men chosen as aforesaid were David Fiske, Sen., Samuel Stone, Sen., John Teed, Ephraim Winship, Benjamin Muzzy, William Munroe, Sen., William Reed and Francis Bowman, - the two last beinar added to the former committee. These men met the selectmen of Cambridge, and bought all the common land aforesaid, viz., "that on the east side of the easey by measure for 10 shillings per acre, 12 acres, 6 pounds ; and the rest of the common land on the other side, and on the south side of Vine Brook meadow, for 12 pounds in money." Tliis was done April 28, 1693, as appears under the hand of the town clerk of Cambridge, Jonathan lieniington. A rate was made for the payment of this money upon all the inhabitants.

After adopting measures for the support of the ministiy, the people were desirous of having a settled minister. Mr. Estabrook had been employed only by the year, and, being gratified with his labors, they were anxious that the tenure of the relation should be rendered more permanent ; and hence, at their meeting March 24, 1692-3, they adopted the folloAving hearty and sincere vote, though rather equivocally expressed : "At a meeting of the inhabitants it was voted, that wee will give Mr. Benjamin Estabrook a call to settle with us, our minister for time to come, till God's providence otherwise disjjose of him."

To show the sincerity of the invitation , and their high appreciation of him as a man and as their spiritual guide, it was voted at a subsequent meeting, " that wee will build a house for ]Mr. Estabrook upon liis own land, 42 feet long and 18 feet wide, 14 feet studs, and a cellar under one of the rooms ; and eng«ge to pay every man his proportion to the building and finishing the same ; and we give power to the selectmen to le^y the charge upon every man in our precinct."

When this house was finished, it was presented to him on the following liberal and manly terms : "Voted, that the house built for Mr. Benjamin fistabrook should be delivered to him freely without any obligation, but his settling with us, and his taking ofis with us, and abiding with us." This iiouse was situated on the easterly bank of Vine brook, between Main street and the railroad.

Having given Mr. Estabrook a call to the permanent work of the ministry among them, they recommended the formation of a church, and adopted measures for his ordination. But while they were preparing for the settlement of a minister, they did not overlook the house in which he was to hold forth, and where they were to attend upon his teaching. The meeting liouse erected in 1692, appears not to have been finished in the inside. But with the increase of their means, and the prospect of a settled minister, they were desirous of "setting their house in order." At a meeting held, March 26, 1695, they adopted a vote replete with care and gallantry, showing that they Avere alive to every good Avork, and not behind the times in all improvements save in orthography. " It was voated that the meeting house shal first be repayeired, and that the bodey of seats shal be driven back, and that there shal be a table set up before the body of seats, the whol length of the body seats ; and that the meeting house shall be seelled up with pine boards, and handsom seats for women be made on each side the meeting house, raised to convenient height, of which that on the east side next the door shal be for jNIrs. Estabrook."

It was also voted "that the galary shall be inlarged, and thre seats made on each side galary, and four seats in the front galary, all made and well finished;" and "Samuel Winship, Jonathan Poulter, Samuel ^Stone, west, Joseph Teed and

Having provided a house for Mr. Estabrook, and for the refitting of the meeting house, they made further provision for his maintenance - the sum heretofore offered beino^ deemed inadequate. It was voted, " 1. That for the next three years to com, we will give Mr. Estabrook, for his salary, forty-five pounds, per year, to be paid him half in money ; the" other half, if it be not paid in money, that what it is, shall be paid him at money prise. Also that there shall be one contribution every quarter of the year, the above-said three years, and what is then given shall be paid to Mr. Estabrook, besides the above-named forty-five pounds.

"2. It was voated that after the aforesaid three years are out, the four quarterly contributions shall cease, and for the future we will pay him for his salary fifty-six pounds per year, in and as money, he continuing to preach with us, and take oflSs with us.

"3. It was also voted that the selectmen or assessors and constable for the time being, being chosen from year to year, shall stand engaged for the payment of the aforesaid salary, and shall clear up their accounts with the minister within the year, and that what is paid, that is not money, shall be brought to the minister's house by the persons voted their proportion to pay, and the account brought in by them to the constable."

These terms being acceptable to Mr. Estabrook, the 21st of October, 1696, was fixed upon for his ordination, and the selectmen and John jNIerriam were directed " to provide what is necessary for the entertainment of the ISIagestral Ministers and Messengers of the Church that day."

Mr. Estabrook was accordingly ordained, October 21, 1696, agi*ecably to the arrangement. Thus was perfected the great purpose for which they had for years been laboring. They built them a house of worship ; tliey had gathered a Christian church ; and to give life and vitality to the institutions of religion in their midst, and especially to render their gospel privileges permanent, they had a tried and faithful pastor settled over them, according to the usages of the churches. No doubt they regarded this as an important era in their history, and looked forward with fond anticipation to years of Christian edification and prosperity. But alas, how uncertain are human anticipations I How fleeting are our visions of bHss ! On the 22d of July, 1697, after a ministry of only nine months, Mr. Estabrook was removed from his earthly labors to the great regret of his little flock.

'Soon after the death of Mr. Estabrook, the attention of the society was directed to Mr. John Hancock, son of Nathaniel Hancock, of Cambridge. On the 7th of November, 1697, the parish made choice of him to preach for them till the May following as a candidate for settlement. He complied with their request, and subsequently received a call for a permanent settlement - which he accepted; and on the 2d of November, 1698, he was publicly ordained as their pastor. They agi-eed to give him eighty pounds as a settlement, and to pay him the same salary they had given his predecessor. Rev. Mr. Estabrook.

Having settled their minister on terms acceptable to the parties, the attention of the people was again called to their house of worship, and to the accommodation of the worshipers. It seems that liberty had been given to Captain William Reed, "to make a sette for his wife in y^ Meeting House, on y^ men's side in the hindermost seate, five foote of the east end of it, and so up to the stayers against it, for y® use forementioned." The erection of this seat by Capt. Reed induced others to make a similar application, and at a meeting held March 6, 1698-9, " Liberty was gi'anted to Robert Merriam, Joseph Stone, Jonathan Poulter, John Munroe and Thomas Merriam to byeld a seat for their wives, on the within back side of the Meeting House, from Good wife Reed's to the women's stayers."

But these individual efforts failed to meet the public wants, and the parish itself took the matter in hand. At a meeting, Sept. 6, 1700, "It was then agreed that they would build tow upper galleries, and put it in the hands of the Assessors and Committee to doe the work decently and well, and to agree \vith the workmen for the price of it ; this Committee is to be understood that Committee that was chosen at the last publique Meeting in Jime."

Though the people at the Farms had asked simply to be incorporated as a parish, and gave their first attention and care to the church, they did not entu-ely overlook the affairs of state. Feel- ing that they were in danger from sudden incursions of the Indians, and that their distance from the village of Cambridge, where the arms and ammunition were deposited, rendered them nearly useless to them in case of a sudden attack, they directed " Capt. AVilliam Kecd, Lieutenant Thomas Cutler, and Ensign Simonds, to petition the town of Cambridge, that that part of the public stock of ammunition for the town which is supposed to belong to our share, may be kept in the parish ; and it was also voted that those three gentlemen should take care for and provide a place to keep it in."

Nor did the good people of the parish overlook the wants of the rising generation. "It was also agreed and voted, that the town [of Cambridge] be requested to allow six pounds out of the town's rate for the encouragement of a school in the precinct." Neither did they confine their care to mere intellectual culture such as would be taught in the schools. They saw the importance of moral and religious culture, and felt it their duty to watch over the morals of the children and youth ; and hence at a meeting held January 28, 1700, "It was voted that Joseph Locke, John LaAvrence, John Mason and Jonathan Poulter be requested to take some prudent care that the children and youth may not play at meeting, and thereby profane the Lord's Day." And while they were desirous that their childi-en should be brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord, and so become ornaments of his church, and reflect honor upon the religion they professed, they had a just appreciation of the temporal wants of him whom they had chosen as their spiritual guide, and upon whose labors they must depend, in a great degree, in accomplishing that desirable and all-important end. Hence it M^as "voted that the Rev. IVIr. Hancock's salary should be advanced to sixty pounds, payable as before, and the quarterly contributions to continue till further order." It was also voted that Mr. Hancock be allowed to take timber fi'om the parish land to repair his buildings and fences, and wood sufficient to svipply his fires.

The meeting house erected in 1692, stood at the junction of the Concord and Bedford roads, near the present hay scales, and was upon land included within the highways ; the land which now constitutes the Conuuon being private property. Seeing the propriety of securing a plot near the meeting house for a public common, at a meeting held in April, 1711, it was agreed by the inhabitants of the precinct to buy the land about the meeting house, of Mr. Benjamin Muzzy, and to do it by subscription. A paper was accordingly drawn up and circulated, and the following: names and sums were obtained :

This subscription fell a trifle short of the purchase money, which was sixteen pounds, and was undoubtedly made up by individuals. The deed given by Mr. Muzzy, bearing date June 14, 1711, acknowledges the receipt of sixteen pounds, paid by " the inhabitants of that most northerly part and precinct of Cambridge commonly called Cambridge Farms, towards Concord," and i^vniits " to the said inhabitants and their successors forever, a certain parcel of land, by estimation one acre and a half, more or less, lying and being situate in Cambridge Farms, nigh the meeting house, and is bounded northerly by the said Muzzy as the fence now stands, and elsewhere by highways ; to have and to hold said land with all tiie timber, stones, trees, wood and imdcrwood, herbage and messuage, with all and singular, the profits, privileges and appurtenances thereto belonging."

This land, though bought by individuals of the parish, appears to have been dedicated to public use. In eJanuary, 1713, they voted to locate their meeting house upon this land, so that, when the parish became a town, and the town as successor of the parish came into possession of this property, they took it subject to the right of the parish to occupy such portion of it as miglit be necessary for a meeting house, and the necessary appurtenances to the same. Consequently, the parish continued this use of a portion of the common more than a century, and abandoned that use in 1846, since which time the whole property has been in the possession of the town, which now holds it by a clear and indisputable title ; and the Revolutionary associations which cluster around this spot, render it one of the consecrated battle-fields of our country, which will be remembered and honored as long as freedom has a votary, or heroic deeds command the admiration of mankind.

Being merely a precinct, the people had no legal power to provide themselves with schools or roads, or even to select their own local town officers ; and being eight miles from Cambridge, and having an interest in many respects different from that of the central village, it is natural to suppose that they would desire to set up for themselves, that they might the better supply their own wants, and manage their own affairs in their own way. At a meeting held October 28, 1712, they chose a committee to confer with the town of Cambridge and to petition the General Court to erect them into a toAvn.

This committee subsequently received a renewed expression of the same sentiments, and were by their constituents clothed with full powers to make such an arrangement with the people of Cambridge as they might deem expedient and equitable between the parties. In virtue of this authority they made an arrange- mcnt witli the parent town for a separation, tlie new town becoming obligated to support in part what was denominated the "great bridge" over Charles river in Cambridge, of which we shall speak more particularly hereafter.

While the people at the Farms were aspiring at the independence of a town, and taking active measures to secure that end, they kept a steadfast eye upon those religious institutions on which their prosperity as a parish or a town must mainly depend. They therefore resolved to build them a meeting house more capacious in its dimensions, and one w^hich would meet the wants of the growing population of the place. At a meeting held January 9, 1713, they voted to build a new meeting house on the plan of the one at Concord, - the house to be fifty feet long, forty feet wide, and twenty feet studs, with one tier of galleries, - to be located upon the land recently bought of Benjamin Muzzy. A committee, consisting of Capt. William Heed, Quarter-master Samuel Stone, Sergeant «Tohn Munroe, Mr. Thomas Merriam and Mr. Thomas Blodgett, was chosen to carry the measure into effect.

This meeting house, the second erected in the place, was situated in the rear of the former, and nearly half way between the hay scales and the liberty pole. This house stood till it was superseded by another, built 1793, which was placed twenty feet in the rear of its predecessor. The house here proposed to be built was the one standing on the common at the opening of the Revolution.

Having arrived at a period when the corporate character of the place was to be changed, and the precinct was to be merged in the town, we may well pause and reflect upon the scenes through which the infant settlement had passed, the difficulties and dangers they had encountered, and the progress they had made. We have seen that for about a half a century they had no organization of their own, no centre of attraction around which to gather ; but were like a distant colony, doomed to provide for themselves, and yet under the control of the home government. They were deprived of the advantages of schooling for their children, and, in a great degree, of the privileges of gospel institutions. In a word, they were citizens of Cambridge, governed by Cambridge regulations, subjected to Cambridge restrictions and taxed to maintain Cambridge institutions, and, at tlie same time, were so remote as to be deprived, in a great degree, of Cambridge privileges. Not, however, that the town of Cambridge was severe or exacting, or intended to be oppressive upon those who dwelt upon her remote territory. But, from the necessity of the case, they were deprived of many privileges enjoyed in more central localities, and exposed to many hardships from which their more favored townsmen were exempt.

Their isolated position and dependence upon a remote settlement, deprived them of those motives to build up institutions of their own, which are so essential to the growth and prosperity of any community. These circumstances were unfavorable to the increase of population, and so kept them longer in a state of comparative destitution. Living, as we do, in these days of prosperity, we can hardly realize the trials and privations of the first settlers. We can picture to ourselves the hardships encountered in the distant western wilderness, and the sufferings in unexplored regions of our country ; but can hardly realize that here - in the midst of a thriving population, in the centre of plenty and luxury, where agriculture pours forth all her stores, manufactures supply all the necessaries, and commerce all the luxuries, of life - there could ever have been want and destitution, dangers and sufferings. But so it was. This section was once new, once the abode of savages and wild beasts, and our fathers who first explored these hills and dales, cleared dense forests and subdued a rugged soil, had to encounter the same toils and dangers, and submit to the trials and privations which fall to the lot of those who now penetrate the wilds of Nebraska and Oregon.

There is a kind of poetry in the descriptions of frontier adventure and wilderness life. We are animated by tales of dangers encountered and difficulties overcome, of clearing dense forests, and making the wilderness rejoice and blossom as the rose. But after all, those who pass through these scenes know that there are tangible hardships and sober realities in the toils and privations, the dangers and sufferings, of a frontier life. To be exiled from the abodes of civilization, to be cut off from the comforts and enjoyments of a settled country, to roam with beasts of prey joint tenants of the forest, to dwell in rude habitations, and be doomed to incessant toil to obtain a coarse and scanty subsistence, - may be made attractive in a romance, or pleasing in song ; but when they are brought home to the experience of men, they are found to be evils to be avoided rather than blessings to be desired.

It is true that the settlers at Cambridge Farms were not very far distant from the settlements at Cambridge and Watertown ; but these towns at that day were not what they are at present ; and these neighboring settlements, though they might, under some circumstances, afford protection, could not impart plenty, or relieve the daily pressing wants of the inhabitants. A grandchdd of one of the early settlers in this place says : " The old patriarch has often related with tears in his eyes the poverty and destitution experienced, the hardships borne, and the trials endured by the first inhabitants of the place. Their dwellings were small and rude, - the same room serving the various purposes of kitchen and parlor, dining-room and bedroom, storehouse and workshop. Their furniture was of the most primitive kind ; blocks or forms made of split logs furnished their seats, wooden spoons, made with a knife, enabled them to eat their bread and milk, or bean porridge, out of rude bowls or troughs, cut with an axe from blocks of wood."

With such accommodations, and with comforts corresponding, their condition was not calculated to excite envy or stimulate pride, but rather to excite commiseration in others and the most untiring industry and rigid frugality in themselves. They subsisted upon simple food, clothed themselves with coarse fabrics of their own production, and were sheltered by rude and inconvenient huts. But by persevering efforts, by almost incessant labor, they contrived to subsist, and, in most cases, to rear large families, a blessing somewhat peculiar to new settlements.

Though the history of the place from its first settlement to its incorporation as a town presents no thrilling incidents or events of much magnitude, yet the ordinary routine of business and the developments of institutions furnish us Avith a true picture of New England character, and the manners and customs of the age. We have seen that the first great object of the people was to rear religious institutions. Attached as they were to schools, and anxious as they were for roads, and inclined as they were to mihtary defence, we have seen that their first object was to erect a meeting house and call a minister, that they might bring the sanctions of religion to bear upon the community, and so give permanency and tone to all other institutions. This prominence of the religious idea, this elevating of divine accountability above every other consideration, this exaltation of public worship over all other duties, displays what may be denominated the New England conviction that God is our strength and our refuge, and that communities, as well as individuals, must draw their sustenance from this life-giving fountain.

Another prominent idea of that age, which exhibits itself in the history of this and every New England community, is the importafice of the military arm to the safety of both Church and State. We see this in the prominence they gave to military titles. Not only do their records speak of captains and subalterns, but even the warrant officers are honored with their appropriate designations ; and a mere glance at the records will show that these military offices were generally filled by the most substantial men in the place. If a committee is wanted to discharge some of the most important duties, it is generally composed of Captain A. and Lieutenant B. and Sergeant C. or Corporal D. Such men were selected for these important civil services, not because they had military titles, but because they were the prominent men in the place, and owed their military title to the fact that they were prominent men. The conviction that in giving us a being, the Almighty had granted the right of self-defence, or more properly, imposed the duty of self-preservation, led them to keep lip a miHtary organization. Knowing that communities had the same right of self-preservation as individuals, they availed themselves of their corporate power to provide for the common defence ; and knowing the importance of this trust, they selected their wisest and most reliable men to fill all military offices. They brought the sanctions of religion to bear upon every department of the civil service, and made every office in the State uphold the institutions of religion ; and hence the office of captain and deacon were equally important, and were often held by the same person ; and to be a tithingman was as honorable as to be a selectman or a ma<i:istrate.

Of The French Wars

The Town Incorporated - Its first Organization - Weights and Measures provided - Roads laid out - Meeting House seated - Ebenczer Hancock settled as Colleague with his Father - Duty of Tythingmen at Church - The North and South Side - Representatives to serve for Six Shillings per Day - Death of Rev. John Hancock - Rev. Mr. Clark settled - Lincoln incorporated into a Town, taking off a Portion of Lexington - Representatives shall pay to the Town all they receive over Three Shillings per Day

Residing at a distance from the old parish, and possessing nothing but parochial powers, the inhabitants of the precinct petitioned the General Court to be incorporated as a town, that they might enjoy the full powers of a municipal corporation. Their petition received a favorable answer, and the Court adopted an Order which received the royal sanction on the 20th of March,

"Whereas, upwards of twenty years since, the inhabitants or farmers dwelling on a certain tract of land within the township of Cambridge, in the county of Middlesex, being remote from the body of the town toward Concord, obtained leave of the General Court, with the approbation of the town, to be a hamlet or separate Precinct, and were set off by a line, viz., Beginning at the first run of water or swampy place, and which is a kind of a bridge in the way or road, on the southerly side of Francis Whitmore's house towards the town of Cambridge aforesaid, across the neck of land between Woburn line and that of Watertown side, upon a southwest and northeast course, commonly called the North Precinct, and being now increased, have obtained the consent of the town, and made application to this Court to be made a separate and distinct town upon such terms as they and the town of Cambridge have agreed upon, that is to say, that the said northern part when made into a township, shall bear such part of the two-thirds of the charge of the great bridge over Charles river in Cambridge, as shall be according to their proportion with the town of Cambridge annually in the Province tax, and they shall annually pay to the Treasurer of the town of Cambridge their part of the charges aforesaid ; and such other articles as the town and the precinct have already agreed upon by their committees, -

-- Ordered, That the aforesaid tract of land, known by the name of the North Precinct, in Cambridge, be henceforth made a separate and distinct Town, by the name of Lexixgtox, upon the articles and terms already agreed upon with the town of Cambridge, and the inhabitants of the said town of Lexington be entitled to have, exercise and enjoy, all such immunities, powers, and privileges, as other towns of this Province have and do by law use, exercise, and enjoy.

" And the constable of said precinct is hereby directed and empowered to notify and summon the inhabitants duly qualified for votes to assemble and meet together for the choosing of town officers."

Immediately after the passage of this Order, or as it was in fact, Act of Incorporation, the inhabitants of Lexington assembled to organize by the choice of town officers. As this election shows who the leading men were at that period, and to whom the people of the new town were willing to intrust the management of their municipal affiiirs, it is well to give a list of the town officers.

This being a new era in the history of this people - their corporate powers as a town extending beyond what they had before enjoyed - it is natural to suppose that they would enter at once upon the exercise of those powers, the Avant of which they had seriously felt under their parish charter. Accordingly we find the selectmen, the fathers of the town - a board which at that day exercised more extended powers than they do at the present time - taking active measures to build up all necessary town institutions.

"Lexington, April 6, 1713: - Att a selectmen's meeting, it was then agreed that they would build a Pound, and that it should be fouer lengths of rails one way, and thre the other ; and gathe five foot wide ; and that it should stand at the end of Dea. Merriam's stable, and by Sergeante Munroe's stone wall.

Having provided for the restraint of all unruly beings, whether bipeds or quadrupeds, by erecting stocks and building a pound, the people hastened to provide that religious instruction which was designed to supersede the one and render the other almost unnecessary.

"At a publique meeting att Lexington, April y® 20th, 1713, orderly warned and assembled, to grant four hundred and sixteen pounds money* to the Committee for building the Meeting House - this was unanimously voted in the affirmative."

> Stocks were regarded in those days, as an institution which no town could dispense with. In fact, they were required by law, and towns were frequently fined for not erecting and maintaining them. They were constructed of plank or timbers attached by a hinge or something of that sort, at one end, and so arranged that they could be opened and closed at pleasure. The edges of the plank or timbers, where they came together, were so cut or rounded out, as to admit the wrists, ankles, and sometimes necks of the culprits, when the stocks were-opened ; and when they were closed, the individuals put therein were held fast by the arm, leg, or neck, and sometimes by all at the same time, during the pleasure of the authorities ; for when they were closed and locked, it was impossible for the individual to extricate himself. These stocks were sometimes located in public squares, and sometimes near or in the meeting house. In some cases they were placed under the stairs leading to the galleries in their churches. In fact, being the prison where the Tythingmen confined the unruly, they were regarded as a necessary appendage to the meeting house - as important in good society as a " sounding board" over the pulpit, or a "horse block" near the house. These stocks were maintained in the towns and in the counties, and were used as places of restraint, and as instruments of punishment. They are frequently denominated " bilboes," in the early records.

"The currency at that day was undergoing a depreciation. It stood, in 1713, about twelve per cent, below par; so that the sum granted for the meeting house was in fact about three hundred sixty-six pounds, which would build a very respectable house at that period.

The subject of public or high ways, so important to every settlement, early attracted the attention of the town. Up to the time of their incorporation as a town, they had no jurisdiction over this subject. Certain roads had been laid out by Colonial and County authority, and the proprietors of lands had generally made liberal provision for roads between their ranges of land ; but these had been generally disregarded by the subsequent owners, who had inclosed these resei'vations within their lots ; and besides, it must be perfectly obvious that no system of public ways could be adopted in advance, which would meet the wants of subsequent settlers. This whole matter would naturally be one of the first subjects to call for the interposition of the town a^uthorities ; and it appears from their records that it received early attention, - records which show that the former times wei'e not materially different from these, and that the remedies efficient at that day might well be resorted to at this : -

"Lexington, March y^ 1st, 1713-4. - Att a meeting of the selectmen, discourse being on foot concerning highways that were enclosed by sundry persons, and a warrant was procured from a justice of the peace by the selectmen to open some of them, then Capt. William Reed being present, did say that for the peace and quietness of the town, he would give a highway for Thomas Kendall, and the neighborhood westerly of him, through his own land easterly into the town road or highway, where it might be convenient, for the acknowledgment of those highways tliat he hath already enclosed; and also that he would hang a gate upon the highway that leads to the clay ground, which is the town's interest."

John Harrington, Joseph Tidd, John Lawrence, James Wilson, Thomas Mead, Nathaniel Dunklee, Joseph Fassett, Philip Burdoe and others came forward and admitted that they had inclosed certain highways, which they would open, or pay a consideration to the town.

"June 28, 1714. - At a meeting of the selectmen, it was agreed that John Muzzy should have their approbation to keep a publique house for entertainment, and his father (Benjamin Muzzy) did engage before the selectmen to accommodate his son John, with stable room, hay, and pasturing, so far as he stood in need for the support of strangers."

This was probably the first public house duly opened in the town, and was situated at or near the present residence of Mr. Eufus Merriam, on the easterly side of the Connnon.

To The Close Of The French Wars

The inhabitants, by theii* officers, embraced an early opportunity to define and fix the boundaries of the township. Committees were appointed to meet those from other towns to establish the lines and erect suitable bounds. They also took measures to provide a school house for the improvement of the risinof o-eneration ; so that the learnino; obtained in the school might prepare the young to comprehend the teachings from the pulpit, and the instruction from the sacred desk might guide and sanctify the lessons of the school room.

But another duty, and one of no ordinary character, devolved upon the town. They had caused a new meeting house to be erected ; but how was it to be occupied ? All were expected to meet within its walls ; but who should take tlie highest seat ? This was a question of great moment and of considerable delicacy, - a question which proved a source of great trouble in many towns at that day. The " seating of the meeting house " was frequently pregnant with more animosity than the building of it. It was, to say the least, regarded as a grave question, and one to be managed with great wisdom and prudence. Consequently, the subject was generally referred to a large committee of the most judicious men, that full justice might be done to all ; and lest the committee themselves should, from personal interest or vanity, place themselves too liigh, or, from extreme diffidence and modesty, too low, in the scale of dignity, some towns took the precaution to appoint a second committee to assign seats for the first. It would be amusing to look at the records of different parishes to see the instructions gi^en to their committees on this subject. One record which I have before me, instructs the committee "to dignify and seat the meeting house, according to the personal and real estate, and having reference to age and honor." Another parish record has this entry : " Chose a committee to seat the meeting house, and instructed them to give men their dignity in their sitting in proportion to their minister's rate they pay, allowing one poll to a rate, making such allowance for age as they shall think proper, except where they are tenants, and in these cases to act the best of their judgment."

Nearly akin to these instructions were those given by the inhabitants of Lexington to their committee, chosen October 6, 1714, to seat their new house. Ensign Joseph Bowman,

Q6 History Of Lexington

Dea. John Memam, Capt. William Reed, William Munroe and Thomas Mead were chosen for the purpose, and were instructed to take the following elements into the account, viz. : -

As a difference of opinion might arise in relation to the relative "dignity" of the respective seats, some committees, to remove all doubt, graded the dignity of the different seats as first, second, &c. It may also be important to state that some towns imposed a fine upon any one who should occupy any other seat than the one assigned him. We may think our fathers rather fastidious on tliis subject, and a little jealous of their " dignity " ; but it ought to be remembered that in those days the seats were all common property, and as it was desirable to have families sit together, and to have a permanent seat to which they might repair whenever they came to meeting, there was a convenience, at least, in having some regulation or assignment of the seats. And while we see, or think we see, a little vanity in this case, it may be well to inquire whether there is not some of the same feeling exhibited in our churches at the present day ? Is there not a little rivalry manifested whenever there is a sale of pews in a church? The highest seat in the synagogue has not, we apprehend, lost all its charms in our own time ; and if it be said that those who buy the best pews in our churches in these days pay the highest price for them, tliis only shows that our fathers, who were seated according to their tax, could put in the same plea.

The people at that day were alive to every interest of the town, and showed themselves ready to make every effort and bear all reasonable burdens for the well-being of the community. "At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, May 12, 1725, it was voted that the Rev. Mr. Hancock's salary should be increased to eighty-five pounds." - "Voted that a rate of fifty pounds be made to defray the public charge in the town this ensuing year." In 1725, Rev. Mr. Hancock represented to the town that his salary was not sufficient to support himself and family. This probably arose, in some degree at least, from the depreciation of the currency, which at that period had fallen about fifty per cent. The town, seeing the justice of his claim, voted him twenty pounds as a gratuity.

Our fathers were peculiarly watchful of the morals of the community, and were ready, at all times, not only to do good, but to prevent evil, in their corporate capacity. When men were found idle and dissipated, they were ready to take the matter in hand, and as far as practicable to reform them, or at least prevent the spread of the evil. An entry in the selectmen's records, March 29, 1731, shows the manner in which such affairs were treated at that period : -

"Whereas there is a complaint made to the selectmen against Chris. Mashen, Jr., that he is very base, and threatens his parents, and lives idle, and neglects to provide for his family, but rather destroys what they have, by selling household stuff and his clothes, and spending the money for drink, wherefore the selectmen have appointed Mr. Stephen Winship, one of the selectmen, to take care, and proceed with him, as the law directs."

This kind of discipline was found to work well in the days of our ancestors, and it becomes a serious question whether a little of this paternal watchfulness would not prove beneficial at the present day. Our fixthers adopted the maxim that " to be idle was to be vicious," and consequently they enjoined industry as one of the cardinal virtues.

I have already spoken of the difficult task of " seating the meeting house," to the satisfaction of the people. Changes of families and of the house itself, seem to have rendered it necessary that this work should be performed periodically. In 1731, the delicate task of " seating the meeting house " was again performed by a committee, and seats were assigned to one hundred and six heads of families.

Having repaired and reseated the meeting house, and made provision, from time to time, for the support of the Rev. Mr. Hancock, according to his wants, the people were disposed to relieve him of a portion of the burdens of his office, by employing a co-laborer with him. Accordingly, at a meeting held Nov. 2, 1733, they gave a call to Mr. Ebenezer Hancock, a son of tlieir reverend pa.stor, a yoiinsi; man liiglily esteemed among them, to settle as a colleague with his father, on the following conditions, viz.

" 1. Three hundred pounds for settlement to be paid to Mr. Ebenezer Hancock, as soon as his father is deceased, and if he decease before that time, his heirs shall not care for it.

" 2 To give Mr. Hancock and his son Ebenezer, two hundred pounds a year for two years, - he keeping the school as this past year now running. The two hundred pounds a year to begin as soon as he enters into the work of the ministry, but the school to begin for two years next May.

" 4.- Two hundred pounds a year without the school to Mr. Hancock and his son, during Mr. Hancock's life, and one hundred and thirty pounds a year after his decease, while he continues in the ministry with them.

"5. The vote to call him to office, put to vote whether the inhabitants pf the Town will choose Mr. Ebenezer Hancock, and give him a call to the Pastoral office in this town, upon the aforementioned conditions and considerations, Avhich vote was brought in by papers, and it passed in the affirmative by a very great majority."

This call was accepted by Mr. Hancock, with a modification which tlie town readily agreed to, that in case he should die before his father, the three hundred pounds settlement should be paid to his wife and children, if he should have any. The preliminaries being settled, the ordination took place, January 2, 1734.

Towns and parishes were so united, and their duties in many respects so similar, that it is difficult to draw the line between the civil and ecclesiastical history of the place. I have confined to the latter such events as related to the religious condition of the church, and the relations between them and their pastor ; - leaving what was performed in town meetings in the dej^artment of civil history.

Many of the officers of the town and of the parish at that day, exercised powers and performed duties unknown and unacknowledged at this day. The tythingman, and the office, which are now extinct, were then regarded as of the first moment. Instances almost without number, could be cited in which some of the leading: men of the town were elected to that office. In many respects the tythingman was regarded with more honor, and his office with more sanctity, than that of selectman - an office then held in much higher repute than at present. "VMien we consider that they were a species of general police officer, being conservators of the peace, and also that they had the general care of the children and youth on the Lord's day, and especially at or near the house of worship, it is no wonder that the most sober and discreet men were generally selected for that office. A few extracts from the records will show the importance in which that office was held.

'* Voted, That y*^ two hinde seats in y*^ lower gallery, front and side, are appointed for y*^ boys, to sit in on Sabbath days ; all under sixteen years old, and a Tythingman to sit near them each Sabbath to take care of them, to take their turns; and if any above sixteen years are disorderly, they shall be ordered into said seats."

All the duties of tytliingmen were regarded as important, and hence they entered upon the discharge of their official functionswith more than ordinary formality. We accordingly find the act of qualifying a tythingman recorded with almost royal pomp and ceremony.

" Joshua Simonds and Daniel Brown personally appeared before y® -worshipfull Justice Bowman, May y'' 12th, 1735, and made oath to y*^ office of tythingman for y* year ensuing."

Towns like larger communities sometimes become profligate in their expenditures. This tends to arouse the feelings of the people, and they are then inclined to run into the other extreme. Sometimes a rivalry between candidates for office will induce them to bid upon each other, in which case the people at first will generally select the man who will serve at the lowest price. But in a short time, they learn that cheapening the office, naturally fills it with cheap officers, and then they will fall back upon the former price. It seems by the records of Lexington, that there was a rivalry between the Bowmans in the south part of the town, and the Reeds in the north. In fact, the county road leading from Cambridge to Concord and passinof throufrh

The records are full of this distinction of "North Side" and " South Side." A constable, for instance, was chosen one for the " North Side " and one for the " South Side." The Valuations and the Tax bills were made out for these sides respectively. All this would naturally tend to divide the people into geogi'aphical parties. Add to this the rivalry between two leading and influential families, the one situated in one division of the town, and the other in the other, would of course increase this feeling.

Consequently we find the Bowmans and the Reeds pitted against each other in most of the important elections. And this division was so equal that one would prevail one year, and the other the next. Bowman and Reed, and Reed and Bowman, appear on the record almost in regidar sviccession. This division between the different sections of the town - the Bowmans against the Reeds - the House of York against the House of Lancaster, would naturally lead to some management, if not between the rival candidates, at least between their friends. Third parties in such cases will occasionally step in, and take the prize from both the contending parties. Something of this kind, if I have not misapprehended the spirit of the record, occurred in some instances in the town of Lexington. The offices contested seem to have been those of Moderator, First Selectman, and Representative, especially the latter. Probably the contest for Representative gave rise to the following vote, passed at the May meeting, 1739.

" Voted, That y® person who shall be chosen to represent y^ town at y® Great and General Court, shall immediately engage to serve y^ town as Representative at y* above said Court, for six shillings a day ; which person then chosen, viz., Mr. Joseph Fassett, accepted y*^ choice upon y^ above said vote."

This serving as a representative at a reduced price, appears to have given Mr. Fassett a peculiar popularity ; for the next year he was chosen moderator, first selectman and representative ; and thus, for a short period, he threw Joseph Bowman, Esq., and Captain William Reed, into the shade. But popularity founded on such a basis proved in this case, as it generally does, of short duration ; for after three years he was di'opped, and

To The Close Of The French Wars. '71

A representative in those days must have been an oflficer of more dignity than at present, if we are to judge by the manner in which it was heralded forth by our fathers. The article in the warrant for 1739 for the choice of representative reads as follows : " To elect and deputise one or more persons to serve for and represent them at or in a great and general court or assembly, appointed to be convened and held and kept for his Magisty^s service at the court house in Boston."

In 1740, the people of Lexington were called to mourn the loss of their junior pastor, when he had just completed the sixth year of his ministry. As there was a general feeling of satisfaction when he was called to share with his venerable father the labors of his profession and the affections of his people, so there was a unanimous feeling of regret that the father was so soon deprived of the aid and support of his affectionate son, and the parish of their devoted minister. Rev, Ebenezer Hancock was highly respected and esteemed by the people, and his loss was severely felt.

In 1729, a small portion of the territory of Lexington had been set off to form the town of Bedford, and in 1744, sundry inhabitants of Concord, Weston and the westerly part of Lexington petitioned the General Court to be erected into a precinct; but the town chose Joseph Bowman, Esq., Captain William Reed and Deacon John Stone to oppose the prayer of the petition, which they did effectually at that time.

On the Gth of December, 1752, the people of Lexington were deprived of their beloved and venerable pastor. Rev. John Hancock, who had with great ability and ftiithfulness ministered to them for more than fifty-three years. As we shall speak of the character of Rev. Mr. Hancock more particularly under the head of the ecclesiastical history of the town, we will simply say here that his services were justly appreciated by his people, who sincerely deplored his sudden death. They had long witnessed his growing infirmities, or perhaps more jiroperly, his increasing years, and had taken the precaution for several years of Mr. Hancock to discharge liis wonted duties. But that committee had no occasion to look abroad for a supply ; for their venerated pastor was able to perform every duty of his sacred office to the very day of his death. The people had also manifested their attachment to him, and their regard for his welfare, by adding to his salary, from year to year, so at least as to make up for the depreciation of the currency ; and when he was called hence by a sudden dispensation of Providence, they manifested their respect for his memory and sympathy for his family, by convening the town and adopting the following votes : -

"3. Voted, That said Committee should give Madam Hancock and her children the offer of the Town Grant for the funeral, if they see cause to take up with it, and they provide said funeral.

"4. Voted, To choose a Committee to provide at Madam Hancock's house, and assist there at the funeral, viz. : Mr. Joseph Bridge, Mr. Joseph Tidd, Mr. Thaddeus Bowman, Mr. John Hoar, and Mr. Joseph Loring.

The Committee appointed to provide for the funeral of Mr. Hancock presented a bill to the town of £219, which was readily allowed. I will state one item of their bill, as it casts light upon the manners and customs of that period : " Granted an order to pay Mr. Jacob Hurd £4.01.01, it being in full for six rings for y® Bearers of our Reverend and Beloved Pastor, jNIr. John Hancock."

After the death of Mr. Hancock, the town chose a committee, consisting of Deacon Joseph Brown, Deacon John Stone, William Peed, Esq., Captain Benjamin Reed and Mr. Isaac Bowman, to provide for the pulpit till others should be chosen ; and they instructed said committee " to make dilegente inquire after a jjentleman suitable to settele."

To The Close Of The French Wars

few Sabbaths each, the town voted, April 8, 1754, "to keep a day of fasting and prayer on the 25th of the above said April, in preparation for a choice."

The church and society, in June, 1754, invited j\Ir. Aaron Putnam, who, in consequence of the want of unanimity in the call, declined the invitation.

After receiving the negative answer from Mr. Putnam, Mr. Willard, Mr. INIinot and Mr. Clarke were employed a few Sabbaths each; when, on the 19th day of May, 1755, the inhabitants were called together to see if they would concur with the church in giving Mr. Jonas Clarke an invitation to become their minister. The result is thus stated in the record : -

"Then the Town voted, £133.06.8 settlement for Mr. Clarke in case he settled with us as our Pastor, - the one half of s^ sum to be paid in six months after his ordination, - the other moiety, eighteen months after his ordination.

"Voted, That the said Mr. Clarke, in case he takes up, and is settled as our pastor, shall forever as such, quit all manner of claim, title or interest in or unto any part of y** Ministerial land in this Town."

After some further negotiation in relation to granting him a number of cords of wood, in addition to the eighty pounds, offered as his annual salary, the church and congregation agreed to vote together on the question of giving him a call, and on counting the yeas and nays it was found that seventy had voted in the affirmative and only three in the negative. The town also voted to furnish Mr. Clarke twenty cords of wood annually, in addition to his salary.

The preliminaries being thus settled, the 5th of November, 1755, was agreed upon for the ordination, and the churches in Cambridge, Ne\^i:on, Medford, Sherburn, WatertoAvn, Lincoln, Weston, and Waltham, were invited to assist in the ordination. To use the language of Mr. Clarke himself, " The Elders and Messengers of most of said churches appearing in the morning, and having chosen the Rev. Mr. John Cotton, Moderator, they proceeded, earnestly imploring the divine Blessing, unto Ordination. The Rev. Mr. Lawrence beginning the solemnity with prayer ; the Rev. Mr. Appleton preached, the Rev. Mr. Cotton gave the Charge, and the Rev. JNIr. Cook the Right Hand of Fellowship."

Thus was the town of Lexington, after being destitute of a settled minister nearly three years, blessed with a pastor, whose subsequent labors and character showed that he was a pastor indeed, guiding his people safely both in temporal and sjiiritual things, during his life, and leaving a name which will be fondly cherished by every patriot and every Christian. The name and services of Rev. Jonas Clarke are so interwoven with the history of Lexington, that we shall have occasion frequently to allude to Jiim hereafter.

In 1734, John Flint and others residing in the southeasterly part of Concord, in the southwesterly part of Lexington, and in the part of Weston adjoining, petitioned the General Court to be set oft' from these towns respectively, and be incorporated as a town or precinct. This was successfully resisted at the time ; but the petition Avas renewed the following year. Lexington chose a committee consisting of Francis Bowman, Jolm Mason, and Joseph Brown, to oppose the prayer of the petitioners. In their remonstrance, dated September 10, 1735, they allege that many within the territory were opposed to the petition, that some who had signed the petition were " very unqualified persons," that most of the petitioners from Lexington constantly attended church there, that they had voted to settle Rev. Ebenezer Hancock, and ought to remain and help pay him, that the roads were being improved, and that they were well accommodated as they were. The remonstrants prevailed again, as they had the preceding year.

But in 1744, a similar petition found favor with the Court, and a precinct was created, granting, however, the privilege to several persons within the territory, to be exempt from its operation, if they should so elect. In 1753, Chambers Russell, Esq., and others within the territory, were chosen a committee to petition the Legislature to be incorporated as a town. Capt. William Reed and Deacon Stone appeared for the town of Lexington to oppose the petition, but without success. On the 19th of April, 1754, the town was incorporated by the name of Lincoln. The name Avas given by Chambers Russell, Esq., after Lincolnshire, England, the residence of his ancestors.

The creation of this town reduced the territory and population of Lexington, and so impeded its growth. I find no accurate description of the line or the amount of territory taken from Lexington on the public records. But Josiah Parker, one of the assessors of Lexington for that year, and who from his long experience in that office, was well qualified to judge, and whose intimate acquaintance with the premises and the whole subject enabled him to know the facts, has left under his own hand the following important document in the archives of the State.

What is taken off of Lexington is computed to be about one-sixteenth part of said town ; as to the number of acres it is about one-eleventh part.

The line of Lexington formerly included the places where Mr. Gregory Stone, Mr. Leonard Hoar, Mr. Nelson, and several others of Lincoln now reside.

In 1756, there was a warm controversy relative to a choice of Representative. The selectmen were arraigned before the General Court, charged with improper conduct in managing the town meeting. The selectmen vindicated their course, and the whole affair ended in calling another meeting, and electing a Representative.

little moment in themselves, which nevertheless show the spirit of the times, the feelings of the people, and the motives by which individuals and bodies of men are actuated. Of this character are the following :

'* Benjamin Heed, Esq., pair! to ]\Ir. James Stone, Town Treasurer, y" sum of £ 5 4. 0. it being y" wages, lie reeeived lor y" time he did not actually attend the General Court last year."

" The Selectmen appointed Mr. Cornelius Mead to see that brute creatures that dye of any distemper, be buried according to a law of the Province."

*' Gentlemen, - Y** Public expenses in general, and those of this Town in particular, being at present not small, if you will accept of the sum of six pounds, thirteen shillings and fourpence, of my salary for the presentyear, you will greatly oblige. Gentlemen, your sincere friend and hearty wellwisher,

" Voted, That whoever shall be chosen to represent y" Town at y® Great and General Court this year, shall return into the Town Treasury, all y® money that shall be made up in y*^ General Court's list for the representative, above three shillings a day for attending at y" Great and General Court ; and except y* person chosen doth promise to return said money as aforesaid, the Town to proceed to y" choice of another."

This vote was repeated several years in succession, and such was the patriotism of the age, that men enough were found willing to serve their country at that reduced rate.

About the time of the settlement of Mr. Clarke, the town appointed a committee to repair their meeting house ; and as one improvement naturally makes way for another, they were impressed with the idea that their bell was not sufficiently large to bring in a congregation, commensurate with the capacity of the

To The Close Of The French Wars

" Mr. Isaac Stone came into said Meeting and gave the Town a Bell to be for the Town's use forever - which Bell was there, and weighed Four Hundred and Sixty Three pounds - for which the Moderator in the name of the Town, returned him thanks."

Then Voted, To hang y" Bell on y*^ top of y*^ Hill upon y*^ south side of Lieut, James Munroe's house. A Committee was chosen to erect a convenient building on y*' aforesaid Hill to hang y® Bell on.

It appears that the town took a deep interest in this liberal gift of Mr. Stone, and resolved to use it in a manner calculated to fill the eye, and please the ear, as far as practicable ; for at an adjournment of the meeting two days after, they

" Voted, To case the Bell free with white pine boards. " Voted, To cover y* roof with pitch pine and shingle it. -' Voted, To leave it to y" Committee, to let out y'' Bell free by y® great, or by y*^ day as they think best."

But the attention of the people to the new bell and the " Bell free," did not, it appears, render them unmindful of the meetinghouse itself; for at a town meeting held March 14, 1763, they voted " to couliour y* Meeting House att y^ back of y* Pulpit the same couliour the Pulpit is coulioured."

In speaking of the pulpit and preacher, we should not forget the school house and the school master. They are kindred institutions, and cannot safely be dissevered. Up to 1714 the schools were kept in private houses, but at that time a school house was erected in the centre of the town, and schools were established in the out-parts of the town, kept generally by females. As it is proposed to treat of the public schools of the town in a separate chapter, I will only say here, that our fathers, ever true to the great cause of education, have made suitable provision in all portions of their history to educate the rising generation. In this town from year to year, money has been appropriated to be expended under committees appointed for the purpose, so that the children and youth might be fitted for usefulness. In fact it

In 1748, there were three Lexington men in the service ; in 1754, four ; in 1755, there were twenty-three ; in 175G, twentyfour ; in 1757, thirty-three; in 1758, nine; in 1759, six; in 1760, forty; in 1761, five, and in 1762, twenty-eight. The rolls of the service are imperfect at best. Some of them are lost, and others are so dilapidated that many of the names are illegible. Besides, many of the rolls do not give the name of the town where the soldier resided. Under these circumstances it is impossible to give a full list of those who were in the service. The true number must have been greater than stated above. Enough however is known to justify the statement that Lexington was not behind her sister towns in responding to the calls of the country. In fact few, if any towns, numbering only about six hundred inhabitants, and remote from the scene of danger, sent forth a larger number of men.

The effects of these exhausting wars must have been great upon every town in the Province. Nothing retards the growth of population like war. Of the soldiers called into service, those who fall in battle make but a small part of those lost to their respective towns. Many fall a prey to disease, and many more to the vices of the camp and the habits of roving and idleness, and so never return to their respective towns. Besides, the soldiers in the field generally belong to the producing class, so far as population is concerned. Many young men return comparatively poor, and so are not in a condition to support a family ; consequently if they marry at all, marry late in life. I mention these things to account for the fact that the population of Lexington was nearly stationary, during the French and the Revolutionary wars.

There arc many things in the manners and customs of those davs which appear singular to us. The system of " ^A^arning out of town," is among them. The General Court had authorized towns to take this precaution, to prevent strangers from becoming a town chai-ge as paupers. The practical working of this system was this : when any family or single person, even to a domestic in a family, came into town, the head of the family, or person owning the premises, was required to give notice to the selectmen of the names and nmnl)ers of the new comers, the place whence they came, the date of their coming into town, and their pecuniary condition. If the selectmen thoujxht there was danger of their becoming a public charge, they caused them to be warned to leave the town, and to have a cnution, as it was termed, entered with the Court of Sessions. This matter appears on our records as early as 1714, when "Capt. Joseph Estabrook was authorized to request the Honorable Court of Sessions in June next, to enter cautions against Daniel Cutting and wife, Sarah Cook, and Johanna Snow, that they might not be burthensome to Lexington." In 1722, Daniel Roff with his family were ordered to depart out of Lexington. We will add a few specimens of these notices.

*' Lexixgtox, Jan. 6, 1761. " 7b the Selectmen. Gentlemen : These are to inform you that on the 19th of December last past, I took widow Elizabeth Sampson, as a housekeeper, from Harvard, that being her last place of residence ; she being under good circumstances.

" Widow Abigail Whittemore informs that on the 26th day of December, 1755, she took into her house as Inmates her son-in-law, Nathaniel Whittemore, with his wife and child, under poor circumstances. They came from Lincoln. She informed, Jan. 5, 1756."

" Also ordered the Clerk to draw a warrant and give it to the Constable to warn Archabal Mackintosh and his family, forthwith to depart out of Lexington."

These examples, which are taken promiscuously from the records, show the manner in Avhich business was done at that time, and the general supervision which the authorities took of public, or as some might say, private affairs. It seems by the examples that a gentleman could not hire a man to live with him, or a girl to work in his family, or allow a tenant to occupy his house, or a house under his care, without giving notice thereof to the selectmen. And it is worthy of remark that these notices have been given of the incoming of certain individuals, who haA^e afterwards become some of the most respectable and influential men in the town. Some of the young women whose ingress into town was thus publicly heralded, won the hearts of some of the permanent residents, and became the mothers of some of Lexington's most honored citizens. And when the calls of our country required the services of her patriotic sons, several of the very men who had been " warned out of town," were among the first to obey the call. Whether these measures were wise or unwise, I will not attempt to decide ; but will venture the remark, that such regulations would not cheerfully be acquiesced in at the present day.

The ground on which this rigid policy was justified, was that the town might be apprised of immigration into the township, so that they might warn them out, and thereby prevent their becoming a charge as paupers in case they should need assistance. This rule was so strictly adhered to, that persons having servants come to live with them were compelled, either to send them out of town, or give bonds that they should never become a town charge. I will mention one case which may serve as a specimen : In 1769, William Reed had a negro servant named Pompey, and he gave a bond to the town in the sum of fifty pounds. Having the instrument before me, I will cite its terms : -

"The Condition of this obligation is such, that if the above Bounded William Reed, his heirs, executors, administrators, or assigns, shall from time to time, and at all times forever hereafter, saue y* town of Lexington harmless, from any charge arising for the support or maintenance of his negro man servant, named Pompi ; then this obligation to be void and of none effect. But if otherwise, to stand and remain in full force and vertue.

To The Close Of The French Wars

There is one important fact which should be stated in connection with this practice of giving notice of the arrival of strangers, and of warning them out of town through fear of their becoming a public charge : it was more benevolent and humane than a practice sometimes adopted after this regulation became obsolete. Many cases have, since that period, occurred where poor persons, coming into a town, have been fitted out with a small supply of food on condition that they should go on to another town ; and sometimes they have been taken, without any conditions or assent, and carried in the night time and set down within the limits of another town. Such practices savor of inhumanity, and show that our fathers had not, at that day, learned the true system of providing almshouses for the support and comfort of the poor and unfortunate.

During the period under review in this chapter, active measures were adopted to improve the roads for the accommodation of the pubhc travel, and to provide better means for the education of the rising generation.

We may smile at the follies of the past, and think our fathers inhuman and illiterate, but we should remember the spirit of the age ; and, when we compare them with the mass of the people at that time on the Eastern continent, we shall find them in advance of the age in which they lived ; and I fear that if they were compared with the present generation, and all things taken into the account, we should find no great cause for selfexaltation. If we should point to our public charities, as evidence of our moral advance, I fear they might safely confront us with their patient industry, their prudent economy, and strict integrity. If we should charge them with being too strict in the observance of religious rites, they might with equal justice charge us with being too lax ; if they believed too much, we believe too little ; if they were too rigid, we are too pliant ; if they were inclined to ascribe ordinary events to the immediate hand of God, many at the present day are inclined to ascribe all events to the laws of brute matter, and thereby exclude God from the universe. If they had their ghosts and hobgoblins, we have our spiritual rappings ; and if they had those among them who held intercourse with familiar spirits who would lie and deceive, we have mediums who hold communication with spirits

Our faults and infirmities may assume different forms from those of our forefathers, but for downright folly and extravagance, for the neglect of privileges and opportunities, I fear that in the eye of Infinite Wisdom we shall appear nearly on a level with them. They were imperfect, and we lack perfection. Appetites and passions, lusts for wealth and dominion, exist in every age. Our fathers were not free from them ; but if they thirsted for broad acres, and seemed desirous of adding farm to farm, that the surface of the earth might be theirs, we, not content to float upon the surface, desire to dive into the bowels of the earth, that all its hidden treasures may be ours. They were not our equals in reckless speculation.

But comparisons being generally odious and unprofitable, true wisdom requires us to improve the present, rather than censure the past; and if we have arisen above the follies of our fathers, it is because tljey, as pioneers, prepared the way for us, and so enabled us to stand on vantage ground.

Civil History From 1763 To 1775

The Natural Expectations of the Colonists - The Stamp Act - Instructions to the Representative - Declaration of Rights, and Resolutions - Endorsement of the Doings of Boston - Committee of Correspondence chosen - The Stamp Act repealed - The Importation of Tea - Resolutions in Opposition to the Importation and Use of the Tea - Measures of Preparation for the Last Appeal - A Pledge that they would support their Resolutions with their Fortunes and their Lives - The Certainty of a Conflict.

The bloody contest with the French and Indians was over. Canada was conquered ; and the domain of North America was secured to Protestant England. The stern Puritans, who had served so heroically, and we may add prayerfully, in the cause, and who had given success to the arms of Great Britain, were filled with rejoicing. They had proved their devotion to the crown, and had contributed largely to the extension of His Majesty's possessions in North America ; and, by so doing, had secured to themselves the great blessing of enjoying undisturbed the freedom of C/ongregational worship. They also flattered themselves, that the king they had served, the country whose interest they had promoted, and the ministry whose administration they had contributed to make illustrious, would gratefully remember the services rendered, and treat their faithful colonists, not only with justice, but with generosity. They expected, and had a right to expect, that, as they had shared with the mother country the dangers and the burdens of these protracted struggles, they should at least be left in peace, to recover from their exhaustion by their own industry and frugality.

In this general expectiition the good people of Lexington participated. They had experienced the dangers, encountered the hardships, and felt the exhaustion of the war ; and they needed repose. Lexington according to her population had furnished a lar^^e number of men. Her citizens who had rendered distinguished service to their king and country, had returned to their homes and families, to engage in their industrial pursuits, to render their families more comfortable, and to retrieve their ruined fortunes ; and by their manly exertion and strict frugality, to bear their share of the taxes incident to the war, and at the same time contribute to the maintenance of civil and religious institutions in their native town. Industry revived in the place, and the people were exerting themselves to improve their highways, and increase the facilities for the education of their children, and thus promote the prosperity of the town. But these dreams of peace and prosperity were disturbed by intimations that the ministry they had ser^-ed with so much fidelity, and in whose cause they had cheerfully made such sacrifices, instead of requiting these favors with kindness, were meditating a system of unjust exaction and servitude, greater than anything to which the colonists had ever before been subjected.

In fact, while the colonists Avere freely pouring out their blood and treasure in support of the crown, and His Majesty's possessions in America, the ministry were meditating a plan by which the colonists should not only support their own government, but contribute to the maintenance of that power which had oppressed them. This was to be done by enlarging the prerogatives of the home government at the expense of the colonial charters. These contem})lated encroachments were looked upon by the people of Massachusetts with peculiar jealousy, and by none more than by the people of Lexington. They had served the king with fidelity, and they claimed justice at his hands. Their proximity to the town of Boston, against which British tyranny seemed, from the first, to be mainly directed, made them alive to everything which tended to impair the prosperity of their princi])al market. Besides there were cai'ses o])erating within the town itself, which served to keep up a high tone of patriotic feeling. The men who had fought as faithful English subjects in defence of English institutions, and also to acquire a larger domain for the crown, felt that they were entitled to the rights of English subjects. They had paid too dearly for their homes and firesides, to be willing to have them invaded by the nation they had served. The military experience they had had, and the knowledge of arms they had acquired, gave them confidence in their own strength, so that they were not to be intimidated by any threat of enforcing oppressive laws at the point of the bayonet.

There was another general cause in operation in the colonies to make the people jealous of their rights, and awake to the spirit of liberty. The clergy in those days exercised a controlling influence in their i-esjaective parishes. In most of the country towns the minister was the only educated man in the place, and consequently was consulted on all great questions, more frequently than any other individual. And as the great theme of that day was that of religious freedom, the clergy were almost uniformly found on the side of liberty. They knew that religious and civil rights were so nearly allied, that they must stand or fall together. They had taught the necessity of resisting oppression, during the French war. The voice of the clergy at that period was on the side of defending our rights at every hazard. " An injured and oppressed people, whose destruction and overthrow is aimed at by unreasonable men, ought, surely, to stand upon their defence, and not tamely submit to their incursions and violence."^ Such was the feeling of that day. It pervaded the whole community in a greater or less degree. But in no town was this doctrine inculcated with more force or fidelity than in Lexington. Their clergyman, the Rev. Jonas Clarke, was a man of decided ability, who was capable of comprehending the whole subject in all its bearings, of showing the intimate connection between civil and religious liberty, and of enforcing the high and important duty of fidelity to God, by maintaining the liberties of the people. He not only sympathized with his brethren generally on these subjects, and acted in harmony with them in inculcating the duty of patriotism ; but in everything pertaining to human rights, and the sacred obligation to maintain them, he was one who took the lead. Understanding the whole subject perfectly, and having a controlling influence in his own parish, he had brought the people up to a high state of enlightened patriotism. No man better understood the civil rights of the colonists than the Rev. jVIr. Clarke, and no man was more successful in infusing liis feelings into the great l)0(ly of the people around him. Under these circumstances, it would be strange if the peoj)lc of Lexington were not fully alive to the encroachments of the mother country, and ready at all times to maintain their own rights.

In March, 17 05, the first of a series of measures for taxing the colonies passed the British Parliament, and soon after received the sanction of the crown. This roused the just indignation of the American people.

On the 21st of October, 1765, a town meeting was held in Lexington, to see what Instructions the town would give in relation to the Stamp Act. The subject was referred to the selectmen, consisting of James Stone, Thaddeus Bowman, Robert Harrington, Benjamin Brown, and Samuel Stone, Jr., for their consideration, who being duly prepared, submitted at once a draft of Instructions. It is but justice to the memory of Mr. Clarke to say that this paper, as well as several other able papers recorded in our town book, were from his pen. The committee who reported them, though undoubtedly sensible and patriotic men, laid no claim to that finished scholarship which characterizes this and the other papers to which reference is made. There is internal evidence of their authorship, and it has ever been conceded that they were written by Mr. Clarke ; and as further evidence of the fact, I have now before me the original draft of one of these papers in Mr. Clarke's own handwriting. The instructions are so fraught with wisdom, so patriotic in their doctrines, and reflect so fully the sentiments of the people of the town who adopted them unanimously, that I will give them in full.

'- Sir, - We have looked upon men as beings naturally free. And it is a truth which the history of ages, and the common experience of mankind have fully confirmed, that a people can never be divested of these invaluable rights and liberties, which are necessary to the happiness of individuals, to the well-being of communities, or to a well regulated state ; but by their own negligence, imprudence, timidity or rashness. They are seldom lost, but when foolishly forfeited or tamely resigned.

"And therefore, when we consider the invaluable rights and liberties we now possess, the firmness and resolution of our fathers, for the support and preservation of them for us, and how much we owe to ourselves and to posterity, we cannot but look upon it as an unpardonable neglect, any lon<Ter to delay expressing how deeply we are concerned in some measures adopted by the late ministry, and how much we fear from some acts lately passed in the British Parliament, which appear to us not only distressing to the trade and commerce of this Province, but subversive of several of our most invaluable, internal rights, as well as privileges ; and from which we apprehend the most fatal consequences.

"What of all most alarms us, is an Act commonly called the Stamp Act; the full execution of which we apprehend would divest us of our most inestimable charter rights and privileges, rob us of our character as free and natural subjects, and of almost everything we ought, as a people, to hold dear.

"Admitting there was no dispute, as to the right of Parliament to impose such an Act upon us, yet we cannot forebear complaining of it in itself considered, as unequal and unjust, and a yoke too heavy for us to bear. And that not only as it falls heaviest upon the poor, the widow and the fatherless, and the orphan ; not only as it will embarrass the trade and business of this infant country, and so prevent remittances to England ; but more especially as the duties and penalties imposed by it, are numerous, and so high that it will quickly drain the country of the little cash remaining in it, strip multitudes of their property, and reduce them to poverty ; and in a short time render it utterly impossible for the people to subsist under it ; and what will be the consequences of this to our friends in Great Britain, as well as to ourselves, is easily seen,'

"But we humbly conceive this Act to be directly repugnant to those rights and privileges granted us in our Charter, which we always hold sacred, as confirmed to us by the Royal word and seal, and as frequently recognized by our Sovereign and the Parliament of Great Britain, wherein it is expressly granted to us and to our children, that we shall have and enjoy all liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects, within any of his Majesty's Dominions, to all intents, constructions, and purposes, as if we were every one of us born in his Majesty's realm of England. And further that the full power and authority to impose and levy proportionable and reasonable taxes, upon the estates and persons of all the inhabitants within the Province, for the support and defence of his Majesty's Government, are granted to the General Court or Assembly thereof.

" But by this Act a tax, yea a heavy tax, is imposed, not only without and beside the authority of said General Court, in which this power, which has never been forfeited nor given up, is said to be fully and exclusively lodged, but also in direct opposition to an essential right or privilege of free and natural subjects of Great Britain, who look upon it as their darling and constitutional right never to be taxed but by their own consent, in person or by their Representatives.

* By this Act, a ream of bail bonds, stamped, cost £100 ; a ream of common printed ones before had been sold for £1.5. A ream of stamped policies of insurance cost £190 ; a ream of common ones without stamps, £20. Other papers were taxed in the same proportion.

" It is vain to pretend (aa has been pretended) that we are yirtually or in any just sense, represented in Parliament ,- when it is well known that so far from this, our humble Petitions and decent Remonstrances, prepared and sent home by the Representative body of this people, were not admitted a hearing in Parliament, even at the time 'when those measures and acts from which we apprehend so much, were depending in the Hon. House of Commons ; - a hardship which greatly adds to the grievance, and seems to intimate, that we have but too little to hope in consequence of the most humble and dutiful steps.

" However, this is not all. By this Act we are most deeply affected, as hereby we are debarred of being tried by juries in case of any breach, or supposed breach of it - a right which until now, we have held in common with our brethren in England - a right which under Providence has been the great barrier of justice, the support of liberty and property in Great Britain and America - a right which is the glory of the British Government.

"The Great Charter of England, commonly called Magna Charta, happily provided for all free and natural subjects of the realm of England, that no amercement shall be assessed but by the oath of honest and lawful men of the vicinage, and that no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned or disseized of his freehold or liberties, or free customs, nor passed upon, nor condemned, but by the lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land ; but instead of this most important right, such is the extension of power given by this Act to Courts of Admiralty, that all offences against it may be heard and tried and determined in said courts, to the entire subversion of this important right, confirmed to us by the Great Charter and our own.

-'This we apprehend will open a door to numberless evils which time only can discover ; at least it will oftentimes oblige us to risk our fortunes, our liberties and characters, upon the judgment of one, and perhaps a stranger, or perhaps that which is worse. This will subject us entirely to the mercy of avaricious informers, who may at pleasure summon us from one part of the Province to the other upon suspicion of the least offence, and thus bring upon innocent persons a sort of necessity of pleading guilty by paying the penalty, to avoid a greater expense. And this being the state of things, what will then be necessary but a weak or wicked person for a judge; and from natural and free-born subjects, we shall quickly become the most abject slaves - wholly cut off from our last resource - liope of redress !

" These, sir, being the real sentiments of us, the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town, of this Act, as in its nature and effects considered, you cannot be surprised to find us greatly alarmed and deeply affected. And therefore, at the same time that we are firmly resolved in all possible ways to express our filial duty and loyalty to our Sovereign, and a due veneration for both Houses of Parliament ; we do also as concerned for ourselves, our posterity and country, entreat and enjoin "it upon you, that 80 far from encouraging, aiding or assenting in the execution of this Act, you do. rather endeavor as far as consistent allegiance and duty to our rightful Sovereign, to promote such measures as on the contrary, may tend to preserve us in the enjoyment of the invaluable rights and liberties -we at present possess, at least till we hear the result of the measures already taken for general redress.

"In the meantime, we earnestly recommend to you, the most calm, decent and dispassionate measures, for our open, explicit and resolute assertion and vindication of our charter rights and liberties ; and that the same be so entered upon record, that the world may see, and future generations know, that the present both knew and valued the rights they enjoyed ; and did not tamely resign them for chains and slavery. We shall only add, that the best economy of the public money is at all times necessary, and never more so than at present, when public debts are heavy, and the people's burdens great and likely to increase.

"We take it for granted, therefore, that you will carefully avoid all unaccustomed and unconstitutional grants, which will not only add to the present burden, but make such precedents as will be attended with consequences which may prove greatly to the disadvantage of the public."

Instructions such as these, read in open town meeting, and discussed and adopted by a unanimous vote of the inhabitants, would do much towards creating a just appreciation of their rights as subjects, and of the duties they owed, not only to their Sovereign, but to themselves. A people thus instructed, and trained in the school of stern religious principles, would be found ready for almost any emergency. Consequently when the town of Boston, to manifest then* opposition to the oppressive acts of the ministry, resolved that they would not import or use certain articles on which these duties were laid, the inhabitants of Lexington at a meeting held Dec. 28, 1767, " Voted imanimoiisly , to concur with the town of Boston, respecting importing and using foreign commodities, as mentioned in their votes, passed at their meeting on the 28th day of October, 1767."

Nothing of moment occurred in the municipal affairs of the town during the period under review. Roads were repaired, schools were supported, the poor were provided for, and the paramount subject, the maintenance of public worship, received its due share of attention. But the subject which pressed upon them most heavily during this period, was the oppression of the mother country. Not however, that the measures of the British ministry did bear directly and immediately upon them with any distressing hardship at that time. But our patriotic forefathers viewed all sucli subjects on a broad and disinterested scale ; they looked at the principle involved in the measures ; and they knew full well that a trifling tax upon stamped paper or upon tea, would serve as an entering wedge to a system of taxation Avhich must reduce the colonies to a state of absolute dependence, if not complete vassalage ; and patriotism prompted, nay, religion required, that they should oppose the first attempt to trample upon their rights. These feelings were general among the people, and nowhere were they entertained with more ardor than in the parish over which Mr. Clarke presided ; and consequently the peo[)le here let no opportunity pass unimproved, wdiich bore upon the great subject of human rights.

On the 21st day of September, 17G8, the inhabitants of Lexington assembled in town meeting legally warned, " To take into their serious consideration the distressed state of the Province at the present day, and to pass any vote relative thereto." After due consideration, they made choice of Isaac Bowman, Esq., William Reed, Esq., and Dea. James Stone, "to prepare reasons for our present conduct ; " who subsequently reported the following Declarations and Resolves.

" Whereas it is the first principle in civil society, founded in nature and reason, that no law of the society can be binding on any individual without his consent, given by himself in person, or by his Representative of his own free election ; and whereas in and by an Act of the British Parliament, passed in the first year of the reign of King William and Queen Mary of glorious and blessed memory, entitled an Act declaring the rights and liberties of the subjects, and settling the succession of the crown, - the Preamble of which Act is in these words, viz.

" ' Whereas the late King James the Second, by the assistance of diverse evil Councillors, Judges, and Ministers employed by him, did endeavor to subvert and extirpate the Protestant Religion, and the laws and liberties of the kingdom: It is expressly among other things, declared, that the levying of money for the use of the crown by pretence of prerogative, without grant of Parliament for a longer time, or in other manner than the same is granted, is illegal.'

-' And ivhereas in the third year of the same King William and Queen Mary, their Majesties were graciously pleased by their Royal Charter, to give and grant to the inhabitants of this his Majesty's Province, all the territory therein described, to be holden in free and common soccage, and also to ordain and grant to the said inhabitants certain rights, liberties, and privileges therein expressly mentioned, among which it is granted, established, and ordained, that all and every, the subjects of them, their heirs, and successors which shall go to inhabit within said Province and territory, and every of their children which shall happen to be born there, and on the seas in going thither or returning from thence, shall have and enjoy all the liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects, within any of the Dominions of them, their heirs and successors, to all intents, purposes, and constructions, whatever, as if they and every of them were born within the realm of England.

And ivhereas by the aforesaid Act of Parliament, made in the first year of the said King William and Queen Mary, all and singular, the premises contained therein, are claimed, demanded, and insisted on as the undoubted rights and liberties born within the realm : And whereas the freeholders and other inhabitants of this town in said Charter mentioned, do hold all the rights and liberties therein contained, to be sacred and inviolable ; at the same time publicly and solemnly acknowledging their firm and unshaken allegiance to their alone rightful Sovereign King George the Third, the lawful successor of the said King William and Queen Mary to the British throne :