Lexington Town (part 4 of 25)

Lord North in introducing the Boston Port Bill, gives Massachusetts the preeminence iu disloyalty, by saying, " Boston had ever been the ringleader in all riots, and had at all times shown a desire of seeing the laws of Great Britain attempted in vain in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. That the act of the mob in destroying the tea, and the other proceedings, belonged to the acts of the public meeting ; and that though the other colonies were peaceable and well inclined towards the trade of this country, and the tea would have been landed at New York without opposition ; yet when the news came from Boston that the tea was destroyed, Governor Try on thought it would be prudent to send the tea back to England. Boston alone was to blame for having set the example ; therefore Boston ought to be the principal object of our attention for punishment."

Thus, Massachusetts justly claims the merit, if merit it be, in being first and foremost in pleading the cause of freedom in opposition to the demands of despotic power, and in adopting measures which led to the independence of these States. The fact that she was singled out by the British Government as the object of what they denominated parental chastisement, shows that she was regarded as the most forward of the colonies of Great Britain in resisting their acts. From this time forth Massachusetts was made to feel the special vengeance of an oppressive administration .

As the British ministry was pleased to give Massachusetts the credit of being first and foremost in her opposition to their measures, so we are willing to accept the honor. What the corrupt ministry of George the Third was pleased to brand with dishonor, Massachusetts regards as patriotism, and glories in, as her most praiseworthy deeds, and is willing to submit the decision of this question to the impartial verdict of the world. That verdict has already, been rendered. And while the proud court of king George has been pronounced cruel and oppressive, the Colony of Massachusetts Bay has been lauded for her patriotism, and extolled for her firm devotion to the great cause of freedom and equal rights.

Governor Gage'S Administration

Passage of the Boston Port Bill - Gage appointed Governor - His Instructions from Dartmouth - Gage arrives in Boston - The Bill goes into Operation - Bells tolled, and a Day of Fasting and Prayer appointed - Boston holds a Town Meeting - Two Other Bills pas«ed by Parliament transferring Appointments to the Crown, and changing Fundamentally our Charter - Four Counties meet in Convention - Resolutions adopted - Officers appointed by the Crown compelled to resign, and Jurors refuse to be sworn - Middlesex Convention's Address - Gage forbids the Holding of Public Meetings - Seizes Public Powder at Charlestown and fortifies Boston Neck - Gage calls a General Court - Call revoked - A Provincial Congress organized at Salem, and adjourned to Concord - The Provincial Congress recommend an Organization of the Militia, appoint General Officers, and Committees of Supplies, and Safety - Delegates to the Continental Congress - Provincial Congress appoint a day of Fasting and Prayer - Worcester and Concord selected as Depots for Military Stores.

The steady and undeviating opposition of the Province of Massachusetts to the oppressive acts of the ministry and Parhament, and the ^visdom by which all their measures had been made abortive, naturally rendered that corrupt court impatient to crush the Colony at a blow. They only waited for a convenient opportunity. The destruction of the tea filled up the measure of colonial iniquity, in the estimation of the ministry ; and the mighty power of a mighty nation was to be concentrated upon the town of Boston. Lord North brought forward his bill for closing the port. It was hurried through both houses of Parliament, and received the royal assent on the 31st of March, 1774. This Act, which has generally been denominated the " Boston Port Bill," fell particularly hard upon the people of Boston and Charlestown. As it was the great mart of commerce in New England, and a large share of the people depended in one form or another upon the trade of the place, for employment, - closing the port, and so annihilating all commerce, spread con- sternation among thousands of the inhahitants. But tlie Act had passed, to take effect on the first of June ; and Thomas Gage, wlio was appointed Captain General and Governor of Massachusetts, was intrusted with its execution.

The situation of the people of Boston, and indeed of the Colony, was peculiarly trying. The concentrated power and energy of a mighty nation, was to be put forth to crush out the warmest aspirations for liberty which had been fondly cherished for years. To submit to the cruel demands of their oppressors, was to abandon all their former hopes, and to falsify their solemn pledges, and by thus degrading themselves, to become slaves. On the other hand, what would resistance avail? How could a mere handful of unarmed and undisciplined men prevail against the mighty poAver of England ? To a people less firm and conscientious, such a dilemma would have been awful - dividing their councils, distracting the people, and rendering the whole community a confused rabble. But the good people of Boston and of Massachusetts were not to be seduced by flattery, nor intimidated by a show of power. They had plighted their faith, and their mutual pledges were to be redeemed. They awaited the event with unwavering fortitude, resolved at the same time to ward off the blow as best they might.

Gage being appointed to the command, the Earl of Dartmouth, in his letter of instructions, under date of April 9th, informed him that " the sovereignty of the king in his Parliament over the colonies, required a full and absolute submission," and tliat " his command over the king's troops," and his employing those troops with effect, "would in all probability secure the execution of the law, and sustain his Majesty's dignity." Gage landed in Boston on the 17th of May, and was received by the people and the Legislature with all the attention, and with every demonstration due to his station. He undoubtedly flattered himself, that he should be able in a short time to bring the people to submission ; for two days after his arrival, he wrote to Lord Dartmouth, "that the Port Bill has staggered the most presumptuous." Still he thought it prudent to call for additional troops, which were forwarded in the course of the summer and early autumn, so that he wrote that he was able " to form a force of nearly three tliousaud men, exclusive of the regiment to defend the Castle."

Governor Gage'S Administration

The Boston Port Bill went into operation on the first of June, Avithout any opposition on the part of the people. Still the tolling of bells, fasting and prayer, and the exhibition of emblems of mourning, proclaimed a deep religious feeling more dangerous to the peace of the Governor, and the success of his measures, than any display of military force could have been. Amid this state of gloom the people were not inactive. On the 13th of May, the very day on which Gen. Gage arrived in the harbor, the people of Boston met at Faneuil Hall, chose Samuel Adams moderator, and adopted a vote inviting all the other colonies " to come into a joint resolution to stop all importations from Great Britain, till the Act for blocking up the harbor of Boston be repealed." At an adjournment of this meeting on the 31st, they resolved, " that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the Boston Port Bill, exceed our powers of expression ; we therefore leave it to the just censures of others, and appeal to God and the world."

Samuel Adams, writing to Arthur Lee, then in London, under date of April 4th, says, "the acts of Great Britain will produce the entire separation and independence of the colonies " and that " it requires but a small share of the gift of discernment, for any one to foresee that Providence erect a mighty empire in America." But while this great leader in the Province saw that a collision was inevitable, and that the result must be glorious to the colonies, with that prudence characteristic of the truly great, he recommended wise moderation. In a letter to Lee, May 18th, 1774, he says, "Our business is to find means to evade the malignant design of the Boston Port Bill. Calmness, courage, and unanimity prevail in Boston. WhUe they are resolved not tamely to submit, they wiU, by refraining from acts of violence, avoid the snare that they discover to be laid for them, by posting regiments so near them."

But it was not the Boston Port BiU alone, that General Gage was to carry into effect. The British Parliament had passed two other Acts, quite as objectionable as the Port Bill - Acts which robbed the people of many of their rights, and substantially nullified their Charter. One was entitled "an Act for better regulating the government of the Province of Massachusetts Bay," and provided that the counsellors, which had been chosen annually by the General Court, should be appointed by the kino;, and be removable at his pleasure ; that the judges, sheriffs, and other civil officers, should be appointed by the Governor ; that all jurors which had been chosen by the people, should be selected by the sheriffs ; - thus making the whole judicial department dependent upon the crown, and subservient to his will. The same Act provided that no town meetings, except the annual meetino-s for the choice of town officers in March or jNIay, should be holden witliout the consent of the Governor. The othor Act provided that any person charged with any capital offence, committed while acting "as a magistrate for the suppression of riots, or in the support of the laws of revenue, or acting in his duty as an officer of revenue," might, at the pleasure of the Governor, be removed to any other colony, or to Great Britain for trial.

These Acts formed a system of oppression hardly to be endured by a people born to the enjoyment of constitutional liberty. Up to this period, the question had been mainly one of taxation ; but now almost every right was impaired, and every privilege taken aAvay. The great principles of the English Constitution and the American Charters, were wantonly violated. These Acts not only shut up the harbor of Boston, and thereby destroyed the trade of the town, bringing bankruptcy and ruin upon men of business, and extreme suffering upon the laboring poor ; but they virtually destroyed the impartial administration of justice, and practically annulled that great prerogative of the citizen - trial by jury. Another grand prerogative of the citizens of Massachusetts was grossly trampled in the dust. From the very first, the people of New England had been accustomed to assemble together in their town meetings, and there discuss all measures which related to their temporal and spiritual interests. Such meetings were by implication granted in their first Charter, and were clearly established by usage and enjoyed by the whole people ; and when the despotic Andros atteaapted to abridge this right, the people resisted the encroachment, as an attack upon one of their dearest privileges.

The last named Acts were received by Gen. Gage on the 6th of August, 1774, and he lost no time in attempting to carry them into effect. Most of his counsellors accepted their appoint- ments ; the courts convened under this new authority, and the sheriffs summoned their jurors. But the people in the meantime were not idle. The town committees, the organization of which was, as we have already seen, devised by Samuel Adams, constituted a sort of government to which the people looked for advice and protection. A meeting of delegates from the town committees of the counties of Suffolk, Essex, ISIiddlesex and Worcester, met at Fancuil Hall and deliberated upon the state of the Province. They pronounced the new measures of Parliament "a complete system of tyranny," robbing the people of the most essential rights of British subjects, and resolved that all officers accepting appointments under these oppressive acts, ought to be regarded as traitors to the Colony ; that a Provincial Congress ought to be held, and that the action of the courts in the meantime ought to be suspended. Such suggestions were readily adopted by tlie people. The judges in attempting to hold a court in Berkshire county, Avere driven from the bench, and jurors selected by the sheriff in the county of Suffolk, refused to be sworn. The counsellors who had been appointed by the king, were compelled to resign, or seek safety in Boston.

On the 30th of Augiist a convention was held at Concord, consisting of delegates from every town and district of Middlesex county, to deliberate upon the state of the Province. Being aware of the critical condition of affairs, they say in their Address, "The question now is, whether by a submission to some of the late Acts of Parliament, we are contented to be the most abject slaves, and entail that slavery upon posterity after us; or by a manly, joint, and vu'tuous opposition, assert and support our freedom. Life and death, or what is more, freedom or slavery, are, in a peculiar sense, now before us ; and the choice and success, under God, depend greatly upon ourselves." They resolved that the late Acts of Parliament are unconstitutional, and that no officers appointed under them ought to be obeyed, and conclude by saying - "no danger shall affright, no difficulties shall intimidate us ; and if in support of our rights, we are called upon to encounter death, we are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die too soon, who lays down his life in support of the laws and liberties of his country." Such was the patriotic gromid taken by the freemen of Middlesex - such the ennobling sentiments they would instill into the bosom of every American. Nor was this an empty boast. Their conduct at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Plill, showed that they were true to their professions. To Middlesex county belongs the honor of holding the first convention, and taking the lead in making a perfect organization against the arbitrary power and oppressive policy of the British ministry. With a promptness worthy of all praise every town and district responded to the call.

General Gage kept a watchful eye upon these proceedings ; and regarding these public meetings as among the most dangerous means of rallying the people in opposition to his authority, was determined to suppress them. Notices were issued for a meeting in Salem to choose delegates to a county convention. General Gage issued a proclamation forbidding the people " at then' utmost peril from attending any meeting not warranted by law." He also sent a detachment of troops to disperse the meeting, but on their arrival the people had dispatched their business and adjourned. Failing in his attempts to pi-event such meetings, and hearing that the people were taking public measures to perfect themselves in military discipline, the Governor resolved to deprive them of all means of defence, and sent out a detachment and seized all the powder in the public magazine at Charlestown. But fortunately for the cause, the towns had withdrawn their respective stock, and consequently none was left but what belonged to the Province - which was only a small quantity. About this time General Gage commenced fortifying Boston Neck, as the isthmus connecting Boston with the main land was generally called. This added greatly to the excitement which already existed. It was regarded as a warlike demonstration, and showed the people a determination on the part of the Governor to enforce the odious laws at the point of the bayonet.

Yet the people had no disposition to provoke a contest with the king's troops. They chose rather to take peaceable measures to prevent the execution of the laws. Nor were they wanting in devices of this kind. The odious laws having been passed f(»r the express ])urpose of d('])riviiig them of their just rights, they felt authorized to defeat them by any lawful means. They were his Majesty's loyal subjects, and were ready to do anything to promote the interest of the empire and honor of the crown ; but they must be treated as English subjects. They had too much respect for the English Constitution, and the great principles of English liberty, to see them trampled upon by a heartless ministry, or their lawless subordinates. When they obstructed the operation of the courts, or the performance of duties by certain newly appointed officers, it was only on the ground that these officers were appointed in contravention of their Charter and the English Constitution. If they organized military companies, it was only to perfect themselves in the art of war, that they might be better qualified to defend themselves against the king's enemies, and so be enabled to maintain their rights as Englishmen. These measures so annoyed General Gage, that he made them the special subjects of remark in his communications with the ministry. In a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, August 27th, 1774, he says, "It is agreed that popular fury was never greater in this Province than at present ; it has taken its rise from the old source at Boston, though it has appeared first at a distance. These demagogues trust their safety in the long forbearance of the Government, and an assurance that they cannot be punished. They chicane, elude, openly violate, or passively resist tlie laws, as opportunity serves ; and opposition to authority is of so long standing that it has become habitual." And under date of September 2d, he says, " With regard to the clause in the new law relative to town meetings, ' so many elusions are discovered under various pretensions of adjournments, electing to vacant offices, people assembling peaceably upon their own affiiirs without notification ; and withal no penalty ; that no person I have advised with, can tell what to do with it. At a distance they go on as usual. Civil government is near its end. Nothing can be done but by forcible means." Under date of September 20th, he writes, "The country people are exercising in arms, and getting magazines of arms and ammunition in the country, and such artillery as they can procure, good and bad. They talk of fixing a plan of government of their own ; and it is somewhat surprising that so many of the other Provinces interest themselves so nuich in behalf of this."

On the 1st of September, 1774, Governor Gage issued writs convening the General Court at Salem on the 5th of October. In many cases the towns in choosing their representatives had instructed them to use all peaceable means to oppose the late Acts of Parliament. The people of Lexington instructed their representative, to "use his utmost influence that nothing be transacted as a court under the new council, or in conformity to any of the late Acts of Parliament." In the meantime there had been several important county conventions, which denounced the Acts of Parliament as severe, oppressive, and unconstitutional, ' designed to strip us of our inalienable rights and dearest privileges,' and pointed out various modes of redress. The Suffolk resolutions declared, " That no obedience is due from this Province to either or any part of these Acts ; " that officers who accept appointments under them should be considered " as obstinate and incorrigible enemies to this Colony," and they recommend that all collectors of taxes withhold the money from the royal treasurer, and hold it subject to the du'ection of the proposed Provincial Congress, which they recommend being called. The Essex resolutions pronounced all officers and private persons who attempt to cany out the Acts which violate the Charter of the Province, " unnatural and malignant enemies," declared that town meetings " ought to be called agreeably to the laws of the Province," and that, " if the despotism and violence of our enemies should finally reduce us to the sad necessity, we undaunted, are ready to appeal to the last resort of states." The Plymouth resolutions declare, " That it is a duty every man and body of men owes to posterity, as well as to God and our country, to oppose with all our power, the execution of these unjust and oppressive Acts," and they recommended to the inhabitants of the Province "never to submit to them in any instance whatever." The Worcester resolutions recommended to the towns to instruct their representatives, chosen to meet at Salem, "absolutely to refuse to be sworn," except by some officer " appointed according to the Charter of the Province." They also recommended to the several towns to appoint military officers, and to provide themselves with arms and ammunition, against any emergency thiit may arise.

They all recommend a Provincial Congress, and some recommend that the members chosen to meet at Salem, resolve themselves into such a Congress. They also recommended military pre juration ; and while they discouraged and denounced any attack upon the king's troops, they more than intimated that they would resist by force of arms, rather than be converted into slaves. They also declared in favor of holding town meetings to deliberate upon the affairs of the Province, and recommended that no money be paid .into the treasury of the Province organized under the late Acts of Parliament. The conventions and their doings coming to the knowledge of Governor Gage, he issued a proclamation on the 28th of September, adjourning without day the General Court, which he had summoned to meet at Salem, October the 5th. The reasons assigned for this unusual and arbitrary course were, that many tumults and disorders had taken place since he called the meeting, and that "the extraordinary resolves which had been passed in many counties, and the instructions given by the town of Boston and some other towns, to their representatives," rendered it "highly inexpedient that a Great and General Court should be convened," at that time.

But as the proclamation was issued only a few days before the time of meeting, many of the membei's had already left home, and were on their way to Salem, before they heard of the high-handed measui*e of the Governor. In obedience to the summons and a preconcerted arrangement, nearly one hundred members met at Salem on the 5th of October ; and after waiting one day to see if the Governor or any public officer would appear to administer the oath of office, on the 6th they resolved themselves into a Provincial Congress, and chose John Hancock, chairman, and Benjamin Lincoln, clerk. After this temporary organization, they voted to adjourn to the 11th inst., to meet at the court house at Concord, that being the time and place designated by several of the counties for holding a Provincial Congi-ess, before the meeting of the General Court at Salem had been ordered by the Governor.

After a session ' of three days at Concord, the Congress adjourned to Cambridge, where their sittings were continued from the 17th of October to the lOtli of December. During this session, tlicy adopted a system of measures to put the Province in a state of preparation and defence. Though they deprecated hostilities with Great Britain , and had not " the most distant design of attacking, annoying, or molesting his Majesty's troops," they were not insensible to the fact that these troops were brought into the Province to reduce the people to a state of subjection to unjust and arbitrary laws, which would render them the mere vassals of a corrupt foreign ministry. To guard against an evil which they deemed greater than death itself, they adopted a plan of organizing, arming, and calling out the militia, in case of emergency. This plan provided among other things, that all able-botlied men should be enrolled, and that these companies should immediately assemble, and elect their proper officers ; that these officers, when elected, should assemble as soon as may be, and elect field officers ; that the field officers should enlist at least one quarter of the men enrolled, and form them into companies of at least fifty men, each man to be armed and erpiipped, and held in readiness to march on the shortest notice. These were what were denominated minute men. In addition to the platoon and field officers, they provided for general officers and designated their rank. To meet the expenses which might arise from the employment of the militia, and to procure such arms and military stores as might be necessary, they chose a committee of supplies, consisting of David Cheever of CharlestOAvn, Mr. Gill, Col. Lee, Mr. Greenleaf and Col. Lincoln ; and to carry out this part of the plan more effectually, they elected Henry Gardner, Esq., of Stow, as Treasurer and lieceiver General, and directed that all taxes that had beengranted, and all moneys in the hands of collectors, should be paid over to this new treasurer, instead of being paid into tlie royal treasury. They also created what they denominated a "Committee of Safety," consisting of John Hancock, Dr. Warren, Dr. Church, Mr. Devens, Capt. White, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Quincy, Mr. Watson and Col. Orne, and clothed them with large discretionary powers ; and among them, the power of calline: out the militia in such numbers and at such times and places, as they might deem expedient. The Congress subsequently selected Jedediah Preble, (who declined the appointment,) Artemas Ward, Seth Pomeroy, John Thomas, William Heath,

After adopting this general plan, and selecting the appropriate officers to cany it into effect, the Provincial Congress prepared and published an Address " to the freeholders and other inhabitants of the towns and districts of Massachusetts Bay," in which they say, " You are placed by Providence in the post of honor, because it is the post of danger ; and while struggling for the noblest of objects, the liberties of your country, the happiness of posterity, and the rights of human nature, the eyes, not only of North America and the whole British empire, but of all Europe, are upon you. Let us therefore be altogether solicitous that no disorderly beha\ior, nothing unbecoming our characters as Americans, as citizens, and as Christians, be justly chargeable to us." They also prepared an Address to the clergy, in which they recommend " to the ministers of the Gospel in the several towns, and-other places in this Colony, that they assist us in avoiding that dreadful slavery, with which we are now threatened, by advising the people of their several congi-egations, as they wish their prosperity, to abide by, and strictly adhere to, the resolutions of the Continental Congress, as the most peaceable and probable methods of preventing confusion and bloodshed." Before closing their labors, the Provincial Congress made choice of John Hancock, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Robert Treat Paine, to represent tliis Province in the next Continental Congress.

While these things were occurring in Massachusetts, the Continental Congress was holding a session in Philadelphia. This patriotic body was composed of delegates from twelve Provinces ; Massachusetts being represented at that time by Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Kobert Treat Paine. They approved the measures and endorsed the doctrines put forth by the county conventions, and the Provincial Congress of ]\Iassachusetts. They also recommended an agi*eement, and entered into a covenant, not to import or consume British merchandise or manufactures. They likewise adopted a Petition to the king, an Address to the people of Great Britain, and to the inhabitants of the Colonies, and another to the people of Canada. But while this Congress were truly firm and independent, and were resolved to support tlie riirlits of tlie Colonies ; and -wliilc they .approved of the manly and noble stand taken by the people of MassjK'husetts, they knew the strong temptation they were under to commit some overt act of war against the king's troops ; and hence they reconnnended to the people of IMassachusetts, " to submit to a suspension of the administration of justice, where it could not be procured in a legal and peaceable manner, under the rules of their present Charter and the hiAvs of the Colony." They also recommended to the people of Boston, "to conduct themselves peaceably towards Governor Gage, and his Majesty's troops stationed there, as far as can possibly be consistent with their immediate safety, and the security of the town ; avoiding and discountenancing every violation of his Majesty's property, or any insult to his troops ; and that they peaceably and firmly persevere in the line they are now conducting, on the defensive." Such were the measures adopted - and such the policy recommended by the patriots who composed the Continental Congress : - a body of men concerning whom Lord Chatham said in the British Parliament, " I must declare and avow, that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under such a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of men, can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia. It must be obvious to your Lordships, that all attempts to impose servitude upon such men, must be vain - must be futile."

While these decided measures were being adopted by the people in the Colony, and while every county, and almost every toAvn in jSIassachusetts, was, in its humble way, resounding with, notes of preparation, the tories and the British officials w^ere ridiculing the idea of attempting to withstand his Majesty's troops. A British officer, writing from Boston, November 3, 1774, says, "The llesolutions of Congress are only thrown out as a bugbear to intimidate the merchants of Boston, and frighten the ministry into a repeal of the late Acts. The faction in Boston is now very low. Believe me, all ranks of the people are heartily tired of disorder and confusion ; as soon as the determination of Great Britain to dispose of their resolves and petitions is known, all will be very quiet." Another British officer writing from Boston, November 22d, to a friend in London, says,

" As to what you hear of their taking arms to resist the force of England, it is mere bullying, and will go no further than words ; whenever it comes to blows, he that can run the fastest, will think himself best off. Believe me, any two regiments here ought to be decimated, if they did not beat in the field the whole force of Massachusetts Province ; for though they are numerous, they are but a mere mob, without order or discipline, and are very awkward at handling their arms." Writing home to Scotland from Boston, December 26th, an officer in the king's service declares, "Our army is in high spirits, and at present this town is pretty quiet. I make no doubt things will wear a new face here, especially when your sentiments of the ministry's firmness are authenticated," While letters from Boston were representing the Americans as cowards. Colonel Grant declared in the House of Commons, February 2d, 1775, " that he had served in America, and knew the Americans well ; was certain they would not fight. They would never dare to face an English army, and did not possess any of the qualifications necessazy to make a good soldier."

Though certain officers in the British army at Boston, attempted to call in question the courage of the Americans, and to ridicule the idea of their resorting to arms. General Gage viewed the proceedings of the Provincial Congress with some degree of apprehension ; especially their recommendation for the organization of the militia. Consequently on the lOtli of November, 1774, he issued a proclamation in which he denounced these measures as having " a most dans^erous tendency to ensnare his Majesty's subjects, the inhabitants of this Province, and draw them into perjuries, riots, seditions, treason and i-ebellion;" and he exhorts and commands, in his Majesty's name, "all his liege subjects," not to comply "in any degree with the resolves, recommendations, directions, and regulations," of the Provincial Congress, " as they regard his Majesty's highest displeasure, and would avoid the pains and penalties of the law."

The Governor, however, felt himself strengthened and supported by the fact that at the meeting of Parliament, November 29th, the king, in his speech from the throne, assured them of his firm and steadfast resolution to witlistaud every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of Parliament over the colonies ; " and that the Lords and Commons had, by a large majority, sustained the crown. The Goveraor was also instructed by Lord Dartmouth, under dates of December 10, 1774, and January 4, 1775, to carry out his Majesty's pleasure, and to use his utmost endeavors to prevent the appointment of delegates to the Continental Congress, to be holden in May, 1775. The Governor, in response to these instructions, assures his lordship that the firm stand taken by the king and Parliament " has cast a damp upon the faction," and he begins to hope that "they will fall on some means to pay for the tea " they had destroyed.

But while Gage was flattering himself with the hope, that the action of Parliament would awe the colonies into submission, the fires of patriotism were burning brighter and brighter in the bosoms of all true Americans. The several towns and districts in the Province had elected their delegates to the second Provincial Congress, and on the 1st day of February, 1775, they assembled at Cambridge, and organized for the dispatch of business. On the 9th, they elected Hon. John Hancock, Dr. Joseph Warren, Dr. Benj. Church, Jr., Mr. Richard Devens, Capt. Benjamin White, Col. Joseph Palmer, Mr. Abraham Watson, Col. Azor Orne, Mr. John Pigeon, Col. William Heath and Mr. Jabez Fisher, a Committee of Safety, to continue in power till the further order of this or some other Congress or House of Representatives of the Province. They also " empowered and directed" them, when they should think it expedient, " to alarm, muster, and cause to be assembled with the utmost expedition, and completely armed and accoutred, and supplied with provisions sufficient for their support in their march to the place of rendezvous, such and so many of the militia of this Province, as they shall judge necessary for the end and purpose of opposing " the execution of the late Acts of Parliament, designed to annul the Charter, and enslave the people of the Province. And they earnestly recommended to all officers and soldiers of the militia, to obey the calls of this committee, " and to pay the strictest obedience thereto, as they regard the liberties and lives of themselves, and the people of the Province."

general officers to command the troops called out by the Committee of Safety. They also published a patriotic and spirited Address to the Inhabitants of Massachusetts, which commences and closes as follows: '^'^ Friends and Fellow Sufferers: - When a people, entitled to that freedom which your ancestors have nobly preserved as the richest inheritance of their children, are invaded by the hand of oppression, and trampled on by the merciless feet of tyranny, resistance is so far from being criminal, that it becomes the Christian and social duty of each individual. Your conduct hitherto under the severest trials, has been worthy of you as men and Christians, and notwithstanding the pains that have been taken by your enemies, to inculcate the doctrine of non-resistance and passive obedience, and by every art to delude and terrify you, the whole continent of America has this day come to rejoice in your firmness. We trust you will still continue steadfast, and having regard to the dignity of your characters as freemen, and those generous sentiments resulting from your natural and political connections, you will never submit your necks to the galling yoke of despotism prepared for you ; but with a proper sense of your dependence on God, nobly defend those rights which Heaven gave, and no man ought to take from you."

Having dispatched their business, and appointed Thursday, the sixteenth day of March, as a day of fasting and prayer to the Sovereign Ruler of nations, the Provincial Congress adjourned on the 16th of February, to meet at Concord on the 2 2d of March.

The Committee of Safety and the Committee of Supplies, held meetings almost daily between the sessions of the Congress, and adopted the most active and efficient measures to put the Colony in a state of defence. That there might be more harmony and efficiency, they generally met together. They directed sub-committees to procure cannon and small arms, powder and ball, and military stores such as provisions, tents, entrenching tools, and whatever would be required in case troops were called into the field. The journal of their proceedings shows at once their energy and their poverty - their stl-ong devotion to the cause of liberty, and the destitution of the Colony in almost everything necessary to carry on a war, in case they were driven to the necessity of taking up arms in defence of their rifjhts. They selected AVorcester and Concord, as the depots of such arms and stores as they could obtain. But their journal shows greater preparation than was actually made. The cannon and other stores ordered, could not in many cases be obtained. But everything in the Colony went to show that a rupture Avas expected, and that stout hearts and strong hands were relied upon to supply the defects of munitions of war ; and that the patriots trusted in the justice of their cause, and the oveiTuling providence of God to bring them off conquerors and more than conquerors, should their oppressors take the field against them.

As the object of this chapter has been to state the real question at issue, and to show the various steps by which the collision was brought about, we have brought the account down to the first of March, 1775, being about the period when General Gage commenced operations in the field. We have seen that the controversy originated in the question of taxation ; Great Britain claimino' the riirht to leo:islate for the colonies "in all cases whatsoever," and consequently to impose such taxes upon them as the king and Parliament might think fit ; and the colonies insisting that by their charters and the great principles of jSIagna Charta, they, having all the rights, immunities and prerogatives of Englishmen, could not be taxed without their consent ; that taxation without representation was oppressive, and that all laws to raise a revenue in America, without the consent of the people, were in direct contravention of the English Constittition and the colonial charters ; and so were unconstitutional and void. The British Government, finding themselves unable to meet this issue in the field of debate, and knowing that the united voice of the people in the colonies was sustained by many of their ablest statesmen at home, resolved to change the issue by altering the American charters, so as to give Great Britain, if not civil, at least military control over the colonies. The Charter of Massachusetts was at first taken away, and subsequently restored with important changes, greatly increasing the power of the crown, and consequently reducing that of the colonists. But though this modified Charter was in fact forced upon the colonists, the ministry were not disposed to abide by it, but actually took the liberty of infringing its provisions, whenever they were found to stand in the way of their unjust and oppressive measures. They not only trampled upon the rights of the Colony, as a body politic and corporate, but they invaded the private rights of individuals in points relating, not only to property, but to liberty and life, by controlling the courts of justice, depriving the people of the right of trial by jury, and the privilege of meeting together' peaceably to deliberate upon their own affairs. These unconstitutional and oppressive measures' - this system of tyranny, deliberately adopted and persistently adhered to, for the express purpose of reducing the colonies to a state of abject and degrading servitude, they attempted to enforce at the point of the bayonet.

It was not simply a question of taxation or no taxation, but a question of freedom or slavery, that the people were called upon to decide ; - not merely a question whether they should be taxed to feed their oppi'cssors, but whether they should submit to evils far greater, and enormities more to be dreaded, because more personal in their character ; - whether they should have their property torn from them in mock trials by judges taken from among their oppressors, and by juries packed by corrupt crown officers - whether, their lives should be put in jeopardy by being torn from their families, and transported beyond the seas to be tried for pretended offences. This was the issue forced upon the people at that day. Our patriot fathers were not rebels in the common acceptation of that term. They did not revolt against the mother country, or refuse to obey laws constitutionally made, and designing to apply to all his jNIajesty's subjects. No : they simply refused to acquiesce in a system of measures applying to themselves alone, and adopted for the avowed purpose of depriving them of the rights of British subjects, and of bringing them trembling to the foot of the throne.

Nor was this noble stand taken by our fathers, till all other means had failed. Petition and entreaty had been resorted to, but repeated petitions had been answered only by repeated injuries ; and it was not till all hope of redress had failed, that they took the last resolve to stand by their rights at the hazard of their lives. And even then, they resolved not to be the aggressors. If blood must How, its stain should not be upon their hands ; if liuman life must be sacrificed, they would be the first victims. Though they believed their cause to be just, they would not forfeit the approbation of the God of battles, by any hasty or rash act of their own. Though they were preparing for the defence of their rights, at every sacrifice and every hazard, and were resolved, if need be, to submit the decision to the arbitrament of arms, they were nevertheless determined that the first overt act should not be chargeable upon them. Pursuant to this deliberate i-esolution, it was not till they were attacked - not until they saw their brethren deliberately shot down by their side, that they unsheathed the sword, and committed their cause to the Lord of Sabaoth.

On their pai't the appi'oaching struggle was to be a religious war in the highest and best sense of the term. Not that they entered upon it in any sectarian spirit, or prosecuted it to sustain a party. They believed that they were the children of God, whose care extended over all their interests, whether civil or religious ; that he had regard for their rights as citizens, as well as for their privileges as Christians, and that they were bound to preserve both by every means in their power. The motives which led their fathers to this country, the difficulties and dangers through which they had passed, the sustaining hand of God which had been visible in their whole history, led them to believe that they had a s[)ecial trust committed to them, which they must discharge with fidelity ; that they were placed as sentinels to guard the sacred cause of civil and religious liberty, and must stand at their post, and transmit the blessing to those that wei'e to come after them. It is a libel upon the character of our fathers, to say that they involved the country in all the horrors of war, rather tlian pay a petty tax upon stamped paper and tea. They had motives higher, purer, and holier, than that of avoiding the payment of an insignificant tax. They planted themselves upon the great principles of human rights - of fealty to their country, and fidelity to their God. They felt that they had personal rights which they were bound to defend - a duty they owed to posterity, which they were under a sacred obligation to discharge - a devotion to the Most High, which it were treason to disregard. Such were the motives and the convictions of our patriot sires. They fought not to conquer, but to defend ; not to humble a foe, but to build up a commonwealth on the great principles of equal rights. To these duties they were prompted by the dictates of patriotism, and the teachings of the Word of Life.

Note. - An event worthy of notice occurred within the period covered by this chapter, which is stated here, so as not to interrupt the chain of events which were tending to an open rupture with the mother country. On the 22d of May, 1773, Rev. Mr. Clarke's house was entered by a burglar, who carried off a silver tankard and other articles of plate. Levi Ames was subsequently arrested, and the articles found in his possession. He was arraigned and found guilty. He confessed his guilt, and as burglary in the night time was at that day a capital offence, he was executed, October 20th, 1773. Mr. Clarke visited him in prison, and prayed with him, after his conviction. The stolen articles were restored to Mr. Clarke.

The Policy of General Gage - His Expedition to Concord - Attack upon the Americans at Lexington - The Gathering of the Militia - The Skirmish at Concord - Destruction of Military Stores there - The Retreat of the British Troops - Reinforcement under Lord Percy.

We noAV come to the most eventful period in the history of Lexington, and indeed of our country. We have seen in the preceding chapters the causes which led to the Revolution, and the steps by which the great conflict of opinions was developed. We have witnessed the acts of oppression on the one side, and the firm and manly opposition on the other. We have felt the gi'ound-swell of public sentiment, and heard the busy notes of preparation. We have seen that the tOAvn of Lexington had contributed its full share to the patriotic tide, and was measurably prepared for the issue.

In this chapter we are to contemplate the opening scene of our Revolutionary struggle, so fraught with the great subject of human rights. In days gone by, when brute force was the measure of human greatness, and when most questions were decided by the arbitrament of arms, the historian had little else to do than to record in letters of blood, the march of hostile armies, the encounter uj)on the ensanguined field, the shouts of the victors and the groans of the dying. Historians have been too much inclined to dwell upon the outward and visible, and to content themselves with recording the results, without stopping to inquu'e into the causes which produced them. But the intelligent public, at this day, are hardly satisfied with such narratives. They wish to know the antecedents as well as the consequents. By presenting events in this consecutive manner - by holding up to the public view the remote and the proximate causes, as well as the events themselves and their immediate and remote effects, the true philosophy of history is inculcated, and the relative character and importance of events are made to appear. By reading histories of this character, we may profit by the records of the past, and learn wisdom from those who have gone before us.

In this way we may learn that mighty contests often arise from causes apparently trivial, and that events of no seeming magnitude in themselves, may contain the germ of some great convulsion whose effects may extend to distant nations, and be felt through sviceeeding generations. In this way we may discern the nature of events and the true character of the principal actors therein. An act seemingly indifferent or apparently brutal, may by its causes and the motives which actuated those by whose agency it is brought about, become a praiseworthy deed ; and acts wliich might of themselves elicit shouts of applause, may appear in a veiy different light, when viewed in connection with the causes which produced them,. and the principles which moved the actors therein. It is due to our patriot fathers that then' acts and doings should be viewed in the concrete, and that all the circumstances by which they were surrounded, should be carefully weighed by those who enjoy the fruit of their trials and sufferings.

If the importance of a battle depended upon the number of the troops engaged, or upon the military science displayed in the operation, the Battle of Lexington would dwindle into comparative insignificance. The events of the 19th of April, 1775, are not characterized by any remarkable exhibition of military skill, or by those combined desperate deeds of daring, w^hich excite admiration and render a military expedition remarkable. There were no dangerous defiles to be passed at every hazard, in the face of disciplined troops - no strong batteries to be stormed - no commanding positions on which depended the fortunes of the day, to be can-ied at the point of the bayonet. Kor were there any of those desperate encounters between veterans, well armed and equipped, and led on by brave and experienced commanders, of which we have so many accounts in history. There was true bravery - but it was the firm principle of patriotic valor, unaided by military skill - the uprising of a people poorly armed, in defence of their dearest riirhts.

The Battle of Lexington, in its commencement, was little more than a cowardly and brutal attack of some eight hundred veteran troops upon fifty or sixty peaceable citizens. The whole movement of General Gage was simply a secret expedition of a well appointed corps to destroy a few unguarded military stores - a march through a country of unoifending citizens, where there were no troops to oppose his progress. It was not an expedition into an enemy's country in time of war ; but a sort of excursion party in times of peace, sent out by the acknowledged Governor of the Province, some twenty miles into the country. And yet the fate of two mighty empires hung upon the conduct of this party. Their excursion was among men who knew their rights, and knowing dared maintain them. If their march was peaceable, and the rights of the people were respected, they had nothing to fear from the inhabitants. But if they should invade the rights of the citizens by destroying their property or ruthlessly entering their dwellings ; and especially if their march should be marked by violence and massacre, it would in all probability cause a wound never to be healed. And yet this party, with a haughty disregard of the rights of the inhabitants, wantonly commenced a system of pillage and massacre, as though it were a mere holiday pastime ; and thus brought on a collision, the effects of which were not only felt in both hemispheres at that day, but may yet extend to unborn ages.

The pages of the world's history present us with many sanguinary battles, and even decided and brilliant victoi'ies which were attended with no particular results. The battle of the Pyramids in Egypt, and of Buena Vista in Mexico, are of this description. Nor is it obvious to the most careful observer at the present day, what principles, moral or political, were involval in those bloody and terrible conflicts, or were settled by their results. The desperate struggle in the Crimea, which ended in the partial fall of Sebastopol, where the niighty energies of the three great powers of the world were put forth, and where blood and treasure were poured out like water, decided nothing, except that the advance in military science gives neither party any advantage, where both avail themselves of the latest improvements.

Battle Of Lexington

But with the affair of the 19th of April, the case was widely different. It involved the enfeebling of one empire, and the creation of another. It was a conflict of opinions rather than of arms. It was a war of conflicting principles which had divided the public mind for centuries, - it was a stern debate upon the ensanguined field of the great question of human rights against arbitrary and despotic power - of the privileges of the many against the prerogatives of the few. But though the collision on that memorable day was the opening scene of the Revolutionary drama, it was by no means the moving cause of that eventful struggle. We must look to causes more remote . than the marching of the British troops from Boston, and to questions more momentous than the possession of a few rusty cannon at Concord, if we would compi-ehend the issue decided by the American Revolution. Nor are the effects of that day's adventure to be confined to the precipitate and ignominious flight of the British army, and their arrival under the cover of their ships at Charlestown. No ; the events of that day, by inspiring confidence and securing union on the one side, and by creating distrust on the other, insured to America the blessing of independence, and gave an impulse to the cause of liberty which has cheered many a heart on both continents, and may yet contribute to the emancipation of the world.

The spring of 1775 opened with every indication that the crisis was rapidly approaching, and that General Gage had resolved to make some decisive demonstration in the field. Parliament had signified its determination to sustain the ministry in bringing the colonies to a state of subjection. The Earl of Dartmouth had suggested to General Gage the propriety of disarming the colonists ; ^ and though General G age had in November, 1774, intimated that true wisdom would require the employment of twenty thousand troops,'"^ yet in January, 1775, he had written to his Lordship that matters looked more favorable, and that it was the general opinion, that "If a respectable force is seen in the field, and the most obnoxious of the leaders are seized, and a pardon proclaimed for all others, government will come off victorious, with less opposition than was expected a few months ago." * General Gage was also aware that there was a growing dissatisfaction in the ministry with the course he was pm'suing. Plis policy was deemed inefficient, and his inactivity was complained of.^ He knew, moreover, that additional troops were to be sent to Boston, and that Generals Howe, Clinton and Burgoyne were to join, and probably in the end supersede him. Such facts and considerations would naturally prompt him to action. He was probably further encouraged by certain demonstrations, in favor of the royal cause, made at INIarshfield and several other places.

Knowing that some cannon and other military stores had been collected at Salem, he sent, on the 25th of February, a detachment of his troops to seize or destroy them. But the people, anticipating his design, raised the draAvbridge leading to the part of the town where they were deposited, and so prevented their falling into his hands. ^ Meditating the destruction of the military stores which the Connnittees of Safety and Supplies had been collecting at Worcester and Concord, General Gage sent officers in disguise to sketch the topography of the country, and ascertain the feelings and preparation of the people. Under date of February 22, Captain Brown of the Fifty-second Regiment and Ensign D'Bernicre of the Tenth, were directed to make this reconnoissance, wath instructions not only to note the roads, distances, heights, passes, rivers, and the like, but to " notice the situation of the towns and villages, their churches and churchyards, whether they are advantageous spots to take post in, and capable of being rendered defensible.'''"^ These officers in disguise visited Worcester by way of Sudbury, Framingham and Marlborough, and subsequently, viz., on the 20th of March, visited Concord by way of Sudbury, and returned through Lexington ; and on thcu- return, reported the result of their exploration to General Gage.^

In the meantime there were many indications that the British officers, stationed at Boston, were becoming weary of those "piping times of peace," and were desirous of bringing on a collision Avith the people. On the anniversary of the Boston

Massacre, Dr. Warren delivered the Oi'ation at the Old South Church, and Samuel Adams presided. A large numl^er of British officers were present, and attempted to break up the meeting by cries of fire, hissing, and other disorderly conduct.^ On the 8th, Thomas Ditson, Jr., a citizen of Billerica, being in Boston, was seized by a party of the king's troops, on the vain pretence of having urged one of their soldiers to desert ; and without any trial or examination, was taken to their guard-house, and kept a prisoner till the next day, when he was stripped, tarred and feathered, and placed upon a truck, and drawn through some of the principal streets, attended by forty or fifty soldiers of the Forty-seventh Regiment with arms and fixed bayonets, led on by Colonel Nesbit of that regiment, the music at the same time playing Yankee Doodle by way of derision.^ On the 16th of March, which was observed as a day of fasting and prayer in obedience to the recommendation of the Provincial Congress, several congregations in Boston were annoyed by a party of the Fourth Regiment. They pitched their tents near one of the churches, and during the service greatly disturbed the worshippers, by their drums, fifes and other noises. Colonel Madison was present with them a part of the time. On the 17th, in the evening. Colonel Hancock's house, near the Common, was attacked by a party of British officers, who cut and hacked the fence in front of the house, and otherwise behaved very abusively, breaking windows, and insulting almost every person they met. On the 18th, the guard at the Neck seized 13,425 musket cartridges with balls, and about three hundred poimds of musket balls, the property of private persons, which the General refused to give up to the owners. They also abused the teamster, pricking him with their bayonets, and assaulted the Providence stage, breaking the windows, and insulting the passengers. On the 19th, a party of officers and soldiers again insulted Colonel Hancock, entering upon his premises, and refusing to retire, boasting that his house, stable, and other property would soon be theirs, when they should use it as they pleased.^ Though these aggressions were of a private character, and related to the rights of individuals, tliov served to irritate tlie people, and showed at the same time a hau<ilitiness on the part of the liritish officers, which would naturally lead to a collision with the inhahitants.

While General Gage was employed in making preparation for excursions into the country to destroy the military stores, which the provincials had collected together, the patriotic inhabitants were not inactive. The second Provincial Congress, which held its first session at Cambridge, had adjourned on the 16th of February, to meet at Concord on the 2 2d of March. On coming together at that time, and being fully impressed with the critical state of public affairs, they adopted the most efficient means in their power to meet the crisis, which they knew could not be far distant. They adopted a code of Rules and Articles for the regulation of the army of the Province, elected committees from the several counties, to see that the recommendations of Congress were fully carried out, and renewed their recommendation for exercising and drilling the militia. Having received certain intelligence that large reinforcements were on their way to Boston, they sent delegates to New Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode Island, to apprise them of the common danger, and if possible enlist them in the common cause. They assured their sister colonies, "that we are determined to take effectual measures for our security and defence by raising an army ; " and requested them " to cooperate with us by furnishing their respective quotas for the general defence." They also voted to raise six companies of artillery, to be organized, disciplined, and be in "constant readiness to enter the service of the Colony," whenever it should become necessary. And as they appealed to Heaven for the justice of their cause, and trusted in the God of battles to carry them successfully through the contest, which they feared was approaching, they appointed a day of fasting and prayer ; and on the 15th of April, adjourned to meet on the 10th of May, unless sooner called together on an emergency by a committee which they had designated for that purpose.^

In the meantime the Committees of Safety and of Supplies, which generally met together, were in session almost daily, using the most efficient means in their power to put the Province in a proper state of defence. On the 14th of March, being in session at the house of Captain Stedman, in Cambridge, and anticipating some movement on the part of General Gage, they voted " That watches be kept constantly at places where the ^Provincial magazines are kept." They also requested the Committees of Charlestown, Cambridge, and Roxbury, " to procure at least two men for a watch every night, to be placed in each of these towns, and that the said members be in readiness to send couriers forward to the towns where the magazines are placed, when sallies are made from the army by night." Pursuant to this request, on the day following, the committees directed Colonel Barrett of Concord, " to engage a sufficient number of faithful men to guard the colony magazines in that town, and to keep a suitable number of teams in constant readiness by day and by night, on the shortest notice to remove the stores ; and also to provide couriers to alarm the neigliboring towns, on receiving any information of any movement of the king's troops." The committees were in session at Concord on the 17th of April, and adjourned to meet at Menotomy, now Arlington, at Witherby's tavern the next day.^

Preparatory to any attempt to make a descent upon Worcester or Concord, for the purpose of destroying the military stores. General Gage sent out detachments of his troops into the neighboring towns, probably with the design of exercising his men, and of habituating the inhabitants to these excursions, so that no apprehension might be felt in case the troops should be seen leaving Boston. On the 30th of March, the first brigade under Lord Percy, marched out to Jamaica Plains, in Roxbury. They were narrowly watched by the people, who collected in large numbers ; but as they were without artillery or baggage, it was inferred that their excui'sion was but a short one ; and as they did not interfere with the inhabitants, they were permitted to pass without molestation. They did, however, commit depredations upon private property by throwing down a considerable quantity of stone wall.^ Whether this was done as wanton mischief, or whether they thought that these walls would afford

The day of debate had now passed, and the day of action, open, efficient action, had come. Active efforts were now making in all parts of the Province. Not only were the Committees of Safety and of Supplies adopting efficient measures, but almost every town was resounding with "awful notes of pre})aration." The toAvns were furnishing arms and munitions of war to the utmost extent of their ability. The minute-men and the alarm-lists, as they were called, composed of the aged and of the young, were out almost daily for exercise and drill. A deep feeling pervaded the whole community. The people felt the awful responsibility which rested upon them. They knew that to resist the king's troops would be treason, which they might be called upon to expiate upon the gallows ; but to svibmit to the arbitrary and unjust requisitions of Great Britain, would be courting a chain, and entailing slavery upon themselves and their children. But fearful as was the crisis, they did not falter. The resolve had been taken with due consideration, and by it they v/cre determined to stand. The weight of responsibility which rested upon them, only gave them firmness, and more strongly bound them to one another and to the common cause. The aged inspired the young, and the young animated the aged ; the wife lu'ged the husband to the discharge of his duty, and the husband promised protection to the wife ; mothers gave up their sons, and sisters their brothers to the great cause of fi-eedom. All classes seemed to vie with each other in their efforts for the common cause. The feeling which pervaded the community was one of the pui'est patriotism, sanctified and hallowed on the altar of religion. Their sense of justice and of right, their regard for the welfare of their children, their love for their country, and their devotion to their God, prompted them to action, and inspired them with confidence in their ultimate success.

No class in the community contributed more to produce this state of feeling, and to animate and sustain the people as the danger approached, than the pious and patriotic clergy of New England. Their appeals were ardent and touching. They recurred to the causes which had brought us to this country, and recounted the instances in which our fathers had been broug-ht out of a wilderness of dangers, and through scenes of blood ; and pointed to that Canaan of rest which awaited us, if we would put our trust in the Lord, and rely upon his outstretched arm. They taught their peojile that the Gospel was a self-sacrificing system, that patriotism was a Christian duty, and that he who refused to suffer for his country in such a holy cause, was false to Him who died that we mi^ht live. And anion o; those who animated and encouraged the people, and thus kindled the fires of patriotism upon the altars of religion, none was more active or successful than the distinguished and pious priest, who ministered to the people of Lexington. His intimacy with Adams and Hancock made him minutely acquainted with the affairs of the Colony, his clear and far-reaching perception enabled him to judge with great accuracy, and his noble and manly independence gave him a controlling influence over the minds of men. " Mr. Clarke was a man of high rank in his profession - a man of practical piety, a learned theologian, a person of general reading, a writer perspicuous, correct, and pointed, beyond 'the standard of the day, and a most intelligent, resolute and ardent champion of the popular cause. He was connected by marriage with the family of John Hancock. To this circumstance no doubt may properly be ascribed some portion of his interest in the political movements of the day ; while on the mind of Hancock an intimacy with Mr. Clarke was calculated to have a strong and salutary influence."^

Mr. Clarke took a broad and enlightened view of the duties and obligations of the citizen. With him patriotism was a virtue of religious growth. In his estimation, love to God involved a love of country, and devotion to religion implied devotion to the state. Describing the true patriot, he says, " Inspired with the principles of piety, governed by the laws of God, encouraged and supported with motives of religion, such men in the court or in the field, in peace and in war, in private and in public stations, look with a generous contempt, a sacred abhorrence upon every advantage they might make to themselves at the expense of their virtue. No self-interest, no venal motive can countervail with them the public good, the safety and happi- ness of society - of mankind. The frowns of the great, and the flatteries of the vulgar are equally despised ; the greatest trials are cheerfully endured, the most self-denying services are with pleasure engaged in, in the cause of God. In honor to God they wait upon the king, in devotion to him they serve their country, and for the glory of his name stand ready cheerfully to submit to every hardship, firmly to face every danger, and for the support of his cause, and the defence of the libei'ties and lives of his people, freely to make their own a sacrifice, and shed their dearest blood." ^

Such were the sentiments of Mr. Clarke, uttered seven years before hostilities commenced ; and they had become more deeply seated, and had taken a more active form as the crisis approached. Such sentiments and feelings had extended in a good degree throughout all the colonies, - though in IMassachusetts they had well nigh ripened into action. The town of Lexington, as we have already seen, had from the first taken a deep and lively interest in the controversy between the parent country and the colonies, and had made every effort to prepare her sons for any emergency which might arise. In 1774, she had "voted to increase the town's stock of ammunition," "to encourage military discipline, and to put themselves in a posture of defence against their enemies ; " she had voted to supply the " training soldiers " with bayonets, and had distributed at the expense of the town, arms and ammunition to the " training band " and " alarm list " of her citizens. Such was the liberality of the town to her patriotic sons, who in the day of trial stood firmly by the cause of freedom, and nobly "showed that they were worth their breeding."^

"At a meeting of the people of the Alarm List of the third Company in Danver3, held in said Danvers, the 6th of March, 1775, for the purpose of electing officers for said Alarm List Company, Rev. Benj. Balch, Chairman ; said people unanimously made choice of Dca. Edmund Putnam for Captain ; Rev. Benj. Balch for Lieutenant, and Mr. Tarrant Putnam for Ensign. The said gentlemen being present, declared their acceptance." - American Archives, Vol. ii. p. 37.

Battle Of Lexington

The second Provincical Congress, of which John Hancock was President, and Samuel Adams one of its most distinguished membei's, having closed its session at Concord on the 15th of April, these champions of freedom, instead of returning to Boston, had taken up their abode with Rev. Jonas Clarke at Lexington. This they were induced to do in consequence of the impre'ssion which had become quite prevalent, that General Gage had meditated their seizure. It was well known that Hutchinson, the predecessor of General Gage, had used his influence to have Adams arrested and sent to England to be tried for treason ; and the subsequent course of Adams had been still more oifensive to the royal Governor. General Gage had, by his proclamation of November, 1774, pronounced the Provincial Congress over which Hancock had presided, " an unlawful assembly, tending utterly to subvert " government, and to lead directly " to sedition, treason, and rebellion," and had held up "the pains and penalties of the law," to prevent their reassembling, or their measures from being carried into effect. There was reason, therefore, to apprehend that these distinguished patriots, after attending another session of this unlawful assembly, and adopting measures still more odious to his Majesty's Government, would not be safe in Boston ; abounding as it did, at that time, with a large number of inveterate tories from all parts of the Province, who were constantly urging the Governor on to deeds of violence and desperation. This impression was strengthened by various other causes. Gordon, the historian, informs us, that an intercepted letter from Mr. Mauduit to Commissioner Hollowell, brought over by a vessel from England, which arrived here on the 2d of April, contained distinct intimations, that some of the leading patriots were to be seized and sent to England as traitors. A letter from London, under date of February 24th, 1775, contained this passage : " those Lords who advised the king to declare you rebels, and to apprehend Messrs. Hancock and Adams, have gone so far as to say, that Chatham shall fall a sacrifice to their designs."^ Another letter from London says, " Orders are certainly sent to seize particular persons." ^ Another letter subsequently received, declares that " the administration on Friday received advices from General Gage to the 18 th of

March, wherein he acknowledges the receipt of the king's orders to apprehend Messrs. Gushing, Adams, Hancock, &c., and send them over to England to be tried ; but the second orders which were to hang them in Boston, the General had not received."^ General Gage, as we have already seen, in his letter to Dartmouth, of the l(Sth of January, had suggested the propriety of seizing "the most obnoxious leaders," and offering pardon to all others; and his Proclamation of the 12th of June, 1775, offering " his Majesty's most gracious pardon to all persons who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects, excepting only from the benefits of such pardon, Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment ; " shows that such a measure was premeditated. Lord Dartmouth, in his letter to General Gage, under date of April 15th, expressly declares that the seizure of the most obnoxious leaders "is already provided for."^ These facts prove most conclusively, that one object of the stealthy movement of the British officers on the evening of the 18th of April, Avas to seize these illustrious patriots, that they might suffer the full penalty of treason. This fact was admitted at the time, and has since been acknowledged by foreign,^ as well as by American writers.^

Everything indicated that the crisis was at hand, and a fearful one it was for Massachusetts. General Gage had received a small accession to his forces, which now amounted to about four

' Archives, Vol. ii. p. 386. « Vol. ii. p. 336. ' Botta, Murray, and others. * Shattuck, in his history of Concord, declares that one object of this expedition was "to apprehend Hancock, Adams, Barrett, and other distinguished patriots." - p. 101. We have no disposition to detract from the merits of Colonel Barrett. He was undoubtedly a brave and efficient officer, and a true patriot ; but we are not aware that he stood so prominent as to be known across the Atlantic, and to be ranked with Adams and Hancock, After a pretty thorough examination of authorities, we have found nothing that could, even by implication, include him in the list of the proscribed patriots. He certainly was not exempted from pardon in Gage's proclamation.

The designs of the British, and the belief of the day, are clearly embodied in a tory ballad of that period - more remarkable for truth than for poetry, we imagine.

" As for their king, that John Hancock, And Adams, if they're taken, Their heads for signs shall hang up high, Upon the hill, called Beacon.'' thousand men, well armed and equipped, and, under the most perfect discipline, could be brought into the field at any moment. Large reinforcements were on their way from Europe, and Boston was the place of their destination. On the side of the Province there was no organized army ; not a single company in the field to oppose the march of the king's troops. The whole Province was in a state of comparative disorder. General Gage, by dissolving the Legislature, had left Massachusetts without any lawful government. The Provincial Congress, a body almost self-constituted, assumed to act as a sort of Legislature, and the Committees of Safety and of Supplies were exercising a kind of Executive power. And though these bodies, under all the circumstances of the case, acted with great wisdom and efficiency, so far as they were concerned, they had no power to enforce their measures, and no adequate means in their hands to procure the necessary troops or munitions of war. Though the Provincial Congress had, as early as October, 1774, recommended the purchase of arms and amnnmition to the amount of £20,800, their Treasurer, on the 25th of April, 1775, reported that only abovit £5,000 had come into his hands. ^ The poverty of the people and the deai'th of military stores within the Province, are manifest from the journals of those bodies. Most of the arms in the hands of the people, were their old hunting guns, without bayonets ; and hence votes were passed by Congress earnestly recommending the purchase and manufacture of that essential appendage of the musket. The manufacture of saltpetre was also urged upon the people, that they might be able to supply the great demand for powder. The towns were earnestly called upon to furnish as far as possible, a certain quantity of bayonets, jDowder and " firelocks."

The records show the great difficulties under which the Committee of Supplies labored. Many of their votes indicated the strait to which they were driven. ^ They were directed to

' " Voted unanimously by both Committees, that the Committee of Supplies do procure ten tons of brimstone, provided it can be had on this condition : that the Committee of Supplies agree to pay therefor, when the present owner shall have opportunity to sell the same, or that it shall be returned in six months, if not used ; and if used, it shall be paid for." - Journal of the Committee of Supplies and Safety, February 21, 1775.

"endeavor to procure "such and such articles. The supply of military stores and of provisions, indicated their destitution both in the implements and the sinews of war. The Committee of Supplies were directed to "endeavor to procure" 200 spades, 150 iron shovels, 150 pickaxes, 1000 six-quart iron pots, 200 bill-hooks, 1000 wooden mess-bowls, 1 tenon-saw, 200 axes, 50 wheelbarrows, and a suitable supply of wooden spoons ; also 355 barrels of pork, 700 barrels of flour, 300 bushels of beans, and 20 tierces of rice. Limited as were these amounts, and active as were the endeavors of the Committee, these amounts could not be fully obtained. They also obtained as many fieldpieces as they could, but so limited was the supply, that certain officers were directed, if possible, to borrow of those wdio possessed them, that the men might be instructed in their use. With such comparative destitution, and with a population of only about three hundred thousand, without any organized government, and almost without money or credit, INIassachusetts dared with a small number of undisciplined and half-armed militia, to withstand the mighty energy of Great Britain, lately victorious on both continents over the most powerful nations of the earth. But great as was the disparity, the patriots stood firm. Animated by the justice of their cause, and sustained by a lively faith in an over-ruling Providence, they were determined to do their duty, and trust the issue to Him " who bringeth the princes to nothing, and taketh up the isles as a very little thing."

General Gage having obtained all needed information relative to the topography of the country, planned a secret expedition to Concord, for the purpose of destroying the military stores there deposited. On the 15th of April, on the pretence of teaching the grenadiers and light infantry some new discipline or evolutions, he detached about eight hundred of them from the main body, and marched them to another part of the town. At night the boats of the transport ships, wdiich had been hauled up for repairs, were launched and moored under the sterns of the menof-war, lying in the river. But the object of this movement was suspected by the watchful patriots ; and Dr. Warren, ever upon the alert, inmiediately caused information to be communicated to his friends in the neighboring towns ; and a messenger was dispatched to Hancock and Adams at Lexington. This timely notice enabled the Committee of Safety, of which Hancock was chairman, to adopt the precautionary measure on the 17th and 18th, of having a portion of the cannon and stores at Concord, removed to Sudbury, Stow, and Groton ; and another portion secreted in different places within the town.

On Tuesday, the 18th of April, Gen. Gage detailed a number of his officers, and sent them out of town with instructions to post themselves on the several roads leading from Boston, to prevent, if possible, all intelligence of his intended expedition that night from reaching the country. To prevent suspicion a part of them left Boston in the morning, and dined that day in Cambridge. Late in the afternoon, they proceeded leisurely on horseback towards Lexington and Concord. The Committees of Safety and Supplies had been in session that day at Wetherby's tavern at Menotomy, now Arlington ; and as they had not completed their business, had adjourned over to nine o'clock the next morning. Mr. Gerry, afterwards Vice President of the United States, and Colonels Orne and Lee, remained there to spend the night. Mr. Richard Devens and Mr. Abraham Watson started in a chaise for Charlestown ; but meeting a number of British officers on horseback, they returned to inform their friends at Wetherby's and remained there till the officers had passed, when they returned to Charlestown. Mr. Gerry lost no time in sending an express to Hancock and Adams, that " eight or nine officers were out, suspected of some evil design." The messenger took a by-path and arrived safely at Lexington.^ But a verbal message had already communicated to the people of Lexington the fact that these officers were on the road.

" Solomon Brown of Lexington, who had been to market at Boston on the 18th, returned late in the afternoon, and informed Col. Munroe, then the orderly sergeant of the militia company, that he had seen nine British officers, dressed in blue greatcoats, passing leisurely up the road, sometimes before and sometimes behind him, armed, as he discovered by the occasional blowing aside of their greatcoats. ]\lunroe suspecting their intention was to seize Hancock and Adams, immediately collected a guard of eight men, well armed and equipped, and placed them, himself at their head, at the lioiise of Mr. Clarke, which was about a quarter of a mile from the main i"oad leading to Concord. Small parties of British officers in the spring of that year, had frequently been seen making excursions into the country, early in the day, and returning before evening. But the unusually late hour of their passing up at this time, excited the attention of our citizens, and drew together at an early hour in the evening, about thirty of the militia, well armed, and ready for any emergency to which the critical and alarming state of things might suddenly call them. It had been currently reported that the British had threatened that Hancock and Adams should not stay at Lexington ; and it Avas generally believed to be the object of these officers who had passed up, to return secretly at a late hour in the night and seize them, and carry them to Boston. After some consultation, it was concluded by those present to send three of their number, Sanderson, Brown, and Loring, towards Concord to watch the British officers, and endeavor to ascertain and give information of then' movements. In the borders of Lincoln the whole three men were taken prisoners by the British officers, who were paraded across the road."'

Soon after Mr. Devens had arrived at Charlestown, he received intelligence that the British troops in Boston were in motion, and were preparing to leave the town on some secret expedition. A signal had previously been agreed upon. If the British attempted an expedition by the Neck, two lanterns were to be hung out from the steeple of the Old North Church, and if by water, one. Devens, an ardent patriot, and an active member of the Committee of Safety, kept his eye upon the Church ; the lantern soon conveyed the tidings that the troops were leaving Boston, by crossing the river. Believing that Concord was the place of theu' destination, and fearing for the safety of his friends at Menotomy and Lexington, he immediately prepared to dispatch messengers with the intelligence.

General Gage in the meantime supposed that his movement was unobserved, and that his expedition was known only to himself and the few officers to whom he had committed the secret. Stedman, the English historian, who accompanied Percy in this expedition, informs us that Gage sent for Percy that evening about nine o'clock, and communicated to him the contemplated expedition, and congratulated himself upon his success in keeping it from the patriots. But as Percy was crossing the Common a short time after, he saw a group of citizens assembled ; and mingling with them, he found the subject of this expedition to Concord was freely spoken of and well understood ; whereupon he hastened back to Gage's quarters, and gave him the information.^ Mortified at the intelligence, and to prevent its further spread, he immediately issued orders that no one should be permitted to leave Boston.

But it was too late. The intelliirence had gone forth from the Old North Church with the rapidity of light ; and Dr. Warren had a few minutes before dispatched Paul Revere and William Dawes into the country to give the information, and alarm the people. A little before eleven o'clock, Revere crossed the river in his own boat, close to the Somerset man-of-war, unobserved, and landed at Charlestown, where he had an interview with Mr. Devens, who informed him that ten British officers, well armed and mounted, were upon the road. A fleet horse was obtained of Deacon Larkin, and Revere started on his perilous mission about eleven o'clock. Soon after passing Charlestown neck, he fell in with two British officers who attempted to arrest him ; but turning his horse back towards Charlestown, he gained the Medford road, and owing to the fleetness of his horse, he escaped from his pursuers, one of whom in attempting to cut him off, rode into a clay-pit.

Relieved from such troublesome company. Revere passed through Medford to Menotomy, alarming the people by the way, and arrived safely at Lexington, where he found Rev. Mr. Clarke's house guarded by sergeant Munroe and eight men. This was a little past midnight ; and on requesting to be admitted to Mr. Clarke's house, he was told by the sergeant that the family had just retired, and had requested that they might not be disturbed by any noise about the house. "Noise," exclaimed Revere, " You'll have noise enough before long. The regulars are coming out." He was then permitted to pass. On knocking at the door, Mr. Clarke opened a window, and inquired who was there. Revere without answering the question, said he wished to see Mr. Hancock. Mr. Clarke, ever deliberate and watchful, was intimating that he did not like to admit strangers to his house at that time of night, without knowing who they were, and the character of their business ; when Hancock, who had retired to rest, but not to sleep, recognizing Revere's voice, cried out, " Come in, Revere, we are not afraid of you." Shortly after, Dawes, who came out through Roxbuiy, arrived. They both brought the intelligence that " a large body of troops, supposed to be a brigade of twelve or' fifteen hundred men, were embarked in boats at Boston, and gone over to Lechmere's Point in Cambridge ; and it was suspected that they were ordered to seize and destroy the stores belonging to the Colony at Concord."^

After refreshing themselves at Lexington, Revere and Dawes, not knowing the fate of the three men who had been sent up the road from Lexington, set off for Concord to alarm the people. Soon after, they were overtaken by Dr. Prescott, a young gentleman of Concord, who had been spending the evening at Lexington. Being an ardent whig, Prescott entered heartily into their design, and they proceeded towards Concord, alarming the people on the road. Before reaching Brooks's tavern at the Concord line, they were suddenly met by a party of British officers, armed and mounted, who immediately surrounded and captured Revere, who was in advance of his companions. Prescott, being a little in the rear, eluded them, and leaping a stone wall, made his escape, and arrived safely in Concord, where he gave the alarm. The same officers had already taken Sanderson, Brown and Loring of Lexington, and had them then in custody. These prisoners were all subjected to a rigid examination. Presenting their pistols, the officers threatened to blow out the brains of their captives, if they did not give true answers to their questions. They interrogated the Lexington men relative to Hancock and Adams, and inqim*ed where they could be found. They also questioned Revere, who at first gave them rather evasive answers ; but finding himself in their keeping, and seeing no way of escape, he said to them firmly, " Gentlemen, you have missed your aim." One of the officers said, "What aim?" Revere replied, "I came out from Boston an hour after your troops left, and if I had not known that messengers had been sent out to give information to the country, and have had time enough to carry it fifty miles, I would have ventured one shot from you, before I would have suffered you to stop me." Startled at this, they pushed their inquiries further, when, on hearing the sound of a distant boll, one of the Lexington prisoners said to them, "The bell 's ringing - the town's alarmed - and you are all dead men." These declarations frightened the British officers, who, after a brief consultation aside, started on their return towards Lexington. They kept possession of their prisoners till they came within about one hundred rods of the meeting-house, when taking Revere's horse from him, and cutting the girths of the saddles, and the bridles of the other prisoners, the officers left them, and rode off at full speed towards Boston. This was about three o'clock on the morning of the 19th.^

While these things were occurring on the road towards Concord, the alarm spread rapidly throughout Lexington, and the minute-men were summoned to assemble at their usual place of parade on the Common. At two o'clock on the morning of the 19th, Captain John Parker caused the roll of his company to be called, and ordered every man to load his gun with powder and ball. After remaining some time upon parade, one of the messengers who had been sent towards Boston, returned and reported that he could hear nothing of the regulars, as the

-' The Ride of Paul Revere" has been made classic by the poem, " Tales of a Wayside Inn," by Longfellow. We have heard of poetic lice7ise, but have always understood that this sort of latitude was to be confined to modes of expression and to thp regions of the imagination, and should not extend to historic facts. This distinction Longfellow has not been careful to observe. He says of Revere :

Now the plain truth, as stated by Revere himself, and by all other authorities, is that he did not even enter the township of Concord, or approach within several miles of Concord bridge. When poets pervert plain matters of history, to give speed to their Pegasus, they should be restrained, as Revere was in hia midnight ride.

British troops were then generally called. This created the impression that the movement of the troops at Boston was a mere feint on the part of General Gage, to call off public attention from some expedition he was about to undertake in some other direction. The evening being cool, the company was dismissed, with orders to assemble again at the beat of the drum. Some who resided in the immediate neighborhood, repaired to their own homes, but the greater part of them went to Buckman's tavern, near the place of parade.^

It may aid the reader in understanding what is to follow, to give a brief description of the village, and of the localities where the principal events occurred. Lexington is about twelve miles north-west of Boston, and six miles south-east of Concord. The immediate village at that time did not contain more than eijrht or ten houses. " The road from Boston divides near the centre of the village. The branch leading to Concord passes to the left, and that to Bedford to the right of the meeting-house, forming two sides of a triangular green or common, on the south-easterly corner of which stood the meeting-house, facing directly down the road leading to Boston. The road is straight for about one hundred rods below the meeting-house, and nearly level. The common is a pleasant level green, containing about two acres, surrounded by trees, having on the left a gently rising knoll, where the present monument now stands."^ On the right of the meeting-house, neai'ly opposite, and separated from the common by the road leading to Bedford, stood Buckman's tavern. The house is still standing, and is owned by the ]Merriams ; and its perforated clapboards are living witnesses of the attack of a ruthless foe. On the north side of the green, in the rear of the meeting-house, at about twenty rods, were two dwelling houses, one the site of the present house owned and occupied by Mr. James Gould, and the other the old house now standing and owned by Mr. Bo wen Harrington. These houses, with their out-buildings, and one or two shops, formed the northerly boundary of the common. North of this is a belt of low swampy ground, extending Avithout interruption for a considerable distance, from the north-east to the south-west. The present Bedford road not then having been constructed, the travel to Bedford passed by the house of the Eev. Mr. Clarke, on what is now known as Hancock street. There were also houses on the Concord road southerly of the common - the one

Monroe. The accompanying diagram will show more fully the localities of the events of that day, and the house where Adams and Hancock were staying.