Lexington Town (part 7 of 25)

On the 24th of June, the citizens of London voted an Address to the king, desiring him to consider the situation of his subjects *in England, "who had nothing to expect from America but gazettes of blood, and mutual lists of slaughtered fellow-subjects." And they prayed for a dissolution of Parliament, and a dismission forever of the present Ministry.

The society for Constitutional Information raised one hundred pounds, "to be applied to the relief of the widows, orphans, and aged parents of our beloved American fellow-subjects, who faithful to the character of Englishmen, prefering death to slavery, were for that reason only, inhumanly murdered by the king's troops at Lexington and Concord."

Thus did the events of the 19th of April, 1775, excite a thrilling interest on both sides of the Atlantic. In America they aroused the patriotism of every Colony, and united them in the great cause of human freedom. And in Europe the effect was equally great. It brought matters to an issue in the British Parliament, and taught the stupid and obstinate king and his lordly flatterers, that neither Acts of Parliament, nor Orders in Council, nor Edicts from the Throne, could compel the submission of the colonists to the arbitrary acts of the Ministry. They saw that their only hope of success lay in the sword, which they had already drawn ; and while they had the madness to believe that they should be able to subdue their Colonies, their formidable and sagacious rival, France, plainly saw that independence was the ultimate portion of the oppressed Colonies in America.

Revolution

Captain Parker's Company called to Cambridge, on the 6th of May and the 17th of June - Quota of Men furnished by Lexington - Prices of Labor and Other Articles - Confederation - Attempts to form a State Constitution - Objections to the First Constitution - Ratified the Second Constitution with Proposed Amendments - Depreciation of the Currency - Efforts to raise the Quota of Men for the Army - Instructions of Representative relative to the Return of the Tories - People devoted to Law and Order.

The events of the lOtli of April, 1775, had spread a gloom over the town of Lexington. The loss of ten of her citizens on that eventful day, and the fact that ten more were wounded, some of them severely, brought the horrors of war to their own doors. But their patriotism did not falter. They were not only willing to bear their own grief, but to do what they could to relieve the poor of Boston and Charlestown, who were driven from their homes into the adjacent country. Consequently a committee was chosen to assist the Selectmen "in taking care of the poor or suffering people that may come from the towns of Charlestown and Boston to this place." Nor was the gallant company of Captain Parker, w^hich had suffered so severely on tlie 19th of April, to be driven from the field by the losses they had experienced, or by any new dangers which should arise.

On the 6th of May, in consequence of an alarm at Cambridge, Captain Parker with a detachment of forty-five of his company, repaired to the head-quarters of the army, where they remained several days, guarding the lines to prevent any further excursions of the king's troops into the country. And on the memorable 17th of June, of that year, when a portion of our militia were engaged with the enemy on Bunker Hill, the gallant Parker with sixty-one of his company, responded to freedom's call, and repaired to Cambridge ; but they were deprived of the honor of participating in that struggle, by being kept at Cambridge from an apprehension that the British might cross the river in their boats, and attack the American camp while so many of our troops were engaged at Charlestown.

The fact that this company was so prompt at every call of duty, may be accounted for in part from the strict rules and regulations they adopted as early as 1773. The following is a paper in the handwriting of Edmimd Munroe, containing the Rules and Regulations of the Lexington company of minute-men^ under which they acted in 1775, found among the papers of the late Edmund Munroe of Boston.

" We, whose names are hereto subscribed, having agreed to associate ourselves together to improve ourselves in the art of JVJUitary, do agree and bind ourselves to the following rules, viz :

" 4. We agree that every one of us absent, when the Roll is called, being duly warned, shall pay a fine of eight pence, unless a good excuse can be given to the satisfaction of the Company for his absence.

-'5. That any person of the Company that shall interrupt the Captain or Commanding Officer, while under arms, by talking, laughing or any indecent behavior, shall pay a fine of three shillings.

-' 6. That if any person of the Company shall interrupt the clerk, when calling the Roll, or not answering when they are called, shall pay a fine of two shillings.

-' 10. That all fines recovered of delinquents shall be applied to the sole use of the Company - paying the Clerk a reasonable sum for collecting the same.

** 11. That the Captain, failing of his duty in not calling the Company together four times a year, and disciplining them three hours at each meeting, shall pay a fine of four shillings, unless he can give a reasonable excuse for the same to the satisfaction of the Company."

Such sound and wholesome rules, voluntarily adopted in times of peace, would hardly fail to make prompt and efficient soldiers in time of war.

During the winter of 1775-0, the town of Lexington, in response to a call from the Provincial Congress, furnished a large supply of wood and a quantity of hay for the army stationed at Winter Hill.

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, held March 18, 1776, the following persons were chosen a Committee of Correspondence and Safety, agreeably to a Resolve of the General Court : - Deacon Jonas Stone, Captain John Bridge, Lieutenant Edmund Munroe, Lieutenant Joseph Simonds, and Lieutenant Francis Bowman.

At a meeting, called for the purpose. May 23, 1776, it was " Voted, That if Congress should, for the safety of these Colonies, proclaim them independent of Great Britain, we stand ready with our lives and fortunes to support them in that measure." By pledges like these, coming from almost every town and Colony, Congress was emboldened to put forth that immortal Declaration which marks an era in our history.

Lexington having pledged herself to devote life and fortune to the cause of Independence, met the numerous calls made upon her with fidelity. In the first campaign of 8-months' men in 1775, she furnished 20 men ; in the second campaign of the 12-months' men, she furnished 19 men ; in the campaign to Ticonderoga in 1776, she furnished 28 men ; to White Plains the same year, 13 men, and to the Jerseys, 21 men. In the following year she sent 22 men ; besides these she furnished her full quota to the Continental army in the first instance, and among those who enlisted in 1780, for three years or during the war, Lexington furnished about 30. We have in this place passed over those who served from two to six months at Cambridge, and Dorchester, and Providence, because these will be treated of more fully in another chapter.

In July, 1776, the town voted the sum of £1 Q>s. 8d. as an additional bounty to every non-commissioned officer and private, who should enlist from the town in the expedition to Canada.

In the unsettled state of things at the commencement of the Revolution, it was all-important that public sentiment should be known, and that those who were intrusted with the management of public affiiirs, should have some assurance that the people would stand by and sustain them in the bold measures which the crisis seemed to demand. Being sensible that our public men, whose position would expose them to the vengeance of Great Britain in case of the failure of our cause, took upon themselves a vast responsibility, the people in every part of the Province were willing to encourage their rulers, and assured them in advance that they would share with them the labors and the dangers involved in the contest. By putting their names to solemn instruments, by covenanting with each other in a public manner, that they would resist the measures and the military forces of the common enemy of the Colonies and share the common fate of their brethren, a few patriotic citizens could do much to encourage their rulers, and to confirm the wavering in their own neighborhood. The sturdy inhabitants of Lexington were willing to put their names to such an instrument, though it might prove their death-warrant.

The following instrument, signed by some of the leading citizens, declaring "before God and the world," that they would be true to the cause of liberty, and to each other, does honor to the character and patriotism of our fathers, and may be regarded as their Declaration of Independence. The instrument was found among the papers of Captain Edmund Munroe, who fell at Monmouth in 1778. The spirit of the document and the original signatures of so many of Lexington's patriotic sons, render it worthy of preservation ; - we give, as a curiosity, a fac-simile of their signatures.

" Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1776. "We, the subscribers, do each of us severally for ourselves, profess, testify and declare before God and the world, that we verily believe that the war, resistance and opposition in which the United American Colonies are now engaged against the fleets and armies of Great Britain, is, on the part of the said Colonies, just and necessary. And we do hereby severally promise, covenant, and engage to and with every person of this Colony, who has or shall subscribe this declaration, or another of the same tenor and words, that we will not, during the said war, directly or indirectly, in any ways, aid, abet, or assist any of the naval or land forces of the king of Great Britain, or any employed by him, or supply them with any kind of provisions, military or naval stores, or hold any correspondence with, or communicate any intelligence to any of the officers, soldiers or marines belonging to the said army or navy, or enlist or procure any others to enlist into the land or sea service of Great Britain, or take up or bear arms against this or either of the United Colonies, or undertake to pilot any of the vessels belonging to the said navy, or in any other way aid or assist them. But, on the contrary, according to our best power and abilities, will defend by arms the United American Colonies, and every part thereof, against every hostile attempt of the fleets and armies in the service of Great Britain, or any of them, according to the requirements and directions 6f the laws of this Colony, that now are, or may hereafter be provided for the regulation of the militia thereof.

But wliile the Colony of MassacKusetts Bay was actively engaged in the war of the Revolution, and was shedding her blood freely on almost every battle-field in the country, she felt, in a serious manner, the want of a more efficient Government ; and hence the General Court submitted to the towns the question, whether they should be empowered to form a Constitution of Government. When this subject was brought before the inhabitants of Lexington, they chose a committee, who, at an adjourned meeting, held October 21, 1776, submitted the following able and patriotic report, which was adopted unanimously :

" That always desirous of being impressed with the fullest sentiments of the wisdom, integrity and fidelity of so respectable a body as the Honorable House of Representatives of the State in the high department assigned them by their constituents, it is with the most peculiar anxiety, we feel ourselves obliged in faithfulness to ourselves and posterity, to withhold a cheerful compliance with any resolve or proposal of theirs, as we are constrained to do upon the question before us, by the following considerations, which to us, at least, appear interesting and important.

" 1. It appears to us that as all government originates from the people ; and the great end of government is their peace, safety and happiness ; so it is with the people at large, or where that is impracticable, by their Representatives freely and equally elected and empowered for that purpose, to form and agree on a Constitution of government, which being considered and approved by the body of the people, may be enacted, ratified and established.

-* 2. That the present House of Representatives were not elected for the purpose of agreeing upon, and enacting a Constitution of government for this State ; neither had their constituents the least intimation of anything of this kind in the precepts upon which they were elected ; and therefore, their proposing themselves to the people, and asking their consent as constituents for this service, appears to us to be a clog to that freedom of election, which ought always to be exercised by a free people in matters of this importance, more especially in an affair of such lasting concernment as this.

" 3. That no provision is made in the Resolve for those towns which have not chosen so many Representatives as they have a right to send, to choose others to complete their number upon this important occasion ; by which it may happen, not through the neglect of the people, but for want of opportunity, the representation may be unequal.

" 4. That in case we do not see our way clear to consent as proposed in the question before us, it does not appear that any provision is made in the Resolve for our having any voice at all in the matter, as our Representative will not be considered as empowered by his constituents for this purpose.

"6. That it ia greatly to be fearfed, if the proposal in the Resolve is complied with by the people of this State, upon this most important occasion, it will be pleaded as an established precedent in all future time, for the decency and propriety of persons offering themselves candidates for the election of the people to offices of trust and importance - a practice which hath always been held by the judicious and virtuous, as dangerous to the liberties of the people, and a practice by which corrupt and designing men in every age have too often availed themselves of places of power and authority, to the great disadvantage of those who elected them, if not to the gross violation of their most sacred rights.

6. Lastly, that though the Resolves give us to expect a publication of the proposed form of government for the perusal of the inhabitants, before the ratification of the same ; yet it does not appear clear from thence that there is any just provision made for the inhabitants as towns, to express their approbation or the contrary, in order to such ratification.

-'For these obvious reasons therefore, we cannot see our way clear to comply with the proposal of the Honorable House of Representatives in the question before us.

" Voted and Resolved, That as our former Constitution (the Charter) is at an end, and a new Constitution of government, as soon as may be, is absolutely necessary, if not to the being, yet to the well-being of the State, and as the present General Court are considered as the eyes of the people, and the guardians as well as watchmen of the State ; it be most earnestly recommended to our worthy Representative, and he hereby is instructed to use his utmost endeavors and influence, that, either by precepts for a new assembly, empowered for this purpose, or by special notification for the choice of persons for the express purpose of forming a new Constitution, or in any other way which their wisdom may direct, consistent with the liberties of the people, measures may be taken to give the people an opportunity to carry this matter into effect ; and as soon as may be consistent with the exigency of the public affairs, freely to give their votes for such persons as they judge will best serve the public, themselves, and posterity, in the commencement of a work of so great importance to the present and all succeeding generations."

No one can read this document without seeing the patriotism and prudence of the writer and those who adopted this report. They were patriots, jealous of their rights, and determined to guard them, not only against the encroachments of a foreign foe, but also against all ambitious and designing men, that might spring up among themselves. The patriot priest was too well versed in the history of the past to suffer any dangerous practice to grow into precedent, and thereby jeopard in any degree the rights and liberties of the people.

In March, 1777, when the duties imposed upon these officers were arduous and responsible, in consequence of the peculiar situation of affairs, Daniel Harrington, Josiah Smith, Thomas Parker, Joshua Reed, and Philip Russell, were chosen Selectmen, and Dea. Bcuj. Brown, John Parkhurst, Captain Francis

To The Close Of The Revolution

At the same meeting a Committee was chosen " to compute the cost of a suitable and decent Monument to set over the grave of our brethren in this town who fell the first victims to British Tyranny on the morning of the 19th of April,' 1775, and to make a Report at May Meeting."

During the year 1777, the attention of the town was directed to the subject of raising its quotas of men for the different campaigns, and especially to the cost of the campaigns, and also to what was more difficult than raising men, viz., providing means to pay them. They also chose Deacon Jonas Stone, Representative, and gave him full power to act in the formation of a State Constitution.

The Continental Congress, having formed Articles for the Confederation of the States, submitted them to the States, and the States to the people. At a meeting held January 5, 1778, a committee was chosen to consider and report upon the subject. At the adjourned meeting, held on the 12th of January, they reported that the Representative be instructed to vote for the ratification of those Articles ; at the same time they express a strong desire that there may be some amendment adopted by which alterations may be proposed to them by the people.

In the midst of the trials and sufferings which naturally fell upon the brave and patriotic men who were fighting the battles of their country, they had from time to time some testimonials, showing that they were not forgotten by their brethren who were at home. ,At a meeting of the inhabitants of the town, ]\Iarch 10, 1778, they passed the following vote: " That our brethren of this town in the Continental army be forthwith supplied, each of them, with one good pair of shoes, made of neat's leather, one good pair of stockings, and a good shirt made of cotton and linen, to be given to them free of charge, and paid for by the town."

We have already seen that an effort was being made to form a Constitution of Government, for the safety and well-being of the State ; and that the people of Lexington had empowered their Representative to act on the subject. A Constitution was formed and submitted to the people. In Lexington the subject was referred to a committee of their most prominent citizens, - the result of which was to draw from the Eev. Mr. Clarke another of his valuable papers on the subject of civil government, which may be read with profit at the present day.

" The freemen of the Town of Lexington, having upon mature consideration voted that they do not approve of the Constitution and form of government, sent out by the late Honorable Convention, cannot look upon it as improper to suggest some reasons why they could not cheerfully accept of said Constitution and form of government, as calculated to answer the important ends proposed.

" Accordingly, it may be observed that it appears to us that in emerging from a state of nature into a state of well-regulated society, mankind give up some of their natural rights in order that others of greater importance to their well-being, safety and happiness, both as societies and individuals, might be the better enjoyed, secured and defended. That a civil Constitution or form of government is of the nature of a most sacred covenant or contract entered into by the individuals which form the society, for which such Constitution or form of government is intended, whereby they mutually and solemnly eTigage to support and defend each other in the enjoyment of those rights which they mean to retain. That the main and great end of establishing any Constitution or form of government among a people or in society, is to maintain, secure and defend those natural rights inviolate. And, consequently, that it is of the highest importance, both to the public peace and utility, and to the safety and security of individuals, that said rights intended to be retained, at least those that are fundamental to the well-being of society and the liberty and safety of individuals, should be in the most explicit terms declared. And that not only that Government and persons in authority might know their stated limits and bounds, but also that subjects and all members of such society might know when their rights and liberties are infringed or violated, and have some known and established standard, to which they might, with becoming confidence, appeal for the redress of grievances and oppressions, whether real or supposed ; and we most readily acknowledge that the total omission of a Declaration of Rights of this kind, is no small objection to the Constitution before us.

-' Next to a Declaration of Rights, it is humbly conceived that equality of representation is of the greatest importance to the preservation of the liberties of the subject, and the peace and safety of society. But we cannot think that the provision made in this form of government is adequate to this purpose. And we are of opinion that it is not without ground to be feared that through the imperfections of mankind in some future times, small towns may become an easy prey to the corrupt inlluence of designing men to the no small danger of the public tranquillity, as well as to the liberties of the people ; as hath been frequently, and notoriously the fact in England and many other states.

To The Close Of The Revolution

the Legislative Body of a State, even where such are elective, hath been frequently suggested and earnestly recommended by the best writers on polity and government, and is by practice and experience found to be a powerful check to the arts and schemes of ambitious and designing men, and as a means under Providence of prolonging the liberty, safety and tranquillity of such States and Commonwealths as have adopted it. Of this the Commonwealth of Rome was a striking instance, where no citizen could be legally elected to the Consulship, which was the office of the Supreme Magistrate, but once in ten years. And we could have wished that the example of the Honorable Congress in the Articles of Confederation had been adopted in this matter ; and that no citizen of this State had been eligible to the office of Supreme Magistrate, or as a member of the General Court, more than two years in five, three years in seven, or at least for some limited time.

** We have complained of it in times past under the Charter, and still look upon it as of dangerous tendency, to have the Legislative and Executive powers blended in the same persons. And the wise and judicious in all ages have spoken of it as a very great grievance to have in the Supreme Council or Legislative body of a State, placemen and pensioners, or which amounts to almost the same thing, persons who hold lucrative posts in the gift of the Court, or are dependent thereupon for their offices and salaries and perquisites annexed thereto. And we cannot persuade ourselves that the provision made in this Constitution would be an adequate remedy.

" Canvassing for elections, corrupt influence, and open bribery, have had their most baleful effects to the subversion of liberty, and the destruction of good government in free States, and that in all ages. And yet we cannot find anything in this Constitution to give the least check to practices of this kind.

'* We do not find any sufficient provision for any alteration or amendment of this Constitution but by the General Court, or by instructions of our Representatives. Whereas it appears to us at least, of the highest importance that a door should be left open for the people to move in this matter, and a way explicitly pointed out, wherein they might legally and constitutionally propose such, and effect any such alterations or amendments, in any future time, as might appear to them advantageous or necessary ; and the rather, as this might give satisfaction to the people, and be a happy means under Providence of preventing popular commotions, mobs, bloodshed, and civil war, which too frequently have been the consequences of the want of such an opening, which they might have legally and constitutionally improved.

" These in general, are a sketch of the reasons that have induced us to withhold our approbation of the Constitution and form of government, transmitted to us by the late Honorable Convention.

"Wherefore as the late General Court have explicitly recommended to the several towns in this State to instruct their Representatives upon this subject ; the Representative of this town is accordingly hereby instructed and directed to lay the proceedings of said town hereupon, with these reasons why this Constitution was not approved, before the General Court. And in case the establishment of this Constitution and form of government should be acted upon in said General Court, to give his vote against it.

" If this form of Government should not be established, and we have some grounds to believe that it will not, and it should be proposed in Court to form another, we would say that notwithstanding this town instructed and empowered their Representative for this purpose last year, and notwithstanding we earnestly hope to have a good Constitution in due time established in the State, yet for various reasons which to us at least appear of weight, we could wish to have it waived for the present ; not only because the form of government we are now under, as it hath done, so it may still answer all purposes of government ; but also because it may interrupt the deliberations of the Court upon affairs of more immediate concernment to the well being, and perhaps to the very existence of the State, which may demand all their time and all their attention ; but especially because our brethren absent in the war, and foremost in trials and danger in the great contest in which we are engaged, may think themselves not well treated in being deprived of having a voice in so interesting an affair.

" The Representative of this town is therefore, for these reasons and others, hereby further instructed to use his influence to have the matter at least for the present. But in case the Court should determine to have the matter further attempted at present, the Representative is further instructed to use his influence that it may be done by a Convention freely chosen by the people for that purpose and that only."

We give these papers in full, because they show the immediate relation which at that time existed between the representative and his constituents, and because we think that both representatives and the people might profit by the just views expressed in these instructions, written by a sound divine and practical statesman at that day.

In 1778, the burdens of the war pressed more heavily upon the people than they had done before. The depreciation of the currency, and the corresponding increase of prices, augmented the embarrassment. Besides, soldiers who had served, returned home without pay. If the towns paid them, it must greatly increase their taxes, and so exhaust their means ; and if they neglected to pay those who had served, it would discourage enlistments, and so render it difficult for towns to fill their quotas. Lexington like all other towns felt tliis embarrassment. But she resolved to be true to those who had been in the field. Accordingly, May, 1778, she appropriated £2,001 14s., to pay her troops up to that time. But more men were required, and in September of that year the town voted, " That the men who shall engage to march on the present alarm, shall be entitled to receive from the town £15 per month including the Court's pay."

It would seem from the face of the record, that ample provision was made to pay for the past expenditures, and to provide for the future expenses of the war. But in Lexington, as in all other towns at that time, the people were ready to vote taxes, but were unable to pay them. The high price of all the necessaries of life, and the ruinous state of the currency, rendered it almost impossible to obtain money on any consideration. They did all they could, and that was but little. There were but few who had money, and those who had, would not lend it, except at exorbitant rates ; and the raisers of produce partook of the same spirit. Prices were so fluctuating, and the currency was so deranged, that Congress suggested the propriety of some action on the subject ; and in Massachusetts a Convention assembled at Concord, for the purpose of considering the matter, and fixing a system of prices. Lexington participated in the movement, and chose Matthew Mead, Thaddeus Parker, and Joel Viles, as delegates. The Convention met in July, and fixed a scale of prices for goods, wares, and merchandise, and also for articles of produce and the wages of labor. The town expressed its hearty concurrence in the measures recommended by the Convention, and chose a committee to fix a scale of prices, and report the same to the town, at an adjourned meeting. These prices, being an important part of the history of the times, and showing the causes of the embarrassments of the people, we deem it a duty to insert.

Qd. per quart ; English hay, 30s. per cwt. ; Barley and Malt, £4 per bush.; Beans, 4s. lOd. per bush; Cider, £6 10s. per bbl. ; Sheep's wool, 21s., and Flax 12s. per lb. ; Mugs, 30s. per doz. ; Milk pans, 12s. per doz. ; Yard wide tow cloth, 24s. and cotton cloth, 36s. per yd". ; Sole leather, 20s. per lb. ; Upper leather in the same proportion ; Men's shoes, £6, and women's £4 10s. ; Making shoes and finding wax and thread, 48s; Shoeing horse and steeled, 90s., plain, 66s.; Setting a single shoe, 6s. ; New axe, £6, laying one, £3 12s. ; Spinning a double skein linen, 4s. Qd. ; Weaving tow cloth one yard wide, 4s., and cotton, 4s. 6d. ; Woolen cloth, one ell wide, 6s. ; Best felt hats, £4 ; Best saddles, £60, common do., £40; Good yarn hose for men, 66s. ; All wool cloth, common dye, £4 10s. per yard ; Teaming under 30 miles, 18s. per mile ; Carpenter's or mason's work, 60s. per day ; Common labor, 36s. to 48s. ; Oxen per day, 24s; Horses per mile, 3s.; West India flip per mug, los.. New England do., 12s. ; Extra good dinner, 20s., and common, 12s. ; Best supper and breakfast, 15s., and common, 12s. ; Lodging, 4s.

The town voted to have the Committee of Safety proceed with all persons, according to the Resolve of the Convention, that should demand, take, or give more for any article than the rates set down in the schedule. These prices appear to be much higher than they really were, owing to the depreciated currency, which was at that time worth about one-sixth of the value of coin. But even with that allowance, men at the present day would hardly be willing to work in the summer season for thirty-five cents per day, and pay ninety-three cents per pound for Bohea tea.

The embarrassments felt by the people at that day, were of the most trying character, and when we consider that these trials grew out of their devotion to the cause of freedom, and that they suffered not for themselves alone, but for us their descendants, we should not only overlook any faults we may discover in the course they pursued, but should render a tribute to their memories for their zeal and devotion in the gi'eat work in which they were so nobly engaged.

In 1779, the people were called upon to elect a delegate to a Convention to form a Constitution, and the inhabitants of Lexington, with great wisdom and propriety, selected the Rev. Mr. Clarke, who, though modest and unpretending, had a good share of influence in that body. He was on several important committees, ^vhere his good sense and ripened wisdom were of great service.

The delegates thus elected, fmmed a Constitution, and submitted it to the people for their ratification or rejection. The inhabitants of Lexington voted to adopt most of its provisions ; they however qualified their approval by proposing sundry amendments, all of which showed how jealous they were of their rights, and how careful they were to secure the great principles of popular equality, and to recognize religion as the basis of all good government.

We will give one of the amendments proposed, with the reasons for the same, as set forth by the committee appointed to consider the subject. In the frame of Government they proposed to add the word " Protestant " to the term " Christian Religion" in the oath of office, and supported that amendment as follows :

" As to the word Protestant, we conceive it to be a word which took its rise from the pious, noble, and truly heroic stand which Luther and the first Reformers, with the reformed Churches in Europe, made against the Errors, Superstition and Hierarchy of the Pope and Church of Rome, and the Oppression, Persecution and Tyranny of Charles the Fifth, Emperor of Germany in the beginning of the 15th century ; and more immediately from the Solemn Protest made and entered into by the Electors and Deputies of nineteen States and imperial Cities of Germany, against the unjust and impious Decrees of the Diet of the Empire, for suppressing -the glorious Reformation on the 19th of April, 1529. On that account they were distinguished by the name of Protestants. A Term by which the reformed Churches of all Denominations in Europe and America, if not throughout the world, have ever since been known. A Term which our venerable Ancestors brought with them, when they came into this country, and held in a manner sacred, as expressive of their Characters as professors of the pure Religion of Jesus Christ, in opposition to the blasphemous Absurdities of the Church of Rome ; and a Term which by long use hath been, and still is technically expressive of the true Religion of the Gospel, as justly distinguished from Popery. We therefore wish to have the expressive word inserted in the Constitution in those places we have pointed out, - to guard against introducing persons into offices of trust and places of power in the government of this State, whose Religion itself leads them to hold principles, and avow practices inimical to Liberty, subversive of Government, and dangerous to the State."

The town proposed several other amendments, all of which looked to the protection of the subject, and showed how jealous the people were of their rights.

The limited means of the people, the depreciation of paper money, and the numerous calls upon the town to furnish men and supply beef for the army, rendered the case exceedingly embarrassing. The town meetings which were very frequently held, show the great difficulty under which the inhabitants labored. To indicate the depreciation of money, and the consequent loss which must have been realized by the holders of the paper issued, it is only necessary to state the fact that in 1781, the town instructed their collectors to receive of those who were in arrears for their taxes one dollar of the new emission for forty of the old. And on the year following the selectmen settled with Benjamin Wellington, allowing him eighty for one, as the difference between silver and paper money.

Such a depreciation in the circulating medium would at any time produce great derangement in business, destroy confidence, and brinsf about a state of confusion in the transactions of life. And when we consider that this took place in the midst of the exhausting war of the Revolution, we are surprised that our fathers sustained themselves as well as they did.

As this element of depreciation in the paper currency at that day was interwoven with almost every transaction, public and private, it becomes important that we should understand the origin of these paper issues, and the cause of their depreciation. As this subject of the currency affected very materially the enlistment of soldiers in this and other towns, we take the liberty of making an extract from the history of Marlborough, where the subject was treated with some detail.^

"The unsuccessful expedition against Canada in 1690, involved the Province in a heavy debt. To meet this demand bills of credit were issued for one year. These were punctually redeemed till 1704, when the expenses of calamitous wars induced the General Court to defer the payment, first for* two years, and afterwards for a longer term. About 1714, the subject of the currency attracted considerable attention. Some were for returning to a specie currency ; others were for a land bank ; and others were for the Province loaning its credit to the towns, and thence in small sums to the inhabitants on interest. Tliis latter scheme prevailed, and £50,000 were issued, and passed over to the towns in proportion to their share of the public tax. The sums thus apportioned to the towns, were committed to trustees appointed by them, to be loaned out in small sums to individuals, who were to repay it at stated times with interest, and this interest was to be appropriated to defray the public expenses.

" Another scheme was projected to support a paper currency by silver coin, viz. - A loan of £60,000 to be deposited with the towns as in the other case, but to be repaid in specie. To extinguish this paper currency, which had become exceedingly oppressive, the home government interposed, and Parliament, knowing that this paper had been issued to carry on the wars of Great Britain against the French and Indians, passed an Act for reimbursing the Colonies in specie. The General Court provided by law for the rate at which these bills of credit should be redeemed ^ and fixed it at about one-fifth less than their lowest current value ; that is, at fifty shillings for an ounce of silver which was valued at 6s. ^d., or an English crown. This was the origin of the ' Old Tenor ' reckoning - fifty shillings of paper equal to an ounce of silver, or 65. Sd.

" As the design of this law was the abolition of the paper currency, and as the grant of Parliament was insufficient to redeem the whole mass of paper that the Province had issued, the remainder was liquidated by a tax of £75,000, payable in bills, at the above rate of fifty shillings in bills for 66-. 8fZ. in specie. All future debts after March 31, 1750, it was enacted, should be understood to be contracted on the specie basis of 65. 8c?. per ounce of silver. This was the origin of what has been known as ' Lawful Money ; ' three ounces of silver being equal to £1, or 20.S.

" This restored the currency to a metallic basis, and to a uniform permanent value. Having passed this crisis of depreciation, the people enjoyed a sound and uniform circulating medium for more than twenty years. But the breaking out of hostilities with the mother country, imposed a new obligation upon the Province. War had commenced ; and means must be supplied to carry it on. Consequently the Provincial Congress in May, 1775, empowered the Treasurer to borrow one hvmdred thousand pounds lawful money, secured by notes of the Province at six per cent, and made payable June 1, 1777. They also desired the other Colonies to give currency to such securities. At the same time, they commended this subject to the consideration of the Continental Congress.

" The Treasurer was required to issue no notes of a less denomination than £4 ; but it was found necessary to meet the wants of the army to have notes of a less denomination ; and the Provisional Congress empowered the Treasurer to issue notes of six, nine, ten, twelve, fourteen, fifteen, sixteen, eighteen and twenty shillings - this emission not to exceed £26,000. Almost simultaneously with these issues by the State, Continental bills were issvied by the General Government. For the first year these bills circulated freely, and were readily exchanged for cash.

" But the continued issue of such bills by the State and the nation, and the fact that they had no specie to redeem them ; the dubious prospect of the result of the war, and the general exhaustion of the community, tended to depreciate their value. Add to this the British officers, and the adlierents of the royal cause in the midst of us, took every opportunity, and had recourse to every means, to impair the value of this paper. They represented, and with too much truth, that the Continental Congress had no means by which to redeem their bills ; and with great injustice, asserted that they never intended to provide for their redemption. Under the influence of these causes, this paper money gradually depreciated in value, till it required about seventy-five pounds in paper to procure one in specie. Such a reduction in the value of the circulating medium, wrought great injustice, especially to those who subsisted on a salary, or labored for stated pay fixed beforehand. Many clerg}mien found by sad experience, that the salary which at their settlement was deemed suflficient, would hardly save them from starvation ; and the poor soldiers who enlisted at government pay for three years, found their wages hardly worth receiving, as will be seen by the following scale of depreciation.

To The Close Of The Bevoltjtion

A Table slwwing the Depreciation of Paper Money, from January 1, 1777, to January 1, 1781, inclusive; in which the value of £1, or 20 shillings in paper, will be seen for each month during the whole period.

"The above scale of depreciation will enable us, at any period during these years, to estimate the worth in specie of paper money then in circulation.

" It may not be amiss to state, that what was so embarrassing in Massachusetts, was still more so in all the States south of the Potomac, where little or nothing was done to sustain the credit of the country ; and that :Massachusetts did more during the whole period of the Kevolution in men and money than any other State. By an official Report from the Treasury Department at Washington, made in 1790, it appears that the amount of money, including paper reduced to its specie value, which had been received from, and paid to the several States by the

" Thus it will be seen, that while Massachusetts paid into the Continental Treasury during the Revolution $1,921,283 more than she received back, the five States of INIaryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, paid only $178,503 more than they received; so that Massachusetts in fact contributed a balance towards the support of the war more than ten times as great as these five States united."

If Massachusetts received from the General Government a large sum, it was because she furnished more soldiers tlian any other State, except Pennsylvania. As compared with Virginia, Massachusetts, with half the population of the Old Dominion, furnished nearly three times as many soldiers. Divide the whole number of men in the service by seven, the length in years of the war, and it would give Massachusetts an average for each year of 9,701, and Virginia only 3,953.

No wonder under circumstances like these, that towns found it difficult to fill their quotas. No wonder that soldiers who had enlisted for three years, on a pay founded upon a silver basis, were unwilling, to reenlist, when they found that their pay by the depreciation of the currency, had become nearly valueless. With hostile fleets upon our coasts, and hostile armies upon our soil; with a feeble army poorly fed and clothed, whose term of service was about to expire ; and with crippled resom-ces and a currency nearly worthless, so as not to command recruits, no wonder the towns felt themselves greatly embarrassed. Lexington in common with other towns had to strain every nerve, and put forth her best energies. It was not the want of patriotism, but the want of an adequate compensation, that led the young to hesitate to enter the service. It was not the want of generosity, but the want of means, that prevented the good people of Lexington offering such a compensation as would induce men to enlist at once. But the records show that they did exert themselves , in a becoming manner ; and if they failed in part in doing what seemed to be right and proper, it is due to them to say, that they succeeded in a great degree under circumstances which would have overwhelmed almost any other people.

The burdens under which the people of the town labored, and the efforts they made to discharge their obligations, and fill their quotas of men for the army, will readily be seen in the following extracts from the town Records.

"Feb, 20, 1781. Voted, That the town will give the men who shall engage for the army, each fifteen head of cattle for their services upon the following conditions, viz. If they serve one year, they shall receive yearling cattle, if two years, then cattle of two years old, if three years, then they shall receive cattle of three years old."

These votes speak for themselves. And the record further shows, that the people exerted themselves to the utmost to carry these votes into effect. At their meetings, which in some cases were held weekly, they appointed committee upon committee - one to obtain the men, one to borrow money, one to aid the Collectors in collecting the taxes, one to obtain the beef for the army, and another to report upon the best means to be adopted to further the great end. With the increase of the obstacles, they renewed their efforts. One led on by hope and another confidino" in despair - each and every one exerted their best energies to sustain the cause of their common country - the cause of human rights.

While we pity the poor soldiers, who, from the depreciation of the currency, found their pay an inadequate compensation for their arduous services, and admire the patriotism displayed in their righteous cause, we must admit that as a whole the people did what they could to alleviate their sufferings and those of their families at home. We therefore look back with profound admiration upon the zeal and self-sacrifice of that day. And when we consider the awful price our fathers paid for freedom, we cannot, and ought not to withhold our execration of the traitors who have recently attempted to destroy these blessed institutions - the fruits of our fathers' toils and sufferings. The history of the world does not furnish an instance of a rebellion so unprovoked and causeless, so unjustifiable and base, as that of the slaveholders in their recent attempt to overthrow our institutions.

After a great expenditure of blood and treasure - after trials, Bufferings and privations, such as are unknown, and consequently unappreciated by us their descendants, our fathers were at last blessed with liberty and independence. But they came out of the struggle, exhausted in their resources, and embaiTassed by new and perplexing difficulties. Poverty, disorder approaching anarchy, and a complication of new and difficult political questions, stared them in the face. As the country had been carried through the eventful struggle of the Revolution by the voice and efficient support of the primary assemblies, so now, after the treaty of peace, it was deemed important that the small towns should speak out. Lexington, which had been free to express her opinion before and during the Revolution, was willing to look any new difficulty in the face. Parson Clarke had a realizing sense of the condition of the country, and of the necessity of wise and prudent counsels; and hence in 1783, he spoke

To The Close Of The Revolution

'- Sir: - Having given the strongest evidence of our esteem and confidence in electing j'ou to represent this Town in the General Court of this Commonwealth, it is not to call in question either your Capacity, Disposition or Fidelity, that we assume the right of Instructing our Representative ; but rather to assure you of that hearty concurrence and support which you may be certain to meet with from your constituents, in those measures for the public good which your own wisdom, prudence and love of Liberty and your Country, would naturally suggest at such a time as this.

" It is true under God, by the Wisdom, Firmness, Patriotism and Bravery of the people of this, and the United States of America, we have been happily carried through a contest, in which all we held dear as a free people was at stake, and in less time and at less expense of Blood and Treasure than the most sanguine expectations of the most discerning and judicious among us promised, and effected a Revolution great in itself, and glorious in the eyes of the astonished World !

** Much however remains yet to be done, to perfect the work ; and perhaps there never was a time, not even in the height of the contest, or depth of our distress, when Attention, Firmness, Penetration, Wisdom and Integrity were more necessary than the present. This year appears to us to be a most interesting, critical, and important period ; and upon the course taken, and measures adopted and pursued at this period, the establishment of our Rights and Liberties, as freemen, free and sovereign States, and an independent Nation, as well as the Blessing of Peace upon a permanent basis, will in a great measure depend.

" Among other important concerns which may engage your attention, we beg leave to recommend the following, as what appears to us to demand the most critical notice, and serious consideration : - the case of those persons who in the late contest with Britain have left their country, and joined the Enemy. By the Articles in the Provisional Treaty of Preliminaries for a Peace between the United States and Great Britain, it is expressly agreed, ' that Congress shall earnestly recommend to the Legislatures of the respective States,' that persons of the above described character, ' shall have free liberty to go to any part or parts of the thirteen United States, and therein remain twelve months unmolested in their endeavors to obtain the restoration of their estates, rights, &c.'

" While we sincerely wish that the faith of the nation, solemnly plighted by the Plenipotentiaries of the United States, might be realized and regarded with the most sacred attention, we also wish that the freedom, independence and sovereignty of the States respectively, might not be forgotten,

" The words of the Treaty evidently suppose, that when Congress, in compliance with the stipulations in favor of persons of the above described character, * have earnestly recommended the matter to the Legislatures of the several States,' the Right of decision remains entirely and absolutely with them. The States severally are submitted to as the sole judges, and upon tlieir determination their fate must rest - from them there is no appeal.

-- Not to mention the hard names and opprobrious characters of Conspirators, Traitors and Rebels, nor to lay any stress upon the question -who among them are most or least deserving - there is one thing in which they are all alike, and without exception in the same predicament ; and this suggests a rule, and points out a line of conduct for these States, wliicli appears to us obvious, rational, just and necessary - and a rule etpially ai)plicable to all persons of the above characters. They have left the society - they have left the country by which they held their property - by which they were protected in, and to which they owed, Liberty, Property and Life ; and they have joined the Enemy, and put themselves, not only into their power, but also under their protection. By this one act, without any coloring or aggravation, it appears to us, they have forfeited all claim to privilege, property or protection in the society. State, or States they have left. The estate or property they have heretofore held, under the protection of the society or State to which they belonged, of course reverts to the State, and reason and common sense, the Laws of Nature and of Nations concur to pronounce them, one and all. Aliens from the Commonwealth.

"This alone, we humbly conceive, is an argument both clear and conclusive against their return to us, and the protection of their estates ; and at the same time points out a line of conduct both just and necessary - and is no more than putting a sanction upon their own choice.

"Many other arguments might be fairly urged against their return, and their admission as citizens of the States they have left ; as that they have by leaving and joining the enemy, weakened our cause and strengthened the enemy, and have sought and done what was in their power to subjugate us to the British yoke : That it is both unnatural and unjust, that such persons shouhi share in the privileges which they have to their utmost endeavored to destroy : That if they should be restored, and their estates returned to them, they will be very dangerous to the peace of society, and the liberties of this country : And we may add, that as to the idea of admitting some and rejecting others. It Is easy to see that wisdom would be puzzled to draw the line, and determine when and where to stop.

" We would further recommend to you to use your endeavors to procure a more thorough Inquiry into the state of the Public Debt, both State and Continental ; that the public accounts may be adjusted and properly arranged. To restore and establish the credit of State Notes and Securities, and fund for punctual payment of the interest of them.

"We also wish that every proper measure maybe taken to promote economy in all grants, and In all disposals of public money, and at the same time that merit be duly noticed and rewarded, and the public faith be preserved, where solemnly plighted, and the most watchful care be taken that all unnecessary expenditures, in pensions or otherwise, may be prevented.

" We would suggest to you the importance, in a free government, of the encouragement of Literature in all branches of science and useful knowledge, and particularly of the University of Cambridge, and Public Schools and Seminaries of Learning ; - and as the General Court is the great Inquest of the Commonwealth, to promote an inquiry into the causes of the too general neglect and contempt of the law for Grammar Schools in the several Towns.

** In all your proceedings, we trust we need not urge that a sacred regard to the Rights of the Community, an excellent Constitution, and the Articles of the Confederation of the United States of America, is at all times both becoming and necessary."

"We have seen the efforts made by the people of Lexington to carry on the war, but we have found them true to the cavise in which they were engaged. Particularly have we seen them inculcating the soundest principles of constitutional liberty. The experience of the world has shown that it is easier to throw off the yoke of foreign oppression, than it is to establish a system of civil government, adapted to the wants of a free people. But in this Commonwealth, the people in the very midst of a revolution framed a Constitution of government remarkable for its wisdom ; and we have the pleasure of seeing that the people of Lexington were alive to the subject, and active in establishing a government which has proved a blessing to the community.

Nor were the people of Lexington behind the rest of the community in their efforts to establish a government of laws. Reared up under the wise counsel of a prudent statesman, they were never disturbed by tories, nor by those wild visionaries who think that liberty consists in throwing off all restraint. The people, as a body, were peaceable and law-abiding, and equally ready to resist tyrants or to sustain rulers duly elected in conformity to the laws of the land. They were devotees of liberty, but it was liberty regulated by law. They were warm advocates for a well regulated freedom, exempt from tyranny on the one hand, and licentiousness on the other.

From The Peace Of 1783 To The Year 1830

Population in 1783 - Embarrassment of the People - Shays' Rebellion - Instruction to Representatives - A New Meeting House erected - Jay's Treaty - Death of Mr. Clarke - Settlement of Mr. Williams - Resolutions on National Affairs - Green's Oration - Mr. Williams dismissed - The Great Bridge rebuilt - The Fourth of July celebrated - Reception of Lafayette - Phinney's Address - His History of Lexington Battle - Adamrs's Letter in Defence of Acton - Stetson's Oration.

Though the war of the Revolution had been a -period of trial and anxiety to the people of the Commonwealth, the period which followed the war was in many respects quite as trying. The heavy debt of the nation, State and towns, incurred during the seven years' war, and the embarrassments of individuals arising from the same cause and from the depreciation of paper money, produced a depression of business and a state of monetary affairs bordering upon bankruptcy. From this general embarrassment, Lexington was not exempt.

Up to this time the people had been subjects of Great Britain, or involved in a contest with that couintry ; but thenceforward they were freemen. But there were causes which operated against the increase of population. A considerable number who had served in the army, from the town, did not return to Lexington to become permanent citizens ; and others who had resided in town during the war, owing to the depressed state of business and pecuniary embarrassments, left the place to seek their fortunes elsewhere. These causes served to keep the population nearly stationary for a considerable period.

The Town Records for some years present nothing of special interest. The burden of the Town Meetings was to obtain means to discharge the debts contracted during the war. The year 1786 was memorable for what has generally been denomi- nated, ">5Aays' Rebellion.^'' The pecuniary embarrassment of which we have spoken, and tlie heavy taxes wliich were necessarily imposed, gave color to the plea that unnecessary burdens were imposed upon the people. On the 2 2d of August a convention of delegates from fifty towns in the county of Hampshire met at Hatfield, and adopted measures looking to the resistance of the laws. A large number of men assembled at Northampton, took possession of the Court House, and prevented the sitting of the Court. The Governor issued a proclamation, calling upon all oflficers and citizens to suppress such treasonable proceedings, but to little or no purpose. At Worcester and Concord the Courts were interrupted. The Legislature passed several acts relieving the people as far as was practicable. But the insurgents, headed by Daniel Shays, who had been a Captain in the Continental Army, to the number of about three hundred, marched to Springfield in December, and took possession of the Court House, and so prevented the sitting of the Court at that place. To meet this emergency, four thousand troops were ordered out for thirty days, unless sooner discharged. Of this force, eight hundred were from the county of Middlesex. They were put under the command of General Lincoln. Though the insurgents appeared in martial array at Worcester, Springfield, and several other places, there was never any direct collision between the troops and the insurgents, though a few shots were fired, and three or four of the insurgents were killed. Shays was driven from Springfield, and his force was soon dispersed at Petersham, Avhere one hundred and fifty were taken prisoners, which terminated the rebellion.^ The precipitate flight of Shays on the appearance of General Lincoln's troops at Petersham, gave rise to much ridicule, and many sallies of wit. In one of the doggerel ballads of the day, his flight is thus characterized :

' Daniel Shays was born in Hopkinton, 1747. After his rebellion was crushed, he fled to Vermont, and afterwards moved to Sparta, N. Y., where he died September 29, 1825, aged eighty-four. He was a pensioner of the United States.

Though the scene of this rebellion was not laid in Lexington, the inhal)itants of this town did not refrain altogether from a participation in the affair. In response to an Address from the town of Boston, touching the subject of this insurrection, the people of Lexington, in town meeting assembled, October 16, 1786, expressed their condemnation of all such lawless proceedings, and promised their co-operation in all suitable measures to put down the rebellion, and sustain the honor and authority of the Government.

Captain William Munroe, with a body of men, marched towards the scene of action ; but the flight of Shays rendered any further movement unnecessary, and he returned.

On the tenth of March, 1787, the General Court appointed a Commission, empowered, on certain conditions, to receive the submission of the insurgents. About eight hundred came in and submitted themselves, and were not further proceeded against. Fourteen were tried and convicted. They were severally sentenced to death, and some were even brought to the place of execution ; but they were all ultimately pardoned.

While the State was thus embarrassed by its debts, and the people were borne down with pecuniary burdens, the citizens of Lexington freely expressed their sentiments in instructions to their Representative, which show the points of discussion before the public.

At a meeting held March 28, 1787, their Representative was instructed, ' to adhere strictly to the Constitution, to oppose the emission of any paper money, to restore public credit, to oppose the removal of the seat of government from Boston, to urge the imposition of impost duties on foreign articles, and to urge that heavy penalties be imposed upon those who exact excessive interest on money loaned.'

At a meeting held April 4, 1791, Rev. Jonas Clarke, Benjamin Brown, Esq., and Captain Joseph Simonds were elected a committee to present a memorial to Congress asking them to erect a monument over the remains of those persons who were slain on the 19th of April, 1775.

In 1793, the subject of building a new meeting-house began to be agitated. At a meeting held March 11, 1793, it was "voted unanimously to build a New Meeting-House, and to set it in the most convenient place, near the present Meeting-House."

His Excellency Governor Hancock, learning that the people of Lexington, for whom he always manifested a strong attachment, were about to build a new meeting-house, generously placed a hundred dollars at their disposal to aid them in the enterprise ; for which he received " the thanks of said inhabitants, for this fresh instance of his friendship and affection to the town, in which the memory of his pious ancestors is still held in veneration, and the name of Hancock will ever he iDvecious.''^

May 23, 1793, the town voted to build a new meeting-house, and to have two porches and a tower to the proposed house. Thus far the town proceeded with great unanimity. They all wanted a new meeting-house. They all desired it to be located on the Common. But when they came to minor points, as is usual on such subjects, a difference of opinion arose. Town meeting after town meeting was held, to decide whether the house should be set a few feet more or less from the old meetinghouse; whether it should "face due south," or " down the great road ; " whether there should be one porch or two ; or whether it should be painted " pea-green " or some other color.

But these questions were finally adjusted by voting to set the house " twenty feet back of the sills of the old house," and that it should "face half-way between south and south-east." But it does not appear that these differences obstructed the march of improvement ; for in anticipation of a new house, they positively directed their committee to provide those indispensable appendages of a meeting-house, horse-blocks. Smile not at the rustic manners of our fathers ; for you must know that in those days tlifi ladies rode to meetinsr on horseback behind their husbands or brothers, and were much more punctual in attendance than people are at the present day, with handsome carriages to ride in. In those days Si 2) III ion was a necessary part of a young lady's outfit, and many a belle has been seen riding to a ball behind her intencled, upon a pillion of her own furnishing. And at church, how could a lady mount her horse, behind her gentleman, unless she had a horse-block to ascend ? These horse-blocks may be considered^almost in the light of an institution ; and a soundingboard over the pulpit and a horse-block near the house, were almost as important as the house itself.

The house being finished was dedicated on the 15th of January, 1795. About the same time, the pews were sold at auction. The size of the house appears not to be a matter of record. The number of pews below was fifty-four, and the number in the gallery was twenty-four. The aggregate sale amounted to $5,887. Besides these pews, there were seats in the body of the house ; and a seat reserved for the negroes.

When the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation between the United States and Great Britain, commonly called Jay's Treaty, was made known to the American people, it met with decided opposition. On the 13th of August, 1795, the inhabitants of Lexington met in town meeting for the purpose of considering that treaty. When the treaty was read, it was referred to a Committee, of which Rev. Jonas Clarke was Chairman. This drew from Mr. Clarke an able paper, in which he condemns the treaty, and shows the impolicy of many of its provisions. As the subject has long since passed by, and as our space is limited, we reluctantly exclude it from our pages. We will however say, that it fully sustains the character of its author for ability and watchful devotion to what he believed to be the true interest of his country, and his paper was unanimously adopted by the town. Nor was Lexington alone in opposing that treaty. It drew from many of our soundest men severe condemnation. It was assailed by argument and by wit - in prose and in verse. One scribbler vents his spleen thus :

In the misunderstanding between France and the United States in 1797 and 1798, Congress had imdcr consideration the subject of arming merchant vessels, that they might defend themselves against French depredations. The inhabitants of Lexington in town meeting assembled, adopted a memorial to Congress, expressing their apprehension that such a measure would be fraught with danger ; that it would be committing the peace of the nation into the hands of any and every master or commander of a vessel, so armed and commissioned ; who, through ignorance, prejudice, resentment or design, might commit acts of hostility, and so involve the nation in war, in contravention of the Constitution, which makes Congress the sole judge of the propriety of declaring war, after a full consideration of the subject.

This memorial is the last paper, found upon the town records, prepared by their faithful pastor and enlightened statesman, Mr. Clarke. Few towns are able to furnish from their records, papers so numerous, elaborate, and able as Lexington ; and if she has whereof to boast, nothing, save the heroic part she acted on the 19th of April, 1775, can stand in preference to the able state papers which emanated from her village clergyman.

The nineteenth century opens upon Lexington with a population of 1,006, being sixty-five more than in 1790. Nothing of importance occurred in the town for some years. Having recovered in a good degree from the pecuniary embarrassments growing out of the Revolution, the people became more liberal in their appropriations for schools, highways, and other objects, which mark the progress of civilization. In 1805, the town experienced a severe loss in the death of their devoted and distinguished pastor. Rev. Jonas Clarke. They manifested their regret, and respect for his memory by bearing the expense of his funeral, and caring for his family after his decease. Mr. Clarke died, November 15, 1805, being in the seventy-fifth year of his age, and in the fifty-first year of his ministry.'

In October, 1807, the church, acting separately from the town, as was then the custom in all the Congregational churches, voted to call Mr. Avery Williams, and submitted their action to the town, which voted unanimously to concur with the church. The town voted to offer him a salary of seven hundred dollars, and one thousand dollars as a settlement, - he relinquishing all

' For an account of his character and services, see "Ecclesiastical History," and for an account of his family, see '* Qenealogies of the Lexington Families."

claim upon tlic ministerial lands and fund. Mr. Williams accepted the call, and was ordained, December 30, 1807. The town made ample provision for the occasion, as appears by the fact that they paid Amos Muzzy, Jr., $139.78 for entertaining the Council.

On the 4th of July, 1809, the people of Lexington celebrated the Thirty-third Anniversary of our Independence. Benjamin Greene, Esq., delivered an oration, in which he made the following allusion to the town of Lexington and her martyred citizens :

"If there ever was a time when it might be more than ordinarily the duty of posterity to recount the wonderful achievements, and to call to mind the insurmountable fortitude and perseverance of their ancestors ; and if there ever was a place peculiarly appropriate to this important purpose, surely this is the time, Has is the place. For here the thunders of British oppression, which had been accumulating for years, like the fulminating bolt from the dark and condensed tempest, burst its barriers, disgorging its direful eflfects upon the innocent victims of its cruel and relentless rage ; and here the soil of freedom was first moistened with the blood of her sons.

"That frail monument shall moulder to the dust, and be mingled with the corporeal of those whose names it is designed to perpetuate. But their names shall be remembered and repeated by the last of freedom's race. By their blood they have consecrated this place ; and on the wings of their fame have they borne the name of Lexington through eveiy region of the globe."

The health of Rev. Mr. Williams declining, and a journey South failing to restore him, the town, after supplying the pulpit for several months at their own expense, in September, 1815, came into an agreement with Mr. Williams, by which his connection with the parish should terminate - they paying him six hundred dollars.

The subject of the " Great Bridge " between the towns of Cambridge and Brighton, which had annoyed the people of Lexington for about a century, and which required of them an annual tax for repairs, appeared in 1815 in a form more oppressive. The bridge was rebuilt at a cost of $1,727, of which Lexington was required to pay $356.64 - a tax sufficiently oppressive when it is considered that few if any of the inhabitants of the town ever passed over it.

From The Peace Of 1783 To The Year 1830

During the war of 1812 with Great Britain, party politics ran high in the State. Lexington was strongly Republican. In 1814, the 4th of July was celebrated in the town with great show and parade. By eleven o'clock, four or five thousand people had assembled. A procession was formed, which moved to the meeting-house, escorted by a detachment of Colonel Loring's Fourth Regiment. The services at the church were as follows : Prayer, by Rev. Edmund Foster ; reading of the Declaration of Independence, by Gen. Joseph B. Varnum ; Oration, by Hon. Timothy Fuller. The assembly was honored by the presence of Gen. Henry Dearborn, and several other officers of the army under his command. The presence of Hon. Elbridge Gerry, Vice President of the United States, added to the interest of the occasion. Gen. Varnum presided at the table. That the ladies might participate in the festivities of the occasion, a spacious marquee was erected on the Green, and a social tea party was formed. At least a thousand persons partook of the bounties of the table. In the evening a splendid ball was given in the marquee, which was tastefully fitted up for the purpose.

Many distinguished men of the Republican party, among whom were Hon. Judge Dana, Hon. Benjamin Austin, Hon. George Blake, and Hon. William Eustis, honored the occasion by their presence. It was truly a proud day for Lexington. The Orator of the day alludes to Lexington in this thrilling strain : " This glorious spot, the hallowed scene of this day's devotion ; this happy, favored spot, beheld the first precious, ruddy drops, shed to redeem our country. Yonder sacred pedestal, the faint emblem of our gratitude, declares the names of the first victims of British injustice. But long after that shall have crumbled to dust, the faithful page of history, the hearts of a grateful people shall engrave the deeds, and transmit the glorious record to remotest ages."

But Lexington did not confine her support of the government and of the war in Avhich we were engaged, to mere words. She made provision for the soldiers who might volunteer, or be called out by the national or State government, voting them five dollars bounty, and a sum which would make up their pay to sixteen dollars a month, including the amount offered by the General Government.

In 1821, in order to keep up with the times, and make a little more noise in the world, the toAvn voted to exchange their church bell for a larger one.

As Lafayette, the distinguished Frenchman, who had served us so ftiithfully in our Revolution, and by military and civil talents had contributed so much towards the establishment of our Independence, had consented to become the guest of a gi'ateful country during his sojourn in America ; and as he would probably desire to visit all the places memorable in the great patriotic struggle in which he had so nobly participated, it was natural to suppose that he would delight to visit the spot which was distinguished as the birth-place of American Liberty. And the good peoj^le of Lexington, true to the spii'it of their fathers, extended to the hero and sage a cordial invitation to visit the place, and receive the congratulations of the admiring throng. To enable the whole people to participate as far as possible in paying a tribute of gratitude and heartfelt admiration, the subject was laid before the inhabitants in town meeting assembled. On the 30th of August, 1824, it was

" Voted, That the Board of Selectmen, together with Messrs. Abijah Harrington, John Muzzey, Elias Phinney, James Brown, Samuel Downing and Christopher Reed, be a Committee to make arrangements to give General Lafayette a suitable reception in this place.

" Voted, That the Committee be authorized to draw upon the Town Treasurer for any sum of money that may be necessary to defray the expense of the preparation to receive the General."

This vote of the town, giving their Committee the power to draw from the Treasury without limitation, shows the state of feeling which pervaded the country at that time. Lafayette was the guest of the nation, and the entire people were disposed to show him the greatest possible respect. The recollection of his patriotic and valuable services in the field, and the no less valuable services in procuring aid from the French government, endeared him to every American ; and wherever he %vent he Avas hailed with joy and admiration. His tour through the country was rapid, and was marked everywhere by the most heartfelt demonstrations of gratitude and admiration. Cavalcades moved forward to meet him, cannon announced his approach, bells rang out their merry peals of congratulation and welcome, triumphant arches were thrown across the streets on which he was to pass, flags tastefully entwined, or thrown openly to the breeze, testified to the universal joy which the community felt. Never did a conqueror, returning from his victorious exploits, receive such heartfelt adulation. The pageantry attending the tour of monarchs through their dominions, escorted and protected by their hireling bands of armed men, of which history furnishes many examples, are mere empty show, ostentatious parade, or feigned adulation, at which the heart sickens, when compared with the sincere and voluntary homage paid to this illustrious man, by every friend of liberty throughout the land. On the 2d of September, 1824, Lafayette honored Lexington with his presence. Attended by his voluntary suite, he left Boston for our peaceful village. At the line of the town he was received by a troop of horse, and a cavalcade of citizens, who escorted him to the Common. Here was a beautiful arch of evergreen and flowers, with a motto, - " Welcome, Friend of America, to the Birthplace of American Liberty." The Common was tastefully decorated with flags, and a large concoui'se of people had assembled to do honor to one who had done so much for our country. Among those thus assembled, were the children from the schools, and fourteen of the gallant men who had participated in the battle of the 19th of April, 1775. After entering the Common, under the arch before mentioned, the procession moved to the Monument, where the following patriotic and eloquent speech of welcome, was delivered by Major Elias Phinney, of Lexington :

^^ General: - In behalf of the Committee of Arrangements and the Inhabitants of Lexington, allow me to tender you the assurance of their most respectful and cordial welcome to this town. Impressed with a sense of the important services you have rendered this country, they meet you on this occasion, and upon this memorable spot, with hearts swelling with every emotion which a generous love for your exalted character, and a grateful remembrance of the distinguished lustre of your deeds can inspire.

" On this hallowed ground, consecrated by the blood of the first martyrs to liberty, was kindled that flame which roused the nation to arms, and conducted them through peril and blood to a glorious Independence. Here a small band of patriots hurled the first signal of defiance to a host in arms, and taught the enemies of their country the appalling truth, that Americana dared to die in defence of their rights.

"These liardy and virtuous yeomanry of the country ofler you the eincere tribute of their warmest affections. Among them your presence has awakened emotions too powerful for utterance. With the name of Lafayette is associated every comfort which sweetens the fruit of their toil, every charm which crowns the altar of domestic happiness. Under the shadow of that glorious fabric, which your hands have assisted in rearing, they repose in peace and security.

" Permit me, Sir, in common with grateful millions, to express our earnest solicitations that a life which has for go many years been steadfastly devoted to the cause of national liberty - which has so long encountered, without dismay, the frowns of arbitrary power, may be preserved for many years to come, a blessing and an honor to mankind ; and when you, Sir, and your brave associates in the war of the Revolution, shall have ceased from your earthly laliors, instead of the fathers, may their children rise up to bless your memory, and emulate your virtues."

The General, with great sensibility, expressed his warmest thanks for the flattering- attention he had received from the people of Lexington, and the satisfaction and pleasure he felt in standing upon the soil consecrated by the blood of patriots to the glorious cause of freedom throughout the world ; and the high gratification he experienced in beholding the surviving remnant of that heroic band, which here inaugurated that resistance to tyrants, which is obedience to (jod.

After these ceremonies were over, the General was introduced to fourteen of the Spartan band who had rallied under the gallant Parker, on the memorable 19th of April, half a century before, to assert the rights of freemen in the face of a haughty foe. After exchanging cordial greetings with the citizens assembled on the Green, they partook of a collation prepared for the occasion. Every thing went off agreeably, and the day will long be remembered by those who were present.

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lexington, held December 13, 1824, a committe was appointed, consisting of Hon. Nathan Chandler, llev. Charles Briggs, Elias Phinney, Amos Muzzy, Abijali Harrington, Benjamin O. Wellington, Charles Reed, John Muzzy, and Francis Bowman, Jr., Esquires, to collect and present to the public a statement of such fsicts relative to the affair at Lexington on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, as may be supported by undoubted testimony, and which may be calculated to place the transactions of that day, before the public, in their true light.

This measure was adopted in consequence of publications which claimed for Concord the leading honors of the 19th of April, 1775. These writers claimed that " at Concord the first blood was shed between the British and the armed Americans," and " that the first forcible resistance " was made at the North Bridge in Concord. Elias Pliinney, Esq., acting for the committee, of which he was a member, prepared and published in 1825, a succinct and well digested history of the events of that day, so far at least as Lexington was concerned, - showing conclusively that the first blood on both sides was shed at Lexington, and that though the British at Lexington as at Concord fired first, several of Captain Parker's men returned the fire. These statements were fully substantiated by the affidavits of several persons who were present and acting on that occasion. The pamphlet of Major Phinney, written with ability and can- 'dor, went far towards settling that controversy. The lists of the casualties of that day decide most conclusively who were at posts of danger, and who were in the forefront of the battle. While Lexington with a single company had ten killed and ten wounded. Concord with two companies had no one killed and only four or five wounded, and one of them a citizen pursuing his ordinary occupation.

Concord, rather unfortunately for her fame, subsequently engaged in a controversy with Acton, relative to the events of that day. Josiah Adams, Esq., a native of Acton, delivered a Centennial Address in his native town in 1835, in which he defended Captain Davis, who fell gallantly leading the column to the Bridge occupied by the British troops ; and in doing this he called in question the claims of Concord, relative to the honors of the day. This defence of Captain Davis gave offence to the citizens of Concord, and a controversy ensued which drew from Mr. Adams a spicy letter to Lemuel Shattuck, Esq., the author of the History of Concord, in which he showed conclusivel}'^ that to Captain Davis and his Acton company belonged the principal honor of the affair at the North Bridge.^

' Mr. Adams, in his publications, maintains with great force that on the hill the Provincials were assembled, the Concord companies both ranked the Acton company ; that they were paraded on the right near the road leading to the Bridge ; that both seniority of rank, and position on the field, would

In 1825, the citizens of Lexington celebrated the Fourth of July in a becoming manner. Rev. Caleb Stetson delivered the Oration, which was replete with patriotic sentiments. After paying a general tribute to the heroic, self-sacrificing spirit of our fathers who achieved our independence, the speaker alludes to Lexington in the following peroration : " But there are local associations coming home to our hearts, awakening an intense and absorbing interest. We can never forget that in this village, in the little band that stood in fearless array with the gallant Parker, the spirit of resistance to British oppression was first roused to action. Here was shed that blood in which the Declaration of Independence was written."

Alluding to those who fell on the 19th of April, he said : " Their memory is the legacy of mankind. It will descend with power and pathos to the bosoms of distant posterity. Yonder Monument is but an inadequate and perishing memorial of their glory - but the seal of immortality is already stamped upon it. We carry forward our vision through the shadowy range of coming generations, and see it grow brighter and brighter in the dimness of the distance. And it shall live in every heart that beats in freedom's cause, when the mausoleums of departed greatness, and the monuments of pride and power shall have mouldered to oblivion."

naturally devolve upon the Concord companies the duty of leading the column down the narrow causeway to the Bridge ; but that in fact Captain Davis, occupying a central position in the line, wheeled his company out of the line, and marched in front of the Concord companies, and at the head of the column, to dislodge the British from the Bridge ; and that this must have been done with the approbation of Major Buttrick, who commanded at the time. He also asserts that on the retreat of the British from Concord, the Acton men joined in the pursuit, and followed them as far at least as Lexington, where one of their number was killed ; but that there is not the least evidence, that the Concord companies ever left their own town during that day ; that the assertion that the first foicible resistance was made at Concord is untrue ; that there was forcible resistance at Lexington several hours before ; and that the resistance at Concord was made by the Acton and not by the Concord men. He also confutes the assertion that when they marched down to the Bridge and returned the British tire, they had not heard that the enemy had tired upon Captain Parker's men at Lexington several hours before. Any one'who wishes to understand the transaction at Concord, and to honor those to whom honor is due, will do well to read the publicationb of Mr. Adams.

From The Year 1830 To 1867

The Nineteenth of April celebrated by the Town - The Remains of the Martyrs of 1775 removed^ Controversy relative to the Ministerial Fund - The Town Hall - Kossuth visits Lexington - Death of Jonathan Harrington - Breaking out of the Rebellion - Lexington sends her Quota of Men - Bounty to the Soldiers.

No one day in the annals of Lexington, save the 19th of April, 1775, stands out so prominent as April 20, 1835. On that day, the remains of the heroes who fell on Lexington Green, in 1775, which had been interred in the grave-yard, were removed and deposited in a vault, prepared for the purpose, near the base of the Monument, with appropriate ceremonies, which will long be remembered. On the 28th of April, the year preceding, at a legal town meeting, it was

'- Voted unanimously, To have the remains of those -who were killed by the British, on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, removed and re-entombed near the Monument, (with the consent of their surviving relations.)"

.The Committee, impressed with the solemnity and importance of the subject, wisely selected the Anniversary of their fall, as the day to remove their remains ; and as the event was one of historic and national importance, with equal wisdom, chose one of the nation's most distinguished orators, Hon. Edward Everett, to deliver an Address on the occasion. The names of the persons whose remains were inclosed in the sarcophagus were, Jonas Parker, Robert Miinroe, Samuel Iladleif, Jonathan Harrington, Jr., Isaac Muzzy, Caleb llarrinyton, and John Broivn. These persons belonged to Lexington and were killed in the morning. Three other citizens of Lexington were killed on the return of the British in the afternoon, viz., Jedediah INIunroe, John Kaymond, and Nathaniel Wyman.

The bodies of the seven individuals belonging to Lexington were, at the time of their death, inclosed in long wooden boxes, made of rough boards, and buried in one common grave, in the burying-ground , separate and apart from all other graves. A few days prior to the celebration, their remains were disinterred under the direction of the Committee, placed in a wooden coffin, which was inclosed in lead and made air-tight, and the whole in a mahogany sarcophagus, on the sides and ends of which were eight urns, bearing the names and emblematical of the individuals whose remains were contained therein. A deposit Avas made in the sarcophagus of a thick leaden box, hermetically sealed, containing the following articles, viz. : - A copy of the History of the Battle of Lexington, by Elias Phinney, Esq., a sketch of the exercises and orders of the day, a copy of the Bunker Hill Aurora, and a copy of the Concord Whig ; the names of the President of the United States, of the Lieutenant Acting Governor of Massachusetts, and the clergymen of Lexington. To receive the sarcophagus, a tomb had been prepared in the rear of the foundation of the Monument.

Salutes and minute guns were fired at intervals, during the morning, and flags raised in honor of the occasion, were waving at half mast until the close of the funeral services. At an early hour the villafje was filled with visitors to the number of several thousands, notwithstanding the unpropitious state of the weather. Public and private houses were thrown open and filled Avith visitors.

The procession was formed at 11 o'clock, near the ^Monument House, and moved under a military escort, consisting of the Lexington Artillery and a volunteer company of light infantry, commanded respectively by Capt. J. F. LeBarron and Capt. Billings Smith. The procession moved to the burying ground, where they received the sarcophagus, the band performing appropriate music during the ceremony. On arriving at tlie church, the military opened to the riglit and left, the sarcophagus was placed in the broad aisle, and the procession entered. The pulpit was occupied by the Chaplain and the Reverend Clergy. In front of the pulpit a platform had been raised for the orator ; and on each side of him on the platform were seated the survivors of Capt. Parker's company, viz. : Dr. Joseph Fiske, Daniel Mason, Benjamin Locke, William Munroe, Jonathan Harrington, Ebenezer Simonds, Jonathan Loring, John Hosmer, Isaac Durant, Josiah Heed. Solomon BroAvn and Ebenezer Parker were absent, one living at a great distance, and the other on account of the infirmities of age. The galleries were occupied exclusively by the ladies. Notwithstanding the unpromising state of the weather, the preceding evening and that morning, the church was filled to overflowing, as well as the platform which had been erected round the church, and the windows, were also filled with hearers.

After an appropriate prayer by Rev. James Walker, Hon. Edward Everett delivered an Address, which was listened to in breathless silence for two entire hours. We shall attempt no synopsis of this Address. Nothing short of the whole could give an adequate idea of its poAver and beauty. It is enough to say that it has been given to the public, and is one of the happiest efforts of that distinguished orator, whose words have electrified the country, and whose life even to the last, has been devoted to the great cause of American Independence.

We cannot, however, dismiss this masterly Address without saying that Mr. Everett gave a succinct statement of the causes of the American Revolution, passed a justly merited eulogy upon John Hancock and Samuel Adams, commended the able and patriotic efforts of Rev. Jonas Clarke, noticed the preparations made in Lexington to meet the crisis ; and of the events which occurred on the Common on the 19th of April, 1775, said : " Another volley aimed with fatal precision, succeeds. Several dropped, killed and wounded. Capt. Parker now felt the necessity of directing his men to disperse ; but it was not till several of them had returned the British fire^ and some of them more than once, that tliis handful of brave men were driven from the field."

After the close of the exercises at the church, the procession again formed, and moving around the inclosed battle ground to the JNIonument, the sarcopliagus Avas placed within the iron railing in a tomb of stone masonry, prepared to receive it. Three volleys of nnisketry were then fired over the grave, and the procession moved on to the pavillion erected near the Monument House, wlicre a collation was prepared.

Elias Phinney, Esq., Clinirman of the Conmiittee of Arrangements, presided at the table. On each side of the President Avere the invited guests, including Lieutenant Governor Armstrong and Aids, Orator and Chaplains, Daniel Webster, Judge Story, President Quincy, Attorney General Austin, Adjutant General Dearborn, and others.