Lexington Town (part 8 of 25)

The sentiments given on the occasion Avere responded to by the distinguished guests, Avho passed the highest eulogiums upon Lexinjiton and her brave minute-men.

Lexington had been blessed in her historic association, and in every department of her history. This had been particularly true of her parochial affairs. It is a lamentable fact that the spiritual concerns of a community, which should teach them forbearance and charity, have in many, very many instances, been the cause of more disputes and heart-burnings, and have produced more rancor and bitterness than almost anything else. Lexington, as we have seen, had been an exception to this too general rule for almost a century and a half.

But alas for human nature ! offences will come. As soon as Lexington became a parish, the people took measures to create a parsonage or ministerial fund, which should secure to them the means of supporting, or rather aid them in supporting the Gospel ministry. They purchased a quantity of land, and set it apart for that pui'pose. The original cost of the land was but about $67, which was raised by a tax upon the parish. This land, or the avails of it, ha\-e been cherished Avith great fondness, and managed Avith extreme care and fidelity. In 1817, an Aci Avas obtained, incorporating certain persons as Trustees of the IMinisterial Fund, Avhose accounts Avere audited annually by the toAvn. This fund in 1830, amounted to the sum of $16,000, besides a quantity of land unsold.

From The Year 1830 To 1867

So long as the people were of one heart and one mind, this fund proved a blessing to the parish - if indeed it be a blessing to any religious society to be relieved from all contributions for the support of religious institutions. It is a principle of our nature to value things somewhat in proportion to the labor and cost of obtaining them ; and this applies to institutions as well as to tangible things. There is generally a more healthy, active religious feeling in societies which sustain themselves by their annual contributions, than in those societies which lean upon funds for support. We arc for from believing that parish funds, in all cases, are a curse. AMien societies are feeble, a parish fund would prove a blessing while it aids them to support the institutions of religion, without paralyzing their own efforts. It is with parishes as with individuals, those are the most prosperous which have made jjersonal efforts, and cultivated the virtue of self-reliance.

In 1830 a portion of those who had worshiped at the church of the old parish, formed themselves into a Baptist society, and subsequently a second Congregational society and a Universalist society were formed in the East Village.

In 1833 an article was inserted in the Warrant for March meeting, which gave embodiment to the feeling which prevailed in the eastern section of the town. " To see if the town will move the old meeting-house, or build a ncAv one in some central place, where there can be land procured to build out-buildings ; or build one in the eastern section of the town, and settle a minister as colleague with ]\Ir. Briggs, to supply preaching in both houses." The same article was inserted in the Warrant for a meeting in August of that year ; and though these Articles were voted down by decided majorities, the opposition were not discouraged or disheartened. In October, 1834, they procured the insertion of an Article in the Warrant for a town meeting, - "To see whether the town will petition the Legislature, either to repeal the Act incorporating the Trustees of the jNIinisterial Fund, or to so modify the same that the equal rights to aid from profits resulting therefrom, may be secured to all the inhabitants of said town, agreeably to the intention of its ancient founders." This Article was voted down, 120 to 64.

Warrant, - " To sec if the town will authorize the Trustees of the Ministerial Fund to pay to a Committee chosen for that purpose, one half of the income of said fund towards the support of a Congregational minister to preach to that part of the First Congregational society who worship in the East Village." This Ai'ticle discloses the fact that those worshiping in the East Village still claim to be members of the old society and vote in their meetings. The town refused to act upon the Article.

This contest went on for years, and town meeting after town meeting was called for the express purpose of obtaining a portion of this fund. Not only those who resided in the East Village, but the Baptists and Universalists, who had formed societies, claimed a share of the fund ; and in order to be more successful, they all retained their membership in the old parish.

From ill health, Rev. I\Ir. Briggs resigned his office as pastor, and Rev. Mr. Swett was invited to take his place. But this only gave a new opportvmity for the disaffected to renew their demand for a portion of the fund. It would be tiresome to go through all the details of this strife. But one thing is certain, viz. that the income of the fund was thej^rize sought. Like the eager heirs of a large estate, they were willing to sacrifice the harmony of the community and the very object of all preaching, in a scramble for the means to pay the preacher.

As was natural, the opposing parties, though they had no common sympathy for each other, would unite against the stronger party, and paralyze their efforts. The old society could not hold a meeting, or settle a minister, or transact their ordinary parish business, without encountering the opposition of those who in a practical point of view, had no sympathy with the society, being alienated either by doctrinal sentiments or sectional feelings from the parish. In 1845 all parties became weary of the strife and came to a mutual understanding, by which the income of the fund should be divided between the different religious societies on the basis of the taxable property held by the members of each society respectively.

Now that the contest is over, and the fund divided on a wise basis, and most of those who took the lead in that unfortunate struggle have passed off the stage, we can look upon this matter impartially, and hence learn wisdom from the foibles of those who have gone before us. The character of the town has suffered by this bitter controversy, the effects of which have hardly yet passed away. And here Lexington does not stand alone. Almost every town which has had any considerable fund, has experienced a like contest and alienation of feeling growing out of it.

On the lejjal riijhts of the case there is no room for doubt. All sucli funds are the property, not of the town, but of the parish. The law of Massachusetts, as expounded by the Courts, is clear. Every original township was a parish, and the two organizations, the Municipal and the Parochial, co-existed. AVhen a bequest was made to the town, or when the town created a fund for the support of the minister, the property vested in the parish - the town being nothing but Trustee for the parish. But the case of the Lexington Fund was still stronger. The land which formed the basis of this fund was bought and paid for by the parish, nearly twenty years before the town had a being. Consequently it belonged to the parish by as good a title as is known to the law. "When, therefore, a person ceased to be a member of the parish, he ceased to be a joint owner of the fund. By leaving the parish he relinquished all right in and control over this parish property. While he remained in the parish he would have a right to vote ; but being a member of a corporation, he must submit to the voice of the majority. If, therefore, those people who had formed themselves into a Baj)tist Society, or a Universalist Society, or who worshiped at the East Village, had left the old parish, they could have no legal claim upon the fund. But if they still belonged to the old parish, they were legally bound by a vote of the majority. So that at no time during this controversy, were any of their legal rights infringed.

But they claimed that they had an equitable right to their share of the fund. This certainly deserves consideration. But on what was such a claim founded ? On the original intent of those who created the fund ? They designed it for the support of the ministry in their parish, and not in other rival societies which would tend to break down the parish for which they were providing. Did they base their claim in equity on the fact that they were members of the parish, and should have their share of the profits of the Fund? If they were members of the parish, they were bound in law and equity to abide by the voice of the majority. Did those at the East Village claim a portion of the fund on the ground that they lived at a great distance from the meeting-house ? It is a notorious fact that at the time the fund Avas created, and the meeting-house built on the Common, there was a greater proportion of the inhabitants at the extreme eastern and other out-parts of the township, as compared with the centre, than there Avas Avhen they Avere urging their plea.

Besides, all pleas of right imply corresponding obligations and duties. Suppose the parish had been in debt for their meetinghouse, or for the past salaries of their ministers, would these discontented persons have been AA'illing to be taxed to pay that indebtedness? I apprehend that under that state of things, they Avould have regarded it as an act of injustice to call upon them to help pay the old debt, contracted it may be, before they Avere born, and would have shoAvn their unwillingness by leaving the society. And further, Avas it acting on principles of moral equity to retain their legal membership, that they might be able to A^ote themselves a portion of this fund, Avhen in fact, they were members of other societies, AAdiich they Averc laboring to build up at the expense of the old parish ? The facts in the case shoAv that those Avho had formed rival societies, had no claim in law or equity to any portion of the fund.

At the same time the old parish Avere unAvise in resisting the application as long as they did. A little sober reflection sliould have taught them that the peace and harmony of the tOAvn Avas worth more in a civil, social, and religious point of a'Icav, than a fcAV hundred dollars of the Ministerial Fund. They should have seen earlier than they did, that a determined minority would be likely to succeed in the end ; and that it Avas a safe and A\'ise policy to soothe rather than exasperate an opposition ; and that it was wiser to bestow cheerfully than Avait and be compelled to yield reluctantly. And had they not brooded over this fund so long, and cherished it Avitli so much fondness, they might have seen that the tendency of a large fund Avas to paralyze rather than quicken religious feeling - the great object for Avhich the Christian ministry Avas instituted. They acted discreetly at last in

From The Year 1830 To 1867

Now that the whole thing is past, and the effects are known, no doubt all parties can see the errors into which they were betrayed ; and are now ready to admit that the peace of the community is of more true worth, and the reputation of the town is more valuable, than the income of any ordinary fund, though it may be denominated Muiisterial. Experience must have taught all parties, that a large fund to support the ministry will not increase the interest and religious engagedness of a society, and that any portion of such a fund, obtained by strife, will not insure permanency to the societies which receive it.

We Avould gladly have passed over this unfortunate page in the history of this otherwise peaceful town. But the impartial historian should record the unpleasant events which occur, as well as those which are more agreeable. It is from this presentation of light and shade that the spirit of the age may be seen, and the true character of individuals or communities may be known.

The Act of the Legislature, in 1845, providing for a distribution of the income of the Ministerial fund, was accepted by the town by a unanimous vote, March 31, 1845. Thus an end was put to that unpleasant and unprofitable controversy, and at the same time the subject was removed from the consideration of the town, and delivered over to the parishes.

When that remarkable man, Louis Kossuth, former Governor of Hungary, fled from his country to escape the barbarity of Austria, and visited the United States, he was invited by the Governor of Massachusetts, at the request of the Legislature, to visit our Capital and become the guest of the State. He complied with the invitation, and during his sojourn in the State, visited most of the principal cities and towns, where he was received and welcomed by thousands of the inhabitants. Being an exile from his native land, and an ardent lover of free institutions, he would naturally desire to visit the birth-place of American Liberty. He was invited to Lexington. On the 11th of May, 1852, he left Boston, and taking West Cambridge in his route, he was escorted by the horsemen of that and the neighboring towns, to the boundary of Lexington, where he was received by the Lexington Committee and a hirge cavalcade. The procession then moved to Lexington Common, where a rostrum had been erected near the JNIonument, and ap})ropriately decorated. All sides of the Common were hung with flags, tastefully arranged ; at the entrance was the inscription - " Welcome to THE BiUTii-rLACE OF Amekican Liberty." a large concourse of people had assembled at the Green, and the school children were arranged along the walk, who greeted Kossuth as he passed.

On reaching the platform, Kossutli was introduced by Col. Isaac IL Wright to Hon. Charles Hudson, Chairman of the Lexington Committee, who addressed him as follows :

" GovEUNOn Kossuth, - As the orf^an of the citizens of Lexington, I bid you a cordial welcome to this quiet and peaceful village. We are assembled here this morning to pay our lionors and to tender our sympathy to one who in other lands, has so nobly vindicated the rights of man against the encroachments of arbitrary and despotic power. Your advocacy of human rights, your devotion to the best interests of your beloved country, your labors for her welfare, and your suffering in her behalf, justly commend you to the friends of free institutions throughout the world. We rejoice in this opportunity of tendering to you our unfeigned regard, and to 3'our bleeding country our kindest sympathy.

" We welcome you to this consecrated spot, on which was shed the first blood in that glorious struggle which made us a free and prosperous people, and gave us a name among the nations of the earth. But these blessin<TS were dearly bought. This Green has been trampled by a foreign foe. Here our fathers met their oppressors, and this unpretending stone tells the sad story of their fate. In yonder humble dwelling,' our domestic exiles, the proscribed Hancock and Adams, sought a retreat, and, like the heroes in Grecian story, consulted the patriot priest on the safety of the Commonwealth.

" But a brighter day has dawned upon our country ; and some of the sainted patriots who passed through those struggles, through that wilderness of dangers, and that Red sea of blood, are here to-day to partake of the blessings of this Canaan of rest.

" So may it be with your beloved country! Though a dark cloud overshadows her, its gilded margin betokens a brighter sky, and points to the bow of promise. Your country must ultimately be free. Austria and Russia may combine against her, but their efforts cannot prosper. Let

Prom The Year 1830 To 1867. ' 301

" I again welcome you to the birth-place of American liberty, and to all the hallowed associations which cluster around this place. I welcome you to the hearts of this people."

*- It is their sacrificed blood with which is written the preface of your nation's history. Their death was and ever will be the first bloody revelation of America's destiny, and Lexington the opening scene of a revolution, that is destined to change the character of human governments, and the condition of the human race." '

After Kossuth had finished his remarks, he was introduced to Jonathan Harrington and Amariah Preston, both soldiers of the Revolution, and each of them ninety-four years of age, and to many others of our citizens, Avhen he visited the old Clarke house, and moved on to Concord, where he had another public reception, made a speech, and returned to Boston the same day.

On the 28th of March, 1854, Jonathan Harrington, the last survivor of the battle of Lexington, closed his earthly career, aged 95 years, 8 months, and 18 days. At his funeral a large concourse of people assembled, a military procession Avas formed, and the greatest respect was shown to tlie memory of one, who in liis early youth had sounded the shrill notes of liberty in the

' Louis Kossuth was truly a wonderful man. A stranger in our country, and only self-taught in our language, and consequently unacquainted with our history, - he passed from place to place, speaking almost daily to large assemblies, in different localities, and displaying a knowledge of the local history of each place, which would actually be instructive to the permanent inhabitants. The readiness with which he acquired a knowledge of our history, general and local, was surprising. He was, in fact, a man of remarkable talents. And when we consider the persecution he had suffered in his own country, the perseverance with which he pursued his efforts for her independence, we can easily excuse any extravagant theories into which he may have fallen, and any impatience he may have manifested, at what he regarded the backwardness of this country in entering into his visionary scheme of delivering Hungary from the yoke of Austria.

ears of foreign oppressors, and had lived to witness the happy fruits of that Revolution, in the opening scene of which he had participated.^

As we are to enter upon that part of our history which connects us with a mighty struggle to sustain our institutions, it is due the truth of history to state the cause of this gigantic rebellion. It is well known that immediately after the Revolution, the subject of African slavery was agitated in the country ; and though our high-minded and patriotic statesmen. North and South, i-egardcd the institution as corrupt and degrading to our national character, they fondly believed that the odious system would soon cease in the Republic. And having dedicated all the territory owned by the United States to freedom by the ordinance of 1787, our fathers adopted our Constitution recognizing slavery as an existing fact. Such, however, was their aversion to the system, that they would not suffer the word slave or slavery to be inserted in the Constitution - declaring that they believed that in a short time slavery would cease ; and they would not suffer the great charter of our Liberty to be polluted by a term which might render it the scoff' of the nations of the earth.

But the acquisition of Louisiana, and the culture of cotton which sprang up, changed the whole aspect of this question. The States of Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, which had regarded slavery as a pecuniary burden, now found that breeding slaves for the Southern market, became profitable ; and instead of following up their oft declared resolution of blotting out the foul stain from their escutcheon, they became wedded to an institution Avhich filled their coffers, and joined with the Gulf States in attempting to extend slavery. As that corrupt system impeded their growth in wealth and population, the South saw that they should lose that control over the destiny of the nation, which they had been able to exert from the foundation of the Government ; and to counteract this tendency, they, by the aid of their northern allies, annexed Texas to inci'ease the slaveholding territory ; and for the same object, they involved the country in an unnecessary Avar with jMcxico. And after obtaining the ill-fated compromises of 1850, they, aided by their northera followers, succeded in repealing the Missouri Compromise, that slavery might be extended into Kansas, Nebraska, and the whole north-western territory. These measures all designed, not only to sustain, but to extend slavery, opened the eyes of the free States, and gave rise to the Republican party, and so increased their strength that they were enabled to elect their President.

When the result of this election was known, the southern aspirants, without waiting for the development of President Lincoln's policy, resolved to overthrow the Government which they saw they could no longer control. The jjolicy of the out-going Administration seemed to favor their design. Large quantities of arms and munitions of war had been removed from our northern forts and arsenals, and deposited in the southern States. Our ships of war were mostly dismantled or sent to foreign stations. The leaders at the south availed themselves of these advantages, and strove to set up a slaveholding confederacy on the ruins of our free Republic. One of their number, a leading South Carolinian, declared publicly that the dissolution of the Union was the object at which he had been aiming for twenty years. And Mr. Stevens, the Vice President of the boasted, but short-lived Confederacy, boldly declared that their object was to establish a confederacy whose corner stone should be slavery. His words are : - " The new Constitution has put at rest forever, all agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution. African slavery, as it exists among us, is the proper status of the negi'O in our form of civilization. Our new government is founded, its corner stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man ; that slavery is his natural and normal condition." Such, in brief, was the object of the rebels, and such the cause of their revolt. And the history of the world does not furnish a more causeless, unjustifiable, or wicked rebellion. It was conceived in a vain ambition, commenced in the basest perfidy, and prosecuted with savage cruelty. Such will be the verdict of posterity. The object of the leaders of the rebellion was to raise themselves to power by building up a slaveholding oligarchy, as oppressive to the mass of the white population as to the black.

Many of the heroes of the Revohition had lived to see the fruit of tlicir toils and sacrifices, in the prosperity of their country. They had seen the nation in her rapid march of improvement and civihzation, occupying a proud position among the nations of the eartli - teaching the votaries of freedom throughout, the civilized \vorld, that liberty was conducive to national prosperity and greatness. But these sainted patriots had passed off the stage, leaving a people enjoying greater blessings than had ever before fallen to the lot of any nation ; and we, their descendants, born to this rich inheritance, had almost forgotten the sacrifices with which this vast patrimony was purchased.

The present generation considered their freedom secure. They saw the nation moving forward with gigantic strides, and our flag respected in every part of the habitable earth ; and knowing we had nothing to fear from any foreign power, and deeming the Union of the States perpetual, they had suflfered the idea of military defence to pass almost into oblivion. They had heard the threats of dissolving the Union, but they regarded them as the idle vaunting of the reckless few, scarcely woi'thy of a moment's consideration. And when they saw a few factious leaders of a restless and disappointed minority, quitting their seats in Congress for no other conceivable reason, than that they were out-voted at the polls, they could not believe that they would dare to raise a parricidal hand against the country w^hich bore them. Such was the confidence of the great mass of the people in the permanence of the Union, and the love of country which prevailed even at the South, that they could hardly dream of taking up arms against their southern brethrpn ; fondly believing that decrees of secession, like paper blockades, would prove perfectly harmless in the end. And it was not till the air reverberated with the thunders of the artillery opened upon Fort Sumter, that the mass of our people realized that there was any occasion for buckling on their armor in defence of their rights. The same telegram which brought the ncAvs of the fall of Sumter, was freighted with a call for seventy-five thousand men. Unprepared as they were, the call met a hearty response from the people, which showed that the fire of patriotism, which had been buried among the cares and bustle of business, had not expired. An impulse like that which went out from Lexington in 1775, seized

From The Year 1830 To 1867

Towns vied with each other in their efforts to send men into the field ; and the young men were ready to enroll themselves for the defence of their country. As might be expected in any sudden emergency, when all that we hold dear seemed to be at stake, some of the efforts made in pure patriotism, were not wisely considered, and hence partially failed of their object. But the spectacle was truly grand ; and one which should have taught the rebels the hopelessness of their cause, and the nations of i^^urope the strength and permanence of our institutions. To see a people bred to the arts of peace, and actively engaged in business pursuits, start up as one man, and devote all their energies to the preservation of the Union, is a spectacle truly sublime - showing that the present generation are worthy of their patriotic sires, and that the love of liberty which glowed in the breast of our fathers, was not quenched in the bosoms of their sons. This rising of the people displayed in striking contrast, the baseness of the slavery-loving rebels of the South, and the noble spirit of the free sons of the N^orth.

Fort Sumter was attacked on the 12th of April, and taken possession of on the 14th. On the loth of April, 1861, the President issued his proclamation, calling for troops. Several regiments in IMassachusetts responded at once to the call. Though Lexington, like most of the country towns, had no organized company, several of our young men volunteered and enlisted in companies out of town which were under marching orders. An effort was made to raise a company in Lexington ; but there being no manufacturing or other business to retain the young men in the place, it was found difficult to obtain a full company in the town, and hence they united with a neighboring town, in the hope of gathering a full comj)any. While this effort was being made, a to%vn meeting was held, at which it was unanimously voted to appropriate the sum of four thousand dollars to aid the cause ; and a large Committee was chosen to disburse the same, as far as might be necessary, to encourage enlistments, and supply the wants of the fiimilies of those who should enter the service, for the period of three months - that being the only term then required. But immediately after this appropriation, and before the company was full, the President announced that no more three months' men would be accepted ; but that all volunteers must enlist for three years. In the meantime the State Legislature assembled and passed an Act confirming contracts already made by towns in aid of enlistments, and virtually prohibiting such appropriations in future. This changed the whole state of affairs; and the company nearly filled, not choosing to offer themselves for a three years' service, the Committee felt constrained to confine their expenditures to the amount already contracted for. The sum actually expended for clothing, drill-officers, and supplying the families of the soldiers in service, amounted to about six hundred dollars ; and the Committee in their Report submitted to the town, and recorded upon the town book, say : - " In view of the whole subject, the Committee believe that the money by them disbursed, has, vmdcr the peculiar and exciting state of things under which they have been called to act, been expended in such a manner as to aid the great cause we all have at heart, by contributing to the comfort of the gallant men who have entered the service, and of the families they have left behind them."

Under the novel state of things which existed at the breaking out of the Kebellion, and with the patriotic enthusiasm of the people, it is not strange that errors were committed, and unwise expenditures made in very many cases ; but the town records of Lexington show, that while she had patriotism enough to make a generous appropriation to encourage men to enter the service, and to provide for the comfort of them and their families, she had at the same time wisdom and prudence sufficient to guide her emotions, and to expend no more than seemed to be conducive to those ends.

While some of our neiohboring towns, at the commencement of the war, expended thousands of dollars in a way which they themselves at a later period, saw to be fruitless, Lexington can look back upon her early expenditures with a conviction that they were judicious, and that the balance of the appropriation was more wisely and usefully applied at a later period, than it could have been during the first six months of the war.

From The Year 1830 To 1867

called together, " To see what measures the town will adopt in relation to furnishing the town's quota of soldiers, under the call of the President of the United States."

*' Wliereas, the present alarming state of the country requires that large reen for cements should be sent forth without delay, to sustain our gallant soldiers now in the field, and to put down the existing unrighteous rebellion ,- and as the devoted President of the United States, in the discharge of his official duty, has made an appeal to the patriotism of the people, and the Governor of the Commonwealth, prompt to every such appeal, has designated the quotas of men required of every town : - And whereas the Town of Lexington was the first to seal her devotion to freedom and equal rights, in 1775, and the blood of her slaughtered citizens cries to us from the ground, to sustain the cause in which they offered themselves a living sacrifice; and as every citizen is under the most sacred obligations to bear his share, if not of the perils, yet of the burdens and sacrifices of this righteous contest, and is bound to encourage, support, and sustain those who obey their country's call, and manfully enroll themselves in defence of our dearest rights and privileges; - It is therefore, in open Town-meeting legally called for the purpose,

" Voted unanimously. That a bounty of one hundred dollars be offered to each and every patriotic soldier who will volunteer into the service of the United States, for the period of three years, unless sooner discharged, to fill the quota of twenty men required of this town."

Soon after, a call was made by the President for nine months' men, and the quota of Lexington was thirty-one. The town, at a meeting called for the purpose, on the 29th of August, voted a bounty of two hundred dollars. This quota was promptly filled by enlisting \hSxiy-two men, - five of them for three years. Under tliis vote the town expended six thousand two hundred dollars.

At a subsequent meeting, tlie town made ample provision for the support of the soldiers' families beyond what was allowed by the State, and requested the Assessors to abate the poll tax of all soldiers in the service.

to pay tlic bounty for recruits, individuals subject to militaiy duty, and others not subject to such duty, contributed freely to the same object. All such sums, however, were reimbursed by the town, so that the cost of procuring soldiers, except some incidental expenses, was ultimately paid by the town. Hammon Reed, Esq., Chairman of the Selectmen, in his report in 1866, states the amount paid by the town for procuring soldiers during the rebellion, exclusive of the expenses of town officers, at $25,692. To this amount may safely be added for the sum paid to the families of soldiers, beyond what was reimbursed by the State, and for other incidental expenses, $1,500 - making the gross sum of $27,192. The Selectmen also state that the town had furnished, including re-enlistments, two hundred and forty-four soldiers, being nine more than the town's quota.

In addition to this there were two organized sewing societies working for the hospitals, which sent forward a large amount of clothing and stores for the benefit of the sick and wounded. Lexington also furnished one hospital nurse, ^ whose services were scarcely surpassed by any of that class of self-sacrificing ladies, who submitted to every hardship, and encountered every danger, to relieve the sufferings of the patriotic defenders of our free institutions. As much true moral courage was required to brave disease in the hospitals, as bullets in the field. Lexington furnished two hundred and forty-four soldiers and seamen, being, nine more than her quota, and Ave believe that none of them brought any dishonor upon the town. And though Lexington at the commencement of the rebellion had no military company, and consequently her citizens could commence with no military prestige, yet their record was creditable to themselves and the place they represented. Two^ of our citizens entered the service as Captains ; one ^ as second Lieutenant, and beCame a Lieutenant Colonel ; one ^ as a private and became Assistant- Adjutant General with the rank of Captain ; one^ who went out a non-commissioned officer rose to be Major and Commissary of Subsistence ; one ^ who went out as a private rose to the rank of

From The Year 1S30 To 1867

Captain and Major by brevet ; and one ^ who went out as a private rose to the rank of Quartermaster. Several otliers became warrant officers while in service.

Such in brief is the military record of Lexington during the slaveholders' rebellion - and of this record no intelligent citizen need to be ashamed. Lexington has been true to herself, and true to the great principles of civil liberty. She has contributed her share to sustain those institutions which resulted from the American Revolution, the opening scene of which Avas performed within her limits by her own citizens.

When the late unholy rebellion was substantially brought to a close by the capture of the rebel armies, and the people of the free States were filled with rejoicing at the glorious event, the nation was suddenly thrown into a state of consternation by the tidings of the assassination of our excellent President, who had, with so much wisdom and patriotism, conducted us successfully through the war ; and as soon as the first feelmg of surprise had subsided, the emblems of rejoicing were displaced by the insignia of mourning. The flags which were thrown to the breeze in honor of our victories, were lowered half-mast as a token of the nation's grief; and the loud huzzas that were echoing through the air gave place to sighs and lamentations ; and the thousand bells which were resounding in joy and gladness, ceased their merry peals, that they might toll in unison Avith the sad laments of the people. Everywhere throughout the free States, a solemn silence reigned, and the whole community felt that the country had met with an irreparable loss. All parties, with one accord, were ready to testify to the worth of the departed statesman, and to do honor to his memory.

The 19th of April, a day dear to every citizen of Lexington, was set apart for the funeral solemnities at Washington ; and the people throughout the country were invited to observe the day in some appropriate manner. The people of Lexington assembled at the church of the first parish, which was suitably draped with the insignia of mourning, and appropriate services were performed in the presence of a large and sympathizing assembly. Kev. L. J. Livermore, assisted by Kev. Mr. Savage, conducted the devotional exercises ; Rev. AVilliam T. Stowe delivered an appropriate address ; Charles Hudson, from acquaintance with the deceased, spoke of his personal cliaracter and moral worth ; and further remarks were made by Rev. Caleb Stetson. The occasion was one of peculiar interest, and the assembly retired with a full sense of the nation's loss.

"We cannot close this part of our history without recognizing the hand of God in the trying scenes through which we have passed. Not only the result of the rebellion, but the means employed, show an over-ruling Providence. Slavery, the foul blot upon our national character, had become so interwoven into the texture of southern society, and had so far demoralized the southern heart, that nothing but some great convulsion in the social system could wipe out the stain. Under God this crying evil has been the great instrument of eradicating itself. Slavery, by hardening the heart of the masters, and filling them with a haughty, vain ambition, led them to attempt the overthrow of our free institutions, that they might raise themselves to power, and rule with despotic sway over a confederacy whose corner stone was African servitude. This wicked attempt to degrade and debase four millions of God's creatures - this treacherous effort to overthrow the Government they had sworn to support, and on whose bounty many of them had fattened, showed that the measure of their iniquity was full, and that they were ripe for an overthrow. They waged a cruel war that they might extend and perpetuate slavery, and thereby keep themselves in power. But, short-sighted mortals ! your vain attempts to attain an unholy end by treacherous means, have proved your ruin ! He that rules in the armies of heaven has overruled your ambition for good, and made yoiu* attempt to sustain slavery the means of its overthrow !

AVhoever reads the history of this rebellion aright, will see an all-wise Providence restraining the ambitious designs of unprincipled men, and turning their base instrumentalities against them. Their bloody massacre at Fort Pillow, by which they fondly hoped to dissuade the blacks from entering the army - their more than savage cruelty at Belle Isle and Andersonville, by which they hoped to thin the ranks of the Union armies by starving tlieir prisoners to death, or so reducing them to skeletons, that they would be unfit for service if exchanged, only aroused the indignation of the lovers of our free institutions, and called our brave men to the field. Yes, the innocent blood wickedly shed at Fort Pillow, cried from the ground against them ; and the feeble moans of our starving prisoners in those wretched pens, under the very eyes of the rebel government, were heard on high, and di'ew down the withering frowns of the Righteous Ruler of the universe.

On the other hand the Lord raised up a man to guide the nation through this fiery trial, and bring this Avar to a happy termination. In Abraham Lincoln we had the statesman, the patriot, and the Christian ruler, that the crisis demanded - a man of the people, who knew their wants, feelings, and sentiments, and who was ready at all times to carry out their views, agreeably to the genius and spirit of ovu' admirable form of government. Had he been a modern Cresar, or a second Cromwell, guided by his own personal ambition, we might have had more sanguinary battles, and perhaps more brilliant victories. But we should have had a divided North, and probably we should have found it more difficult to dispose of our Chief, after the war was over, than we did to dispose of the rebels while the war was raging. Or had he been a narrow, conceited man, who obstinately disregarded the popular will, and vainly supposed that he showed his greatness by denouncing and attempting to baiBe the co-ordinate branches of the government, we might have been at the present day in the midst of a desperate struggle, the scorn and jest of the civilized world.

But, by the mercy of God, we were blessed with a truly republican President, who knew the nature of our institutions, and fully realized that he must obey the public will. While he felt it his duty to lead and direct public opinion, as far as practicable, he was fully sensible that any attempt to resist it, or to go far in advance of it, would be fruitless. This fact is fully sustained by his course in relation to the abolition of slavery. He knew the antagonism between freedom and slavery ; he knew that when the exigency should arise, he had the power by the law of nations, to proclaim the slaves free. But as the Avhole step till the public mind was educated up to this point ; so that when such a measure should be adopted, it would be fully sustained both at home and abroad. lie consequently apprised the public in advance, that at the expiration of one hundred days, unless the rebels should lay down their arms and submit to the laws of the Union, he should, in Tirtue of the war power, proclaim "liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to those that were bound."

By this prudent delay, this educating the people up to his position, he was able to issue that immortal Emancipation Proclamation, with the approbation of the community. In this manner he brought about this mighty change without any convulsion in the public mind. This great fountain of iniquity was broken up without producing a ripple upon the surface of public sentiment. In taking this bold and important step, he carefully studied public opinion and the indications of divine Providence. On being urged by an ardent friend in the early part of the war to abolish slavery, he made this characteristic reply: "I have considered this subject prayerfully, and find that while you and I have been in a hurry to abolish slaveiy, the Lord is not ; and I think it wise to wait his time."

President Lincoln acted so wisely, and so in accordance with the spirit of our institutions, that we have, in a manner, the endorsement of the Supreme Kuler upon our form of government. If we were asked, who put down the rebellion, we could answer in the very language of the Preamble of the Constitution, "We, the people of the United States." The people have put down the rebellion agreeably to the genius of our government, by the agent of our own choice, the heaven-appointed Lincoln. Nor does this detract from the worth of the man or the value of his services. On the contrary, it shows that his talents, his integrity, his abiding trust in an over-ruling Pi'ovidence, exactly fitted him for the crisis, and so enabled him to work out a mighty deliverance for his peoi)le.

The American people with one accord have denominated George Washington, the " Father of his Country," and admiring nations have confirmed the designation. And the future historian, when he narrates the events of the late rebellion, will place AuiiAiLUi Lincoln in the same galaxy of illustrious men with Washington ; and as the former is the acknowledged " Father," so the latter will be the admitted " Saviour of his Country." The names of Washington and Lincoln will go down to posterity, and their memories will be cherished by every lover of freedom and equal rights. Washington, in pure patriotism, and with Christian fortitude, labored to resist the encroachments of foreign tyrants, and to build up free institutions in his native land ; Lincoln, with like patriotism and fortitude, labored to repel the assaults of domestic traitors, and to defend these institutions, so that the land of his birth might enjoy the blessings of perpetual and universal freedom. And though Lincoln, by the order of Providence, had no opportunity to participate in the important work of organizing our civil institutions, he enjoyed the privilege of blotting out the only foul stain which deformed the work of our fathers. Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation, which burst the bands of slavery, and set four millions of human beings free, reflects the highest honor upon his character, and will mark an epoch in the world's history as important as that of Magna Charta or the Declaration of Independence.

Chapter Xii

The Incorporation of the Precinct - The Establishment of the Gospel Ministry - The Gathering of a Church, and the Ordination of their First Minister - The Death of Mr. Estabrook, and the Settlement of Mr. Hancock - Settlement and Death of his Son Ebenezer - The Services, Character and Death of Mr. Hancock - His Publications.

As our fathers came to this country to establish a religious commonwealth, and to set up institutions founded on the great principle of accountability to God, no history of their settlement can be perfect or complete, which does not treat of their ecclesiastical affairs. These are so intimately connected wdth their civil and political history, that it is difficult in some cases to say where the one ends and the other begins. By the early laws of this Province, every tract of territory which was erected into a town, was by the same act constituted a parish. Standing in this double relation, most of the parochial business was transacted in town meetings. It was generally in the town meetings that votes were passed for building meeting-houses, settling ministers, and providing for their support. These measures are so nearly associated with the municipal affairs of the towns, and the same individuals beln^ voters both in the town and the parish, that we shall not attempt to draw any distinct line of separation between the parochial and the municipal. Under the head of " ecclesiastical histor}'," we shall not treat of those public acts performed in town meetings, such as building and repairing houses of worship, but rather present the spiritual condition of the people, the character of their religious teachers, and the acts pertaining to the church, as an organization distinct from that of the parish.

For about forty years after the first settlements were made in what now constitutes Lexington, the people were destitute of a minister, whom they could call their own. The territory belonging to Cambridge, and most of the settlers being from that town, and many of them being members of the church in that place, they would naturally adhere to the old society, until the demand for a separate organization should become pressing. It appears also that the people of Cambridge proper were anxious that those who had removed to the "Farms," should continue their relationship with the parent church. But as the inconvenience to the settlers was great, they desired to establish a ministry of their own, and to manage their own affairs as they pleased. As early as 1682, James Cutler, Matthew Bridge, Jr., David Fiske, Sen., Samuel Stone, Sen., Francis AVhitmore, John Tidd, Ephraim Winship, and John Winter, some of the leading and responsible citizens of the Farms, petitioned the General Court for an Act constituting them a distinct parish. This step w^as taken, not from any hostility to the old society or church, but from the great inconvenience of going from five to ten miles to attend public worship. The great unwillingness on the part of Cambridge to have this secession from their church, defeated, or rather postponed the measure for about ten years. In 1691, it was ordered by the General Court "That the petitioners be permitted and allowed to invite and settle an able and orthodox minister for the dispensing of the Gospel amonothem."

Immediately after obtaining an Act of incorporation as a precinct, measures were adopted to carry into eflfect the object they had in view. A subscription was at once started for the erection of a house of worship; and early in the season of 1692, the edifice was erected. On the 22d of April, 1692, Mr. Benjamin Estabrook, who had probably preached for them some portion of the preceding year, was invited to continue his labors with them till May, 1693, and provision was made for his support. Small as were their numbers, and limited as were their means, they resolved to place themselves in a position, where they should be able in future to give a liberal support to those who should become their spiritual guides. In April, 1693, they purchased of the town of Cambridge, for this purpose, " twelve acres of common land on the east side of the causeway, and the rest of the common land on the other side, and on the soutli side of Vine Brook Meadow." This land was subsequently surveyed, and was found to contain one lumdred and forty-eight acres. Though this purchase cost the parish at first but eighteen pounds, it laid the foundation for a ministerial fund, which has proved amply sufficient to support a minister. This land was purchased by the parish, and paid for by a tax upon all within the precinct.

"When Mr. Estabrook's year expired, the people gladly reengaged him ; and such was their attachment to him that in the summer of 1694, they built and gave him a house on condition of his becoming their pastor and continuing with them.' Their pecuniary embarrassments however were such that they made but slow progress in preparation for his permanent settlement. In April, 1696, they made their final proposition; and on the third of June following, Mr. Estabrook gave an affirmative answer to their call. His answer is recorded with so nmch simplicity, that Ave will transcribe it. " Mr. Estabrook was sent for to declare to the people, whether he did accept of the call of the inhabitants of this place, and whether he Avould abide with us to be our settled minister. His answer was, ' Yes, he loould.^ It was asked him how long. He answered, that so far as he knew, so long as he lived, it should not be his fault if he did not ; he had no intent to leave us ; and if he did leave us, he would repay the money expended for the building of his house."

The call being accepted, and the day for the ordination fixed, it was airreed that a church should be organized at the same time. A committee was appointed to make arrangements for the ordination, and to " provide what is necessary for the entertainment of the magistral ministers and messengers of the church that day."

Neither the church nor the parish records give us any information concerning the council, or the services on the occasion. But Judge Sewall, who was then present as one of the honored mao^istrates to take cognizance of the establishment of a new church, has the following in his manuscript Journal. - "October

Ecclesiastical Affairs

21, 1696. A church is gathered at Cambridge, North Farms ; no relations made, but a Gov', signed and voted by 10 brethren dismissed from y® churches of Cambridge, Watertown, Wooburn, and Concord, for the work. Being declared to be a church, they chose Mr. Benjamin Estabrook y"" Pastor, who had made a good Sermon from Jer. 3. 15. Mr. Estabrook the Father managed this, having prayed excellently : Mr. Willard gave y® Charge ; Mr. Fox the Right Hand of Fellowship. Sung part of y® 48th from y^ 9th v. to the end, - O God, our thoughts. - Mr. Stone and INIr. Fiske thanked me for my assistance there. Cambridge was sent to ; they had no Teaching officer ; they sent Elder Clark, Hastings, Kemington." ^

The church which was gathered on that occasion, adopted a covenant founded on the broad principles of the Gospel, and avoiding those controverted doctrines which have often divided the churches.

This covenant was signed by the pastor elect, and by David Fiske, Sen., Samuel Stone, Sen., John Russell, Israel Mead, Thomas Cutler, Sen., David Fiske, Jr., Samuel Whitmore, William Reed, John Merriam, Samuel Stone, Jr., and Thomas Merriam .

The church was further organized by electing John Merriam and Samuel Stone deacons. There was also added to the church during the nine months of Mr. Estabrook's ministry, by recommendations from other churches, the following persons : Seaborn Fiske, wife of David Fiske, Sen., Sarah Stone, wife of Samuel Stone, Sen., Elizabeth Russell, wife of John Russell, Elizabeth Winship, wife of Ephraim "Winship, severally from the church of Cambridge ; Sarah Merriam widow, Sarah Fiske, wife of David Fiske, Jr., Dorcas Stone, wife of Samuel Stone, Jr., Mary Merriam, wife of John Merriam, severally from the church of Concord ; and Abigail Reed, wife of Capt. AVilliam Reed from the church of Woburn. There were also admitted on their own profession diu-ing Mr. Estabrook's labors, Joseph Simonds and his wife Mary, Matthew Bridge and his wife Abigail, Jonathan Poulter and his wife Elizabeth, Philip Russell, Joseph Stone, Mary Winship, Abigail Cutler, wife of Lieut.

' For this, and several other important facts connected with the history of the church, we arc indebted to Kev. Samuell Sewall of Uurlington.

Thus a church of thirty-three members was gathered in about nine months from the settlement of their first minister. This of itself shows the success with which his labors were blessed. The relation between Mr. Estabrook and his people was a happy one, and promised to be productive of much good. He had been with them several years before his settlement, and hence knew them Avell, and was known of them. The relation of pastor and people, at all times solemn and endearing, had in this case a peculiar interest, having all the ardor of the first love. lie was their first pastor, and they his first flock. It was the union of kindred hearts, given in early life ; and the happy fruits of this union show that the attachment had been mutual, and that the confidence on either hand had not been misplaced. Both parties were undoubtedly congratulating themselves on this new relation, and anticipating years of happiness and prosperity. But how delusive sometimes are human hopes ! He whose wisdom is unsearchable, and whose ways are past finding out, saw fit to sunder these ties. On the 22d of July, 1G97, when he had completed only nine months of his ministry, he was called from his earthly labors. Thus was a young and confiding parish deprived of their first minister, and a young, devoted minister, torn from the people of his choice !

Kev. Benjamin Estabrook was son of Rev. Joseph Estabrook, of Concord, who came to this country in 16G0, and entered Harvard College, where he was graduated in 16G4. He settled in Concord in 1GG7, Avhere he remained till his death, in 1711, which was in the seventy-first year of his age and the fortyfourth of his ministry. Benjamin Estabrook was born February 24, 1G71,^ was graduated at Harvard, 1G90, and commenced preaching in Lexington in 1G92. In November, 1G93, he married Abigail Willard, daughter of Rev. Samuel Willard, then of the Old South Church in Boston. INIr. Estabrook Avas highly esteemed by his people, and left the reputation of a pious and devoted servant of the Lord. Though he was only twentysix years of age, when called hence, he had already established

Ecclesiastical Affairs

Immediately on the death of Mr. Estabrook, measures were adopted to obtain a candidate for settlement. A meeting was called November 27th, " to consider the procuring of some help in the ministry : Then there was made choyce of Mr. John Hancock to preach with us till May folio winge, in order to further settlement. It was also agreed that Mr. Hancock should have eighteen shillings a weeke, and bare his own charges till May."

Mr. Hancock commenced preaching at Cambridge Farms, December 12, 1697, and in February following, "It was voted by the majore part of y® people that were present, that Mr. Hancock should bee further invited to continue with us for a settlement, and Dea. Samuel Stone and Lt. David Fiske were made choyce of by y® companye to traatte with JMr. Hancock about his settelling with us."

It seems that the committee chosen to " traatte " with Mr. Hancock, were successful in their preliminaries at least ; for in March, 1698, says the record, "The sallerrye that was formerlye granted to y® Reverend Mr. Benjamin Estabrook, was a second time granted and confermcd to Rev. Mr. John Hancock."

" It was alsoe voted that they will give the Rev. Mr. John Hancock four score pounds in moneye towards his settlement, y° one-half in y® yeare 1698, and y® other half in yeare 1699."

The preliminaries being settled, the church by " a unanimuse votte " proposed " to prosede to the ordination of Mr. Hancock, in convenient time," and the congregation on the 6th of Septem-

The second day of November, 1698, was agreed upon for the ordination, and provision was made by the parish for the entertainment of the council. The further proceedings on the occasion we will give in the language of the church records, written by Mr. Hancock himself.

" Five churches were sent unto to carry on the work of said day, viz : the South Church of Christ in Boston, the churches of Christ in Cambridge, Newtown, Concord and Woburn, - the elders and messengers appeared, and in the morning, Mr. AVillard being moderator, they preceded, having made way for it, and earnestly emploring Heaven's blessing on the affairs of the day, unto ordination. Rev. Mr. Willard giving the charge, and Kev. Mr. Joseph Estabrook, the right hand of fellowship; - the elders of the other churches assisted by laying on of hands."

Mr. Hancock being thus settled over the church and society at Cambridge North Precinct, continued their pastor till his death in 1752, having had a peaceful and prosperous ministry o^ fifty - four years. Rev. John Hancock was son of Nathaniel Hancock of Cambridge, (now Newton.) He was born December, 1671, entered Harvard College in 1685, where he was graduated in 1689. He was ordained, as we have already stated, November 2, 1698. He married Elizabeth Clark, daughter of Rev. Thomas Clark, of Chelmsford, by whom he had five children - three sons and two daughters.

Ebenezer, son of Rev. John Hancock, of Lexington, was born December 7, 1710. He was graduated at Harvard, 1728, and prepared himself for the ministry. He was a young man of great promise ; and received a unanimous invitation to settle at Sherborn, as successor to Rev. Mr. Baker. But the people of Lexington, fully impressed with his meek, unostentatious piety, and pleased with his easy manners and popular eloquence, gave him an earnest invitation to settle with them, as colleague with his father. Ebenezer did not long hesitate between these calls. The desire to aid his father in his declining years, induced him to accept the invitation of Lexington. The 2d day of Januaiy, 1734, was fixed upon by the parties, and on that day Rev. Ebenezer Hancock was solemnly set apart as a co-laborer with his father in the ministry of Christ. Seven churches were invited to take part in the ordination, viz : the church of Christ in Weston, the two churches of Watertown, and the churches of Newton, Cambridge, Medford and Bedford. Rev. Mr. Hancock, the father, preached the sermon, and gave the charge, and the Rev. Mr. Williams, of Weston, the right hand of fellowship.

Though the son engaged ardently in the work of the ministry, for the two-fold purpose of promoting the cause of his divine Master, and of lightening the burden of his devoted and pious father, then upon the shady side of sixty-three, he did not live long to sustain his hoary hairs. Rev. Ebenezer Hancock died January 28, 1740, when he had just completed the sixth year of his ministry. He died greatly beloved and universally lamented, in the thirty-first year of his age. He was never married.

Of the two daughters of Rev. John Hancock, we will simply say that Eliza, born February 5, 1705, married Rev. Jonathan Bowman, of Dorchester; and Lucy, born April 20, 1713, married Rev. Nicholas Barnes, of Bedford.^

Though Mr. Hancock was distinguished in his family, he was more distinguished for his own personal merit. He was very eminent in his day for wisdom, piety, and fidelity in the cause of his divine Master ; and for a happy talent at preventing discord, and healing animosities among his people. And from a great respect for his age, services, gravity and dignified deportment, he was long honored with the appellation of JSisho]). For nearly thirty years he was the senior minister in this part of the county of Middlesex ; had for many years presided in most of the councils for ordination within its bounds ; and had given the solemn charge to twenty-otie ministers, the last of whom was the late Dr. Cushing of Waltham, at their induction into office. He had the reputation of being a peace-maker ; and his advice and fatherly counsel were frequently sought by the neighboring churches, and to them his decision was generally the end of strife.

fession. He was early in the morning in his study, and early in the week at his preparations for the Sabbath. In this way he was always apparently at leisure, and ready to receive and entertain all those whom his social habits called to his house. By being systematic and studious, he was always master of his own time ; and by being always industrious, he was apparently ahvays at leisure. His success in his profession is evidence of his fidelity. During his ministry, there were four hundred and forty-five added to the church by profession, and thirty-two by letters of dismission and recommendation from other churches ; one hundred and eighty owned the covenant, and one thousand six hundred and thirty-seven were baptized.

Mr. Hancock was what might be denominated Calvinistic in his theology ; and yet his grasp of mind and acquaintance with the world, and his great good sense, made him liberal and charitable to others. While his own mind was made up, and his own opinions formed, he was willing that others should adopt the same manly course, and judge for themselves.

In his sermon at the ordination of his son at Braintree, he says, "Where there is so much work to be done, and work of such importance, it calls for diligence and fidelity. It is God's work, and must not be done negligently ; it is the soul's work, and must not be done slightly ; it is a great work, and of eternal consequences, and must be done faithfully. Unfaithfulness in the minister is more unpardonable than in another man, for hei'eby the cause of Christ, and the souls of men are betrayed. Who would make an unfaithful person a ruler over his goods ? Let ministers learn their dependence both for assistance and success. The power that can furnish you unto this work, and give you success, is from above. 'Tis not from men, but from God. Men may pray over you, and put their hands upon you, and bless you in the name of the Lord ; but they cannot bestow the gift of the Holy Spirit upon you. They can confer orders ^ but they cannot convey grace."

This extract shows the tone and spirit of his preaching, when young men are set apart for the ministry. We will give a specimen of his bold and manly preaching before the rulers of the Colony. It is from a public lecture delivered before the authorities. "I will speak unto great men, about what? Not about matters of state, but of religion. Not about their farms or their merchandise, but about their souls. Not about such things as are merely temporal, but about things which are spiritual and eternal. Great men are a part of a minister's charge, and must be addressed at pi-oper seasons, and on proper occasions. The ministers of Christ are to take heed to all their flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made them overseers ; and the great men in some congregations, make up a considerable part of the flock. It is the greatest pride and vanity that can be, for any to think themselves too great to be spoken to, about the duties they are to perform, or about their sins and their faults, that they may amend them. However, ministers must speak to them in the name of the Lord, Avhether they will hear or forbear." " Great men are not always good ; it would be well, it would be happy for all states and governments, if they were. Indeed, they ought to be good, yea, to be the best of men ; yet many times they are the worst - scourges of the world, and plagues of mankind."

There is another trait in Mr. Hancock's character, which must not be passed over without notice. He was highly social ; not merely fond of society, but had a vein of humor or wit in which he would often indulge. This pleasant, facetious disposition, rendered his society interesting to the young, and so gave him a hold upon their aflTections, which few ministers ever enjoyed.

Many anecdotes are related of Mr. Hancock, showing hisfacetiousness, and the great control he had over his people even in temporal affairs. Two neighbors could not agree upon the division line between their lands - each claimed more land than the other would yield. The dispute rose high, and a law suit was threatened. Mr. Hancock, hearing of the dispute, called the parties together, took them upon the ground, and asked them to make their statements. When they had concluded, he took a stake and stuck it into the ground, and said, "there, neighbor A. , your land comes to this stake; and neighbor B., don't you encroach upon your neighbor beyond that point." It is only necessary to say that this was the end of the strife. Such was the confidence reposed in him, and such the influence which he exerted over them, that his decisions were acquiesced in, though sometimes made without invitation or aU the forms of law.

It "was customary in some of the early churches to have elders, as assistants to their pastors, in some of their duties, and sometimes they officiated as teachers. There happened to be two members of Mr. Hancock's church who had an incHnation to fill such an office, and called upon Mr. Hancock to confer with him upon the subject. They stated to him that his lab.ors were arduous, and he somewhat in years, and they thought it might be some relief to him to have two elders chosen. Mr. Hancock told them that he thought well of the subject ; but expressed some doubt whether any persons could be found who would accept the position. To relieve his mind on that point, they modestly hinted that they might be induced to accept the place to relieve him. " Well," said Mr. Hancock, *'I should be very glad to have elders chosen, and should rejoice to have such gentlemen as you are fill those positions. I suppose you know the duty of such officers?" "No," replied one of the gentlemen, " we do not ; but we know that you understand the whole matter, and could easily inform us." "Well," said Mr. Hancock, "the duties of elders have never heretofore been very well defined in the church, but latterly they have settled down to this - the younger elder is to brush down, and harness the pastor's horse, when he wishes to ride out ; and the elder elder is to accompany the pastor, when he goes out of town, and pay his expenses. I should like very well to have such officers chosen." The gentlemen being taken somewhat by surprise, let the subject subside, and made no further effiDrt for the choice of elders.

"That facetious temper and turn of wit which were natural to him, and which some people of a different make might think abounded, he made a very good use of in general, and it served to scatter the clouds of melancholy that hung upon some people's spirits, and to stir up a pleasant cheerfulness within them. He did thereby soften men's tempers, and correct their ill humors, and bring the fretful, the angry, and the revengeful, into a calm, peaceable, and forgiving frame. As you have had the reputation of being a peaceable people, I believe you will readily grant that it has been very much owing to the pleasant, prudent, and pacific counsels of your deceased pastor."

Mr. Hancock had great wisdom and sagacity in managing the affairs of his parish. Though he was a close student, and a good biblical scholar, he did not confine his study to books alone. He mingled with his people, and so learned not only their wants, but their habits and turn of mind - the secret springs of action, by which they were moved, and so was enabled to guide, and in a manner control them. Mr. Applcton bears testimony to this in the following passage :

"He was eminently fitted for this place in its infant state, when you were few in numbers, and needed a man of such wisdom and prudence to advise and assist you in your outward and civil, as well as spiritual concerns. And I believe it will be allowed that but few people have had so great help, benefit and comfort of a minister in all respects, as this people have had in Mr. Hancock. Few ministers have been so much concerned in the various affairs of their people, as he Avas in yours ; and yet I never heard him taxed of being in the least a faulty busybody in other men's matters ; for you yourselves were so sensible of his wisdom, and the goodness of his capacity, and readiness to direct and advise you, that as I have understood, you seldom or never engaged in any important or difficult affair without consulting him upon it."

The wisdom of Mr. Hancock is perhaps in nothing more conspicuous than in the manner in which he met and controlled the great movement of his day, which was denominated neio-lightism. Nothing had occurred to awaken the church or to call forth its energies for a long period, and most of the clergy had fallen into a state of stupor. This condition of things excited the attention, and aroused the energies of such men as Whitefield, and their new-light, as it was called, spread rapidly on both sides of the Atlantic. Many of our churches were excited, distracted, and rent asunder. Many of our clergymen, waking up from their slumbers, and seeing a little more interest manifested in matters of religion, fancied that the Gospel was about to be lost in the blind frenzy of the age ; and they declared a war of extermination against this new movement. Others caught the fire, and without stopping to inquire whether it were a true or a false zeal, plunged into the whirlpool, and suffered themselves to be carried in every direction by its blind eddies. The church at Concord was severed in twain, that of Medford was greatly agitated ; and others were more or less disturbed by this new order of things. Councils were called, books were written, and all

But in the midst of this commotion Mr. Hancock moved steadily forward, being aware that the religious as well as the natural world would have its seasons of refreshing as well as of drought ; and that what was looked upon as the work of the enemy, was but the natural result of the apathy into which the churches had fallen. Instead, therefore, of opposing this spirit of awakening in his society, he availed himself of it, gave it the right direction, and added many to his church. He was fully aware that these seasons of peculiar religious interest would come, and had, as early as 1728, added nearly eighty to his church in a single year. So, in 1741, and 1742, in the midst of this new-light movement, he made about the same accession to his church, and that without any foreign aid, or unnatural effort. While some of the neighboring clergy were attempting to smother this religious feeling, and thereby stifle the sincere aspirations of pious souls, and others w^ere fanning the flame, and thereby converting it into a wild and dangerous conflagration, Mr. Hancock, with truly enlightened zeal, was guiding this spirit of inquiry and feeling of devotion, and thereby aiding the cause of true religion.

Not, however, that Mr. Hancock was wanting in manly independence. He knew and realized, that the pulpit had its rights, and that to secure these rights, he must recognize the rights of the pews. His intimate acquaintance with his people, his minute knowledge of their wants, their feelings, their infirmities, and even their prejudices, enabled him so to approach every subject of interest, as to obtain a candid hearing, and impress a salutary lesson upon his hearers. He did not dwell in the musty past, nor in the misty future. He was a man of the present ; ready however to study the past that he miglit obtain knowledge to guide him in the future. He was conservative, and at the same time progressive ; desirous of bringing about a reformation, by implanting gospel principles in the heart. He was more emulous of being a faithful minister than a noted reformer - fully realizing the oft forgotten truth, that no reformation is abiding wliich flows not from Christian principle. With these views and with that great good sense obtained by an intimate acquaint- ance with human infirmities, he availed himself of all the real advantages of the Whitefield movement, without producing any of those convulsions which disturbed many parishes, and alienated those of the same household.

We have already seen that Ebenezer Hancock, who was settled as a colleague to relieve his father, died after about six years' labor. His father, at the death of the son, was nearly seventy years of age, yet he continued for more than ten years to discharge the arduous duties of his office up to the Sunday before his death. And it was remarked by his cotemporaries, that he spoke with nearly the same firmness and vigor at the age of eighty, that he did at the age of forty. But the firmest constitution must yield ; the most devoted laborer must cease from his toil. We cannot better describe his sudden and unexpected death, than by copying from the title pa^e of two discourses delivered at Lexington the Sabbath after his funeral, by Rev. Mr. Appleton, of Cambridge : - " Going to bed as well as usual, the night after the 5th of December, (1752,) and awaking some time after midnight with great pain in his stomach, died in a few minutes, in the eighty-second year of his age, and the fiftyfourth of his ministry."

One thing which stands out prominently on the church records of that day, is the discipline of the church, evinced by the public confessions, which were made before the church and conOTCfration. That these confessions were not always effectual, appears from the fact that some of the members were aiTain^ned the second time for the same offence.

We have already seen that John Merriam and Samuel Stone were chosen deacons at the organization of the chui'ch, in 1696. Deacon Stone died 1703, and Samuel Stone, Jr., was elected in his place, in 1715. In the year following, Joseph Estabrook, a brother of their first minister. Rev. Benjamin Estabrook, was chosen deacon. In 1727, on the death of Deacon Merriam, Joseph Bx'own was chosen to fill liis place. In 1733, Deacon Joseph Estabrook died, and the church made choice of John Laughton, who, in 1744, was dismissed to the church in Harvard ; and Joseph Estabrook, son of deacon Joseph, was chosen in his stead. He died, 1740. In 1743, John Stone and Joseph

Rev. Mr. Hancock not only performed all the duties in his own parish, but was often called to the neighboring towns, when they were without a settled pastor, to administer the ordinances to the destitute churches. In November, 1705, he was called to Groton, where he administered the Supper, and baptized twenty-four persons. Subsequently he baptized nineteen more in that town. The same year he administered the ordinance to sixteen persons in Chelmsford ; and during his ministry he baptized about fifty other persons in the neighboring towns, a list of which he preserved.

Mr. Hancock appears to have been very accurate and careful in keeping a record of all his acts and doings ; but unfortunately the records of his marriages before 1750, are lost - a loss which is severely felt in preparing the genealogies of many of the early families of Lexington.

Though Mr. Hancock preached on many public occasions, his only printed discourses are the following : 1. A sermon at the general election, 1722 - text, Luke, xxii. 25. 2. A sermon at the ordination of his son John, in Braintree, 1726 - text, Luke, xxiv. 49. 3. A sermon at the ordination of his son Ebenezer, in Lexington, 1734 - text, 2 Cor., i. 24. 4. A sermon at the public lecture in Boston, November 21, 1734, before his Excellency the Governor and the General Court - text, Jer., v. 5. 5. A sermon at the ordination of Rev. Timothy Harrington, in Lancaster, November 16, 1748 - text, 1 Cor., ix. 19.

Death Of Mr. Clarke

The loss of such a pastor as Rev. Mr. Hancock, was duly realized by his devoted people. They not only showed their respect for his memory, but they decided promptly and with great wisdom, that they could best subserve the great cause to which he had devoted his long and active life, by embracing the first reasonable opportunity of settling another man. Consequently, at a meeting held May 18, 1753, they not only chose a committee to supply the pulpit, but instructed them to " make diligent inquiry after a suitable gentleman to settle."

Realizing the impoi'tance of the subject, and remembering the teaching of their late pastor, that God would by his providence guide those who meekly called upon him for aid, before making the selection they appointed a day of " fasting and prayer," and invited the clergymen of the neighboring towns to meet with them on the occasion, to enlighten them by their wisdom, and aid them by their prayers.

On the 19th of May, 1755, the town concurred with the church and extended a call to Mr. Jonas Clarke to become their pastor - offering him a salary of eighty pounds and twenty cords of wood, and one hundred and thirty-three pounds as a settlement. The call being accepted, the ordination took place on the 5th of November, 1755.

Between the death of Mr. Hancock and the settlement of Mr. Clarke, a period of about three years, six were admitted to the church by letters of dismission from other churches, four owned

After the labors of a pubhc servant as able and faithful as Rev. Mr. Hancock, and one who was so hiohly esteemed by his people, and respected by the community at large, they could hardly expect to find a man who woiild come fully up to the same standard. And yet Mr. Clarke entered upon the work of the ministry, and succeeded in meeting public expectation, so that in a few years he gained the entire confidence of his people, and acquired a reputation in the community, such as but few clergymen ever enjoy. He soon exhibited powers which were not to be circumscribed by the periphery of a parish, or confined to the ordinary routine of professional duties.

After the settlement of Mr. Clarke, the cause of religion received a new impulse, twenty-seven being admitted to the church during the first year of his ministry.

The affairs of the church went on prosperously under Mr. Clarke, and nothing Avorthy of note occurred till 1766, when the church was convened to elect a deacon, and Jonas Stone was chosen. At the same time there was read a petition of twentyfour members to know the minds of the brethren relative to the introduction of Tate and Brady's version of the Psalms, together with a select number of Dr. Watts's Scriptural Hymns, to be sung in public, instead of the New England version of Psalms then in use. "After some debate upon the matter, the church voted to refer the consideration of said petition to Thursday, October 2d, next ensuing, - to which time the meeting was then adjourned."

" At a meeting of the church in Lexington, by adjournment, October 2d, 1766, admitted Jonas Stone, by a letter of dismission from the church of Christ in Rutland. Considered the petition above mentioned, as read in the church meeting September 4, 1766, and voted to introduce Brady and Tate's version of the Psalriis, together with a collection of Dr. Watts's Scriptural Hymns, to be sung in public, instead of the New England version of the Psalms that has been in use among us."

"Voted also to elect some person to set the Psalm or tune, and lead in the singing for six Sabbaths next ensuing upon trial or liking, as a further attempt for regular and religious improvement in that part of divine worship."

The change of hymn books in a religious society is frequently the cause of no little dissension and difficulty ; and what is true of the book itself, is more strikingly true of anything which relates to the singing. Those who are blessed with a delicate ear for music, are said to be naturally sensitive in their feelings ; and while they abhor anything like discord in their musical performances, they do not always banish it from the choir. But the society in Lexington, under Mr. Clarke, appears to have been free from all difficulty of this kind. They seem to have been sensible that an improvement could be made by dropping the New England version of the Psalms, and introducing the version of Tate and Brady, with selections from Watts. A slight comparison of these versions would show at once that they were influenced both by sound judgment and good taste.

The New England version was prepared in 1640, by the leading divines of New England ; among whom Rev. John Eliot, Rev. Richard JNIather, and Rev. Mr. Weld, were the most prominent in this work. When the several portions were versified, the whole was committed to Rev. Henry Dunster, President of Harvard College, and Richard Lyon, of Cambridge. The work reflects no great honor upon them as poets.

This version was used generally by the New England churches up to about the time of which we are speaking. The earliest version used in the English churches, and also in the American churches, was that of Sternhold and Hopkins, which is said to be a very literal rendering of the text, but as an elegant versification is far, very far, from being what good taste would require. This perhaps led to the New England version, which was scarcely an improvement upon its English predecessor. There are stanzas and even whole psalms in botli that are actually barbarous, if not ridiculous. And hence we can pardon the English wit, who thus lampooned one of these versions :

No wonder tlie thorough education of Mr. Clarke, and the good sense of his flock, made them desirous of getting rid of the old version, and of introducing one which would edify their souls without wounding their senses or corrupting their taste. But it seems that they were not satisfied with merely changing their psalm books. They elected a person "to set the Psalm or tune, and lead in the singing, as a further attempt for regular and religious improvement in that part of divine worship."

Probably up to that time they had had what is generally denominated congregational singing, in which the whole assembly took part. The practice long prevailed in our New England churches of what was called " lining the hymn ; " that is, reading one or two lines and tlien singing them, and so on through the whole hymn. This labor was generally performed by one of the deacons, and hence it obtained the popular designation of " deaconing the hymn." The introduction of the present mode of singing in a choir, and of reading the hymn from the desk, was in many cases a very delicate subject, and one which gave great offence, especially to the deacons, who considered their prerogative invaded. This practice of reading a psalm or hymn by the line as they sung, probably originated in the scarcity of psalm books ; and the same practice prevails now, and for the same reason, in some parts of our country. The Sunday service in the capitol at Washington has been carried on in this manner until recently.

A good anecdote, bearing upon this point, is related of the facetious Pierpont Edwards, of Connecticut, of whom it has been said that " he was of godly stock, but of devious inclination." In Connecticut, where tlieir parishes were formerly all territorial, and where there were two and even tliree in a town- ship, and some of them feeble ; the good people in one of these small parishes agreed to build a meeting-house. They erected it, and partially covered it with boards ; but owing to their limited means, and a dissatisfaction growing out of its location, they were unable to do more. The building in this situation stood exposed to the weather, till it became so dilapidated that "the rain descended and the winds blew and beat upon that house and it fell." By this time their old feud had subsided, and they resolved to build another church. The timber was collected and framed, and on the appointed day the building was erected. After the raising was over, the people collected in a group to sing a psalm, appropriate to all raisings, but particularly so at the raising of a church. Having no psalm book at hand, they looked around for some one who would be able without a book to repeat the appropriate psalm, and young Edwards, who happened to be present, was selected for that duty. He consented to perform that service, and repeated in a clear and distinct voice the first two lines -

After singing these lines with becoming emotion, what was their confusion when they heard this wicked wight utter as the remaining lines of the stanza -

But nothing like this, it is presumed, ever occurred in the town of Lexington. The change of psalm books and the mode of singing was adopted without difficulty, and Mr. Clarke was so well pleased with the change that he entered in his diary - "October 19, 1766, began to sing the new version of psalms, and Dr. Watts's hymns." But the introduction of singing by the choir, and singing from the new psalm book, did not do away the practice of lining the psalm. This continued some fifteen years longer.

In November, 1781, the church voted to dispense with reading the hymns by line in public worship, and chose Captain Daniel Harrington to lead the singing. In October, 1787, John Bridge and Nathan Reed were chosen deacons.

Mr. Clarke died November 15, 1805, in the seventy-fifth year of his age, and the fifty-first of his ministry. He was born December 11, 1730, and was graduated at Harvard, 1752.* During his ministry, three hundred and sixty-five were added to the church by profession, and ten by letters from other churches. Sixty-nine owned the covenant, and one thousand and sixty-nine were baptized.

Few towns have been blessed with more distinguished clergymen than Lexington, in the persons of Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke. They were both eminent for talents, for piety, for fidelity - for everything which could recommend the preacher or the pastor, the citizen or the man. And hence both were greatly esteemed by their people, and respected by the public at large. The aggregate length of their ministry was one hundred and four years. The influence of each of these clergymen was great, not only in the town, but in the community around them. It is not too much to say that Lexington owes its standing and character more to these eminent divines, than to any other men who ever resided within her borders. A history of Lexington, without the mention of Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke, would be as defective as a history of the Jewish Dispensation without the jnention of Moses, or a history of the American Revolution without the mention of Washington.

Mr. Clarke, was distinguished himself and in his family, as will be seen in the Appendix. His influence was felt in his parish and in the Colony. We have seen his devotion to the affiiirs of state ; but this did not lead to a neglect of parochial duties. There were no jars or difficulties in his church or society ; everything went on smoothly, to the satisfiiction of all concerned. Nor did this quiet arise from indifference, or inattention to the spiritual wants of his people. No minister was more faithful, or preached the Gospel with more fidelity. The additions to his church show that he preached with earnestness and power. The fact that under his guidance the young men in his society formed themselves into an association for religious improvement and edification, is the best commentary upon his religious influence. This society he cherished with

Mr. Clarke had a just appreciation of the ministerial office, as will appear from an extract from his sermon delivered at the ordination of Mr. Josiah Bridge, in East Sudbury, November 4, 1761. Addressing the candidate, he said :

Dear Sir, as you now present yourself before God and his people, to take part of this ministry, we trust you do it, not as the horse rushes into the battle, without consideration, but as the result of the most serious, solemn, and prayerful deliberation. The office you take upon yourself ia high and responsible, the work you are engaged in is great and arduous, the charge you are to receive Important and solemn, and the account you must render of your stewardship at the last day, awfully strict and Impartial, To magnify your office, to be faithful In your work, and to keep the charge you are to receive of the Lord, will therefore be your constant care and most ardent endeavor, as you desire to lift up your head and give up your account with joy in the day of Christ. Your sacred regard for the glory of God, and the honor of Christ, will excite you to make his Word and his Gospel the sole standard of your faith and practice - ' a light to your feet, and a lamp to your path.' And jealous of the liberty wherewith Christ has made you free, and willing that your brethren should freely enjoy the same, you will, we trust, never dishonor yourself, disgrace the ministry, or displease your Lox-d by receiving or Imposing the schemes of fallible men, however great or good, as a rule of faith and practice."

In doctrine, Mr. Clarke held the views which were generally prevalent at that day ; but he held them in meekness and charity. He was a pious and practical, rather than a denunciatory and controversial preacher. And he strove more ardently to make men follow the meek and lowly Jesus, than to an*ay themselves under this or that leader. As a pastor he was faithful and devoted, as a Christian he was meek and resigned, bearing affliction, of which he had a full share, with a patience and fortitude rarely excelled, firmly believing that the chastenings of the Lord were ordered in wisdom. As a man he was justly esteemed by all who knew him. Blessed with a social nature, and beins: attached to the people of his charge, he kept up an intimate and familiar intercourse with them, and was ever a welcome visitor at their houses. The old and the young were always pleased with his society; for, to the dignity of the clergyman, which he conviviality of a companion. His journal, which he kept upon an interleaved almanac, shows that his house was a place of resort for the young and old of his parish, and for the clergymen and distinguished persons from abroad. Ilis journal also shows his method in business, and his careful attention to the most minute affairs. The daily state of the weather, the occurrence of remarkable events, the visitors who called upon him, the journeys he or any of his family performed, the visiting of the schools, the catechising of the children, the deaths in his parish and of distinguished individuals out of his parish, are all carefully noted. Nor did the more domestic affairs escape his attention - the ploughing of his ground, the gathering of his harvest -^-even the bringing in of his cabbages and squashes, the killing of a calf or a pig, and other matters pertaining to his household affairs, are set down - all going to show that while he was religiously devoted to his charge as a pastor, and to his country as a citizen, he did not neglect minor matters, or suffer the smallest interest to languish in his hands.