Lexington Town (part 1 of 25)

Wiggix & Lunt, Publishers

Of the illustrations bound witli this work, the portraits of Rev. Mr. Hancock, Col. INIunroe, and the author were furnished by their respective descendants ; and those of Theodore Parker, Rev. Dr. and Mrs. Follen, and Rev. Mr. Stetson, by their numerous friends resident in the vicinity. The views of dwelling-houses, including the Lexington House, Avere, except as stated below, sup])lied by their present or late owners ; and those of public buildings by citizens' subscriptions.

In the exercise of the powers given to them, the Committee have inserted the following illustrations at the town's expense, viz. : a lithographic portrait of Jonathan Harrington ; wood enjrravinffs of the Clarke House, the old Munroe Tavern, the INIonument, the proposed Monument, and the Battle Scene on the 19th of April ; diagrams of Lexington Common, and the Old North Bridge at Concord, with their surroundings as they were in 1775 ; andy^c similes of the autogi'aphs of twenty-nine men whose names are affixed to public documents which are a part of the History. It was thought that nothing ought to be omitted from the book, which could serve to explain, or invest with additional interest, the events narrated.

After a considerable progress had been made in the printing, the author apprised us that the amount of matter prepared by him would probably exceed, in print, the number of pages he had contemplated ; but that he could not materially abridge the History without departing from his original plan, and impairing the symmetry and completeness of the work. Much interesting matter on the subject of slavery has been omitted. But we fuvmd that tlie great length of the manuscript was principally due to the minuteness with which the author had told the story of the nineteenth of April, 1775, and set forth the causes and consequences of the events recited. The citizens of Lexington will not need to be convinced, that on no account should such a narrative be abridged in the annals of such a town.

In preparing tlie following History, I have labored under the embarrassments felt by every one who undertakes to compile the annals of a town, arising from the meagre and imperfect character of municipal records. This is particularly true of the records of births, deaths, and marriages. There is scarcely a family whose genealogy can be accurately traced, in our public archives, through two generations. There will be omissions of births and deaths, or a minute so brief that it is next to impossible to determine whether the child born belongs to this family or that ; or whether the person who died is the father or the son in the particular funnily, or whether he belongs to this family or another

It is the fortune of those who compile our local histories, and espe^cially if they deal with the genealogy of families, to rest under the imputation of being inaccurate ; Avhen the fault is in the record, or in the absence of all record, rather than in the compiler. In feet any person who undertakes to write a local history from the records of the town alone, would confer no favor upon the public, unless it be to show how defective those records are. It is well understood by all those who have had experience, that the labor of gleaning from the town or city books, constitutes but a small portion of the actual labor to be performed. While gleaning from the .records, the compiler's work is before him; but when he goes elsewhere to supply defects or explain what is recorded, he enters an unexplored field, and many fruitless days must be spent in search of the needed information. And it is not till he has had experience, that he learns where and how to direct his inquiries, and to separate facts from fiction.

In some of our towns, a portion of the records are lost. Lexington town records are continuous from the first. There is, however, one serious defect in the list of marriages. In past times the records of deaths and marriages were generally kept by the clergymen. Rev. Mr. Hancock, who was a clergyman in Lexington more than half a century, was very full and accurate in his entries. And while we have his lists of deaths and baptisms from 1698 to the time of his death, we have no account of his marriages till 1750. He must have kept a full record from the first, which is destroyed or lost. This has proved a great embarrassment in preparing the genealogy, though many of these defects have been supplied from other sources.

There is also a general defect in records, arising from the brevity of the entries. When an event is recent, and the details are fresh in the memory of the people, a concise memorandum may apparently answer the purpose. But when the event is forgotten, such a brief entry becomes almost useless. All records should be self-explaining ; so that they can be understood at any future day. Another defect arises from the fact that reports of Committees, appointed to obtain the facts in a given case, are not recorded. The record may say that the report is accepted and "placed on file." But in the country towns, where they have no permanent place to deposit their papers, such reports are soon lost or destroyed.

I do not apply these remarks to Lexington in particular, for I find her records better than those of some other towns. But in examining town records in various places, I have found the defects M^hich I have stated ; and fidelity to the cause of history has prompted me to make these statements, in the hope that the evil, which every historian has experienced, may be avoided. Records are not made for the day or year in which they are written, but for posterity. An important historic fiict may turn on a single line in the record of an obscure town. A name or a date, may enable a wa*iter of biography, or a genealogist, to give a connected narrative, w'hich would be broken or disjointed, if the name or date were omitted in the record. It is an easy thing, in entering the birth or baptism of a child, to give the name of the parent ; or in recording the death of a person, to give the age ; or in recording a niarriage, to state the residence of the parties, or the pai'ents of the bride. A little care in adding these particular items, would materially increase the value of our records. And in regard to the reports of Committees, they should be entered in a book kept for that purpose, and be preserved.

An embarrassment peculiar to the preparation of this History, has arisen from the fact, that for half a century after the first settlement of what is now Lexington, no records were kept within the place. This territory being a part of Cambridge, when an event worthy of notice occurred therein, it passed unrecorded, or if it were recorded at Cambridge, there is nothing to show whether it occurred at Old Cambridge, or at " Cambridge Farms." If Lexington had been a separate, independent settlement, she would have had a common centre, and records of her own from the first. The fact that Cambridge Farms were thus isolated, and that there was no common centre around which the settlers could cluster, induced those who were coming into the territory, to locate near some permanent settlement, that they might enjoy the advantages of intercourse and association with the surrounding towns. And hence the first settlements were generally near the borders of Cambridge, Watertown, Woburn or Concord. This circumstance would naturally tend to postpone a central organization ; and even after such an organization wiis effected, their old associations would partially continue, and their marriages and baptisms would to some extent be entered in the border towns. These things have tended to make the early history of the town more meagre than it otherwise would have been.

But these embarrassments I have labored to overcome by consulting the records of the neighboring towns, and having recourse to the published town Histories, and the Genealogies of other families. The files of the Probate Office, the State Archives and the County Eecords have enabled me to supply many defects. In the Revolutionary history I have been materially aided by the American Archives and Frothingham's Siege of Boston. I have endeavored to give a full and impartial history of the town, and an ample Genealogy of the families. How fiir I have succeeded, I leave the public to judge.

It only remains for me to make my acknowledgments to those who have kindly favored me with facilities for information. INIy thanks are due to many individuals within the town, who have furnished me old family papers from which much intelligence has been derived. Among those, I will mention Col. Philip Russell, WilHam Chandler, Esq., Messrs. Charles Tidd, Elias Smith, David Harrington, Bowen Harrington, Jonas Gammell, and the late Dea. jMulliken. Nor should I omit the kindness of Miss Mary Merriara, who has ever manifested a strong desire to render all possible aid ; and who has furnished valuable books and papers bearing upon the subject of the history. Many other persons have readily supplied facts relative to the Genealogy of their respective families. I must also make my acknowledgments to JNIr. Charles Brov.m for the loan of a list of deaths, covering a period of nearly forty years, kept by his father, from which many defects in our record of deaths have been supplied. A similar acknowledgment is due to ]\Irs. H. Pierce, for a list of deaths kept by the venerable Jonathan Harrington, nearly up to the time of his decease.

My thanks are due to Albert W. Bryant, Esq., the accommodating Town Clerk, for a free use of the books and papers in his custody, to the Librarians of Harvard College, of the State Library, and of the Boston Athenasum, for facilities rendered in consulting authorincs. Nor should I neglect to mention the kindness of Francis Brown, Esq., of Boston, in lending me a large quantity of valuable papers left by his uncle, Edmund Munroe of Boston, which have been of great service; or the readiness with which Hcniy Clarke, Esq., of Boston, granted me the use of several volumes of the Diary of his honored father, Hev. Jonas Clarke, kept in an interleaved Almanac, which have proved of great value.

A Town

Origin of towns, page 17.. Value of town meetings, 20. .Importance of town histories, 23. .Character of the Puritans, 2-i.. Puritan colonies compared with others, 29. .Early history of Lexington involved in that of Cambridge, 32. .Cambridge designed as the seat of government, 32. .Cambridge seeks an increase of territory, 33. .Additional land granted to Cambridge, 33. .Removal of Rev. Mr. Hooker and his flock, 33.. The College established, 35. .Cambridge designed as a fortified camp, 35. .Shawshine granted to Cambridge, 36. .Early proprietors of what is now Lexington, 38. .Early settlers of Cambridge Farms, 39.. Their location, 40.. The Farms incorporated as a precinct, 44.. Subscription for a meetinghouse, 47.. The first tax bill, 48. .Ministerial land purchased, 50.. Rev. Mr. Estabrook invited to preach for them, 50. .The people build him a house, 51. .Mr. Estabrook ordained, 52. . His death, 53.. Mr. Hancock settled, 53. .]\Ieeting house further finished, 63. .Ammunition and school money asked for, 54. .The Common purchased, 55.. The people desire to be incorporated as a town, 56.. Voted to build a new meeting house, 57. .Hardships and privations of the first settlers, 58. .Prominence of the religious idea, 59.. Military titles and military men, 60.

Contents

as colleague with his father, C7..Duty of tythingnien at church, 69.. North and South side, 70. .Representatives to serve for six shillings per day, 70.. Bedford incorporated, 71. .Death of Rev. Ebenezer Hancock, 71.. Death of Rev. John Hancock, 71. .Rev. Jonas Clarke settled, 73. . Lincoln incorporated, taking off a portion of Lexington, 74. .Representatives to pay to town treasurer all they receive over three shillings per day, 76. .Isaac Stone gives the town a bell, 77. .A belfry erected, 77. . A school house built in the centre of the town, 77.. The French wars, 78. .Expedition to Cuba, 79. .To Louisburg, 79. .Lexington men in the French war, 80.. Warning out of town, 80.. Past and present compared, 83.

Chapter Iii Civil History From 1763 To 1775

Natural expectation of the colonists, page 85. .The clergy in favor of liberty, 87. .The stamp act, 88. .Rev. Mr. Clarke's instructions to the Representatives, 88. .Declaration of rights and resolutions, 92. .A day of prayer to be kept, 94. .Resolutions declaratory of their rights, 95. .Representative instructed, 96. .Committee of correspondence chosen, 99. .Stamp act repealed, 99. .Importation of tea, 100. .Instruction to representative, 102. .People prepare for the contest, 103. .The pervading sentiment in the community, 105.

Chapter Iv Causes Of The American Revolution

Feeling towards the mother country, page 107. .The true issue, 109. .Massachusetts first to deny Parliament's right to legislate for the colonies, 110 ..Massachusetts charter annulled, llL.Andros appointed Governor, with despotic powers, llL.Andros imprisoned and his government overthrown, 112. .Massachusetts charter renewed, 112.. Writs of assistance granted, 114.. Opposed by Otis, 114. .Opposition to the stamp act, 115. .Stamp officer hung in effigy, 116. .A General Congress meet in New York, 117. .Parliament urges impost duties, 118.. A ship of war sent to Boston, 118. .Citizens impressed to serve on board the ship, 119.. The people remonstrate, 119.. Gov. Barnard calls upon the Legislature to rescind their resolve denying the power of Parliament to tax them, 119.. The Legislature refuse, 119.. The Governor dissolves the Legislature, 119.. The people petition for a new election, but the Governor refuses to order one, 120. .Troops arrive from Halifax, but the people refuse to furnish them quarters or rations, 121.. Barnard recalled, 122 . .Convenes the Legislature that they may vote his salary; 122.. The Legislature refuse unless the military be with drawn, 122. .The Legislature adjourn to Cambridge, 122. .The House refuse to grant his salary, but ask for his removal, 122.. Barnard succeeded by Hutchinson, 123. .Boston appeals to the world, 123. .Boston massacre, 123. .Hutchinson requested to remove the troops, and finally consents, 124. .Committees of correspondence established, 126. .Hutchinson attempts to make the House admit or disprove the supremacy of Parliament over them, 126. .Hutchinson's treachery exposed, 126.. The East India Company ship tea to Boston, which is thrown into the dock, 127. .Massachusetts leads in opposition to the encroachment of Parliament, 129.

Chapter Governor Gage'S Administration

Passage of the Boston Port Bill, page 133. .Gage appointed Governor, 134 ..His instruction from Dartmouth, 134.. Gage arrives in Boston, 135 ..The bill goes into operation, 135.. Bells tolled, and a day of fasting and prayer appointed, 135.. Boston holds a town meeting, 135.. Two other bills passed by Parliament transferring appointments to the Crown and changing fundamentally our charter, 136.. Four counties met in convention, 137. .Resolutions adopted, 137.. Officers appointed by the Crown compelled to resign and jurors refused to be sworn, 137. .Middlesex convention's address, 137.. Gage forbids the holding of public meetings, 138.. Seizes public powder at Charlestown and fortifies Boston Neck, 138. .Gage calls a General Court, 140. .Revokes the call, 141 ..A Provincial Congress organized at Salem, and adjourned to Concord, 141. .The Provincial Congress recommend an organization of the militia, appoint general officers, and committees of supplies and safety, 142.. They appoint delegates to the Continental Congress, 143.. The Provincial Congress publish an address to the people, 147.. Select Worcester and Concord as depots for supplies, and appoint a day of fasting and prayer, 148. .Our fathers not rebels, 149.

Chapter Vi The Battle Of Lexington

Importance of the events on the 19th of April, page 152.. The policy of Gen. Gage, 155.. His expedition to Salem, 156. .Warren's oration, 157 ..Seizure of Ditson, attack upon Hancock's house, and other acts of violence, 157.. The second Provincial Congress meet at Concord, and adopt rules and regulations for the army, and send messengers to New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, to enlist them in the cause, 158. .Take measures to prevent a surprise, 159. .Percy sent to Jamaica Plains, 159. .The action of the clergy, 160. .The teaching of Rev. Jonas Clarke, 161. .Provincial Congress at Concord adjourn, 163.. Design to seize Hancock and Adams, 163. .Efforts of the committee of supplies.

165. .Gage sends out officers on the 18th of April, 1775, preparatory to his movement upon Concord, 167 . .These officers carefully watched, 168 ..They seize several citizens, 168. .Movement of British troops in Boston carefully noted, and intelligence sent to Lexington, 169. .Situation of the village, 172.. The British troops leave Boston, 174.. Smith becomes alarmed, sends Pitcairn forward with the light troops, and calls upon Gage for a reinforcement, 175. .They reach Lexington about daylight, and find Capt. Parker's men forming upon the Common, 177 . .They fire upon the Americans, some of whom return the fire, 178. . The British move on to Concord, 183. .The Americans retreat over the North bridge, 187. .Detachment sent to Col. Barrett's house to destroy stores, a part stop to guard the bridge, 187.. The Americans approach the bridge and are fired upon and Capt. Davis and Hosmer fall, 190.. The fire returned and one British soldier killed, 190.. The British commence their retreat, 193.. They are pursued by the Americans, 194.. The retreat soon becomes a rout, 195.. Smith attempts to rally his troops, and is severely wounded, 19G.. Percy sent to sustain Smith, 198 ..Yankee Doodle, 198.. Percy meets Smith's fugitives in Lexington, 200.

Chapter Vii Battle Of Lexington, Continued

Percy assumes the command, page 203. .Heath and "Warren join the Provincials, 204. .Percy commences his retreat, 204.. The militia gather at West Cambridge, 204.. Zeal of the Danvers men, 205.. Warren particularly active, 206.. British barbarity, 206.. Col. Aspinwall's statement, 208.. The British arrive at Charlestown, 209.. The suifering of their troops, 210.. Their loss, 211.. List of the Americans killed and wounded, 211. .The influence of the events of that day, 214. .The day celebrated in Lexington, 214. .Monument at Lexington, 215.. A National Monument contemplated, 218. .Monuments at Concord, Acton, West Cambridge, and Danvers, 219. .Middlesex a Monumental County, 221.. The claim of Concord to the peculiar honors of the day considered, 222.

Chapter Viii The Effects Of The Battle Of Lexington

The idea of Independence of slow groAvth, page 235. .Independence foreseen by Adams, Ilawley, and others, 237. .Bancroft's misapprehension on this subject, 237. .Capt. Parker virtually acted under orders, 242. . The intelligence of the attack at Lexington spread rapidly, 24 5.. Its effect upon the Colonies, 246. .A vessel sent to England with the intelligence, 249.. Its effects upon the ministry and the people of Great Britain, 250.

Chapter Ix From The Commencement To The Close Of The Revolution

Capt. Parker's company called to Cambridge on the 6th of May and on the 17th of June, 1775, page 254. .By-laws of the company, 255. .Efforts of Lexington to raise her quota of men, 256. .A Pledge signed by prominent citizens, 257.. The effort to frame a Constitution, the views of Lexington on the subject, 259.. A Constitution submitted and objected to by Lexington, 262.. Prices of articles during the Revolution, 265.. Another Constitution framed, and adopted by Lexington, 267.. Depreciation of the currency, 268. .Efforts of Lexington to raise her quota of men, 273. .Instructions to her representative, 275.

From The Peace Of 1783 To The Year 1830

Population in 1783, page 278.. Shay's rebellion, 279.. A new meeting house built, 281. .Jay's Treaty, 282. .Death of Rev. Mr. Clarke, 283. . Rev. Mr. Williams settled, 284. .Green's oration, 284.. Mr. Williams dismissed, 284. .The Great Bridge rebuilt, 284. .The 4th of July, 1814, celebrated, 285. .Reception of Lafayette, and Mr. Phinney's address, 286. .Phinney's History of Lexington Battle, 288.. Adams's letter in defence of Acton, 289. .Stetson's oration, 290.

Chapter Xi From The Year 1830 To 1867

The 19th of April celebrated by the town, page 291. .The remains of the martyrs removed, 292.. The Ministerial Fund, controversy concerning, 294.. Kossuth visits Lexington, 299.. Death of Jonathan. Harrington, the last survivor of the Battle of Lexington, 301. .The breaking out of the Rebellion, 305. .Lexington sends her quota of men, 306.. Funeral solemnities on the death of President Lincoln, 309. .Character of Abraham Lincoln, 311.

Rev. Mr. Hancock

of Mr. Hancock, 320.. The settlement and death of Rev. Ebenezer Hancock, 320. .Character of Rev. John Hancock, 321.. He was remarkable for his industry, 322.. His social qualities, 323. .Distinguished for his wisdom, 325.. His death, 327.. His writings, 328.

Chapter Xiii Death Of Rev. Mr. Clarke

Call and settlement of Rev. Jonas Clarke, page 329.. Change of hymn books, 331.. Character of Mr. Clarke, 334.. His industry, 336.. Mr. Clarke a statesman as well as a divine, 337.. His publications, 337.. His Election Sermon, 339. .Sermon before the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, 341.. Mr. Hancock and Mr. Clarke compared, 343.

To The Present Day

Mr. Williams invited to become pastor and accepts, page 346.. His dismission, 346. .Settlement and dismission of Mr. Briggs, 347. .Ministry of Mr. Swett, 348. .Settlement and death of Mr. Whitman, 349.. Ministry of Mr. Barrett, 352. .Ministry of Mr. Staples, 352. .Ministry of Mr. Livermore, 353. .Settlement of Mr. Westcott, 356.. The Second Congregational Society, 356. .Dr. FoUen employed, 357.. He was lost in the steamer Lexington, on Long Island Sound, 357. .Notice of his life and character, 358. .Ministry of Mr. Dorr, 360. .Ministry of Mr. Bridge, 361.. Union Society, and employment of Mr. Stowe, 361.. The Baptist Society and its clergymen, 362.. The Universalist Society and their clergymen, 363.. The Roman Catholics, 363.. The Orthodox meeting house, 363.

Chapter Xv Education

Interest felt in education by our fathers, page 364.. A school house built and schools established, 365.. A grammar school, 365. .Sometimes a moving school, 366.. Second school house built, 367. .Appropriations for schools, 367.. Other houses erected, 367.. A report in relation to the school system, 368.. School law of 1827, 368.. Effect of private upon public schools, 369. .Lexington Academy, 370.. Board of Education created, 371.. Normal School in Lexington, 372.. School appropriations, 374.. Dr. Lewis's school for Young Ladies, 375.

Military Affairs

No early record of the military, page 377. .Officers mentioned, 377. .Men -who served in the Indian and French wars, 378.. List of Capt. Parker's company in 1775, 383. .Men called to Cambridge, 385. .Men who served in the Revolution, 386.. War a necessary evil, 393.. Officers and soldiers in service in the Rebellion, 396.

Chapter Xvii Municipal Affairs

List of Selectmen, page 402. .School Committees, 404. .Assessors, 405.. Town Clerks, 406.. Town Treasurers, 407. .Committees of Correspondence, 407. .Representatives, 408. .Senators and Councillors, 408. .Justices of the Peace, 409. .Graduates from Colleges, 409.

Chapter Xviii Miscellaneous History

Situation of Lexington, page 413. .Its soil and productions, 414. .The Centre Village, 414.. Belfry Hill, 416. .Merriam's Hill, 416.. Hancock Height, 417.. Davis's Hill, 418..Fiske Hill, 419. .Loring's Hill, 419.. Mount Independence, 420. .Sanitary condition of Lexington, 421.. Old and New Style, 422.. The origin of the name of the town, 423.. Public buildings, 424.. The churches, 424.. The Town Hall, 425.. Some of the prominent dwellings, 426. .The population of the town at different periods, 437.. Its valuation at different periods, 440.. Slavery in Massachusetts and in Lexington, 440.. Roads, 441.. The Great Bridge, 442. .Manufactures, 442.. Peat, 44:5.. Paint Mine, 443.. Names of the town streets, 444.

As A Town

The Origin of Towns, and Value of Town-Meetings - Character of the early Settlers of the Province - Puritan Colonies compared with Others - History of Lexington involved in that of Cambridge - The People desire an Increase of Territory - Removal of Rev. Mr. Hooker and his Flock - Shawshine granted to Cambridge - Settlement of Cambridge Farms - Incorporated as a Precinct - Erection of a Meeting-House - The Subscribers' Names - The First Tax Bill - Ministerial Land Purchased - Mr. Estabrook called as their Minister - A House built for Mr. Estabrook - Mr. Estabrook's Ordination and Death - Mr. Hancock settled - Additional Seats in the Meeting provided - Ammunition and School Money asked for - The Common purchased - The Precinct petition to be made a Town - Voted to build a new Meeting-House - Hardships and Privations of the First Settlers - The Prominence of the Religious Idea - Military Titles and Military Men.

The object of history is to present a picture of the past, so that we may be stimulated to imitate the virtues and shun the vices of those who have gone before us. But as the events which engage our attention are, in a great degree, the results of human actions, we can never understand the philosophy of history without ascertaining the characters and the motives of the principal actors in the scenes narrated.

As we shall speak of the value and importance of the history of towns, it may be desirable to understand the rise of these little municipalities, which had their origin in Massachusetts ; and which have extended, with some modifications, over a large section of our country. Towns, in the present acceptation of the term, were not established at once, but grew up gradually, out of the wants of the people. As the Charter vested all power in the General Court, these plantations or towns could have no powers, except what were expressly granted them by the Court. The Puritans came to this country to enjoy religious privileges, and hence they would naturally settle compactly, so that they could easily convene for public worship, and also be able to support their schools. As all the land was owned by the Colony, no individual or company could lawfiilLy hold any portion of it, except by a grant from the General Court. Such grants were freely made to companies, and were denominated ijlantations, or tow7iships. They were described by boundaries more or less specific, and were generally designated by some name.

But these towns had no powers beyond that of holding lands, on certain specific conditions, which usually included that of supporting a minister, and maintaining public worship. As the labors and duties of the General Court multiplied, they soon found it necessary, or at least convenient, to devolve certain duties upon the towns. And, as might be expected, situated as they were, in a wilderness, surrounded by savages on whose friendship they could hardly rely, they first required these townships to do something for self-defence. As early as 1630, the General Court made it the duty of the towns to see that all their able-botlied men were supplied with fire-arms ; and where any person, by reason of poverty, could not supply himself, arms were to be furnished by the towns. In 1634, towns were required to maintain a watch of two men by night, and also to provide, at their own expense, a place for the safe-keeping of arms and ammunition ; and to see that all taxes were properly apportioned on the people. They were also empowered, when applied to, either by the employer or the employee, to fix the wages of labor. In 1635, towns were requii*ed to provide standard weights and measures ; and, the year following, they were empowered to decide upon the location of houses within their respective limits, and to make certain by-laws in relation to their own aflfairs, subject to the revision of the Court, and to elect certain officers, such as constables and surveyors of highways. In 1637, towns were authorized to restrain swine from running at large within their limits, and to nominate to the Com*t suitable persons to sell wine and strong water. In 1639, they were empowered to erect posts, in some public place, on which the intentions of marriage might be lawfully posted, in case they had no public lecture ; and were required to make retm-ns to the Court of all the births, deaths, and marriages. The office of Selectman, which became one of the most important in the towns, grew up like the towns themselves, from small beginnings. In 1639 it was provided by the Court that towns might choose two or three men to lay out highways ; in 1642 they were spoken of as " selected townsmen," and as men selected to manage the prudential affairs; and in 1647 as "selectmen." In 1641, the selectmen of towns were fully authorized to lay out town ways and erect town bounds ; and in 1646, towns were required to report to the General Court the names of all idle and unprofitable persons within the same, and to perambulate their town lines once in three years.

In this way the General Court, from time to time, as the case seemed to require, enlarged the duties and privileges of towns, and provided, somewhat in detail, for the number and duties of town officers. The manner in which they should hold their elections, has been full^ defined by statute. Towns are made municipal corporations, subject to the laws of the State ; and as their duties, obligations and liabilities, as well as their rights and privileges, are the result of long experience, we might naturally conclude that such municipaHties are founded in wisdom, and adapted to the wants of the people. And so indeed they have proved. In all our past history, in peace and in war, we have found these organizations exactly suited to the condition, wants and genius of our people. In addition to all the municipal duties and privileges, the towns had aU the duties and prerogatives of parishes. The one, in a good degree, included the other. Towns were, in the absence of other provisions, parishes, though parishes were not always towns. The duties devolved upon towns, and the powers exercised by town officers, especially by the " townsmen," or selectmen, were greater in the early days of our history than they are at present.

History, to be instructive, must not only narrate events, but state the causes which produced them. Our stock of wisdom is not materially increased by being told that an event transpired ; but when we are made acquainted with the causes which brought it about, we have acquired valuable information ; and, from this knowledge of the past, we can reason with tolerable certainty to the future. History, therefore, is valuable very much as it presents the manners and customs of the people, the spirit of the age, the principles which prevailed, and the antecedents of events. The nearer the historian comes to the people, the source of all power, the more likely he will be to give us the true philosophy of history. Town histories, which are in demand at this day, are valuable for this very reason. They treat of events comparatively unimportant ; but in gleaning these minute facts, the writer comes near the actors, and walks, as it were, in the midst of society in the age in which the incidents occurred ; and so imbibes their sentiments, and becomes familiar with the character of the people, the motives and springs of action which were in play, and the genius of the age of which he writes.

Primary assemblies, from whose records the town historian must of necessity obtain much of his information, exhibit the real condition and wants of the people niore perfectly than any other. As the character of an individual can be best learned by observing his private walks, and noting his daily conduct, so the genius and spirit, the virtues and infirmities of a people are best learned by the transactions of small bodies of men in their primary meetings. It is there that their true characters stand out in full view. The history which reveals the actions and feelings of a town, furnishes more reliable information than can be obtained from the history of a State. A town meeting is a surer exponent of the will of the people, than a legislative assembly, whether State or National.

In a free country like ours, the wants and wishes of the masses, their deep yearnings, and the great throbbings of the public heart, will show themselves in primary assemblies, long before they are perceived in State Legislatures or in Congress ; and when towns speak in unison, their voice must ultimately be heard and heeded by the State. As all reforms begin with the people, knowing what towns have done, we can judge what the State must do.

Town meetings in the early days of our history, were more important than they are at the present day. They were then the great forum where every great question was discussed and settled. Town meetings were regarded as all-important by our fathers. Every thing they held dear as Christians or as citizens, was freely discussed and passed upon in these meetings. The building of meeting-houses, the settling of ministers, and even the seating of the congregation, and the leading of the singers, were subjects on which the towns acted. The ordinary powers of towns at this day, such as the building school-houses, and providing for schools, the laying out and maintaining highways, and the support of the poor, were exercised by our fathers. But they went much farther. The raising and equipping of military companies, at times, were exercised by towns. Nor did their jurisdiction stop here. Every political question, however broad, whether it related to the town, province, or nation, was deemed by them a proper theme for town action ; and our town records abound with reports of committees and resolutions passed, which are fraught with wisdom and patriotism.

The American Revolution was inaugurated in these primary assemblies ; and the history of that great political movement may be read in the resolutions and acts of the New England towns. It was in these meetings that the great questions were debated, the first steps taken, and the solemn pledges given. It was there that the masses of the people were instructed, their rights defined, and their duties pointed out. It was there that the fires of patriotism were kindled, and the public heart warmed, and the people prepared for the great crisis which was before them. The importance of these primary gatherings at that day, can hardly be overrated.

In the darkest days of the period immediately preceding the breaking out of hostilities, when the Royal Governor had prorogued the Legislature, and refused to order a new election, thus leaving us without a government ; when an armed force occupied the town of Boston to overawe the patriots, and the people had no organized medium of communication with each other - that master-spirit of liberty, Samuel Adams, who did more than any other man to organize the Revolution, called upon the good people of Boston to assemble in town meeting to consult upon all they held dear as citizens. It was in a Boston town meeting that Committees of Correspondence were suggested and organized ; and it was in pursuance of this proposed organ- ization, that the towns throughout the Province held their public meetings, at which Committees of Correspondence were chosen, patriotic resolutions passed, and mutual pledges interchanged, which produced unity of action, created and embodied public sentiment, and so prepared the people for the impending struggle.

No one instrument contributed more to warm the patriot heart or nerve the patriot arm, than these primary meetings of the people. Their effect was felt and acknowledged, not only in the Massachusetts, but in the other Colonies. The influence they exerted was so great and controlling, that the British ministry became alarmed, and Parliament passed a solemn Act forbidding all town meetings throughout the Province, except the Annual Meetinff for the choice of town officers. But such was the devotion of the people to these primary meetings, that in the interior they paid no regard to the law, and, in the larger towns, near the headquarters of the Royal Governor, they evaded it by adjourning the Annual Meeting from time to time, so that they might be prepared, almost any day, to hold a legal meeting to deliberate upon public affairs, and adopt measures for the public safety. Regarding the privilege of assembling for deliberation all-important, our fathers actually made the prohibition of town meetings, one of the prominent charges against Great Britain, and urged it among other inflictions as a reason for resorting to arms. If there is any one thing which has given Faneuil Hall its notoriety, and secured to it the glorious appellation of " The Cradle of Liberty," it is the fact that within its walls the patriots of Boston held their town meetings, and adopted measures Avhich roused the Americair people, and shook the kingdom of Great Britain to its very centre.

The organization of townships has exerted a controlling influence upon the New England character. In these little democracies the people meet together on the ground of perfect equality, to transact their own business in their own way. The town meetings serve as schools in which the multitudes are trained for the discharge of higher duties in the county, State, and nation. Most of our public men who have fiUed and adorned the high places in the State and nation, have received some of their first lessons in the mode of doing business, in oiu" primary meetings, and in the offices to which our town organizations have given rise. Let no one, then, despise these little gatherings of the people, which have been fraught with so many blessings.

The town historian, therefore, in wading through the records of these meetings, cannot fail to perceive the feelings of the people, and drink in the spirit of the age at its fountain. Next to the fire-side, which we are hardly at liberty to invade, the primary meetings of the peoj)le give us the clearest insight into the motives, wants and feelings of the masses of men. Municipal records furnish a sure index to the character of a town and its principal inhabitants. If the people are peaceable, orderly, and law-abiding, these characteristics may be discovered on the local record ; and if the contrary traits pervade the community, the fact can be discovered by the careful observer. The town record is a sort of mirror which reflects the moral and political features of the people ; and whoever visits this picture-gallery, and studies the paintings carefully, will be able to delineate the features of the whole group.

Town histories, if faithfully written, will give us the best pictures of real lift, and the best insight into the characters of men. They also serve to collect scattered and perishing materials, which would otherwise be lost. And by hearing the traditions of the elderly people, the local historian will glean information which the more public annalist could not obtain ; and by standing side by side with the narrator, he can sift this valuable, though sometimes uncertain species of evidence, and so elicit facts which may prove of great importance. ISixen in cases where the municipal historian finds no facts of importance, he has rendered a public service by showing that the field is barren, and so saving others from a fruitless search. He has also, as a general thing, more time to trace effects to their remote causes, and so present a more faithful view of the connection between the past and the present, than the general historian can do.

The history of every people or nation bears the impress not only of the master minds of that generation, but of the characteristics of the first founders of the State. Every Colony which springs up in any part of the world, will, for many generations reflect in a greater or less degree the character of the original emigrants. Young communities, like young persons, are peculiarly susceptible of impressions, and early influences brought to bear upon them, are likely to mould their characters, and fashion, in no small degree, their institutions. It becomes important, then, in every history, to recur to the origin of the community whose annals are presented, that we may see, in a proper light, the character of the events recorded, and the causes from which they spring.

Though towns are small communities, the same principles will apply to them. The object of a town history is not merely to collect and preserve a record of the events which have transpired from time to time, but to glance even at the remote causes, present the character of the inhabitants, and the spirit of the age in which they lived. All our early New England towns were settled by the Puritans - a class of men of marked characters, decided opinions, and fixed purposes. The tr>dng ordeal of persecution through which they had passed in Great Britain, had developed the sterner qualities of their characters, and prepared them for the arduous task of subduing a wilderness and converting it into a fruitful field. They were men inure(J to hardships, and, being trained in the school of adversity, were prepared to do and to dare. Imbibing the spirit of the Reformation, they had learned to examine and judge for themselves. The Catholic bigotry of Mary, and the Protestant intolerance of Elizabeth, served to confirm their faith, increase their zeal, and purify their morals. Nor was the political state of the kingdom less adapted to the development of their political principles. They had seen the same tyranny in the State, that they had witnessed in the Church ; and Monarchy and Episcopacy were equally abhorrent to their feelings. In fact the union of Church and State, brought the intolerance of the one to bear upon them through the enactments of the other, so that the Puritans were the victims of both civil and religious persecution. This twofold trial implanted in their minds a strong aversion to the Established Church and the hereditary monarchy of their native land. Rather than submit to the intolerance of the one, or the oppression of the other, they voluntarily exiled themselves from the land of their birth, the ties of kindred and the endearments of home, to seek a peaceful resting-place in an inhospitable wilderness. The same fortitude which brought them to this country, would not degenerate under the trials and privations they were called to suffer after tlieu' arrival.

And though the persecutions they endured in the land of their buih, and the difficulties they encountered in the land of their adoption, would naturally give them a stern, inflexible character, there was behind all this experience, a firm, unwavering faith in the righteousness of their cause, which gave a definiteness of object, and a persistence of purpose, which nothing could shake. The great idea with them was the religious idea. They came to this country that they might worsliip God according to the dictates of their own consciences. And, though they were not political adventurers, seeking a retreat from the old world in order to build up a mighty empire in the new, yet their own good sense taught them that they could hardly erect religious institutions ^\T[thout a civil government to protect* them. But, whatever might have been their original speculations, when they were called to view the subject practically, they soon saw that a church and a commonwealth were so essential to each other, that they could not enjoy the one unmolested without the protecting arm of the other. They accordingly had incorporated into their Charter a provision authorizing them " to make laws and ordinances for the good and welfare of said company, and for the government and ordering of the said lands and plantation, and the people inhabiting and to inhabit the same, as to them, from time to time, shall be thought meet, so as such laws and ordinances be not repugnant to the laws and statutes of the realm of England."

The free and undisturbed worship of God, which was the primary object Avhich brought them to these shores, was soon associated with fi-ee civil institutions ; so that we may say, in fact, that their great object was to establish a holy religion which should bring its solemn sanctions to bear upon the Commonwealth ; and a free Commonwealth, based upon the broad principles of religion - a Commonwealth where Christ should be the acknowledged Head of the Church, and his Gospel the fundamental law of the realm. In all their labors and efforts, this was the great object at which they aimed. In prosperity, i this Avas the end of their rejoicing, and in adversity, this was theu' main support. A colony more orderly and moral, more devout and self-sacrificing, never settled in any part of the globe. With an object at once grand and gloi-ious before them, and with a trust in Divine Providence, which subdued both doubt and fear, they were prepared to meet any trial, encounter any obstacle, and endure any suffering, which beset their path. Such was the object of our Puritan lathers, and such the steadfastness with which they pursued their end.

We do not, however, ascribe immaculate purity to them, or maintain that they were free firom infirmities or faults. They were men of like passions with others ; and because they were in advance of the age in which they hved, we must not look for absolute perfection, and expect that, because they abounded in the cardmal virtues, they would be free from every defect of character. Their defects were such as grow out of the excess of virtuous principles. Their religion was of a rigid and austere t}^e, and the strength of their faith hardly permitted them to tolerate a dissent from their creed. They were imbued with the spirit of the age ; and the persecutions through which they had passed in their native country, had the effect upon them that persecutions generally have, to confirm theu' faith rather than increase their charity. Thovigh they had dissented from the Church of Pome, and could not admit the infallibility of the Roman Pontiff, such was the strength of theu* faith that they cherished the persuasion that sincere Christians would not be permitted to wander materially from the true faith. With such sentiments and feelings, they would naturally look upon heretics as willfully blind, and as enemies, not only of the great object they had in view, but of the cause of Him to whom they had consecrated themselves. This conviction would, of course, lead them to guard, with jealous care, the creed they professed, and to visit with their displeasure, those who dissented from their faith, or preached what they regarded as " another gospel."

They lived under what may be denominated the Monarchy of Religion. Their familiarity with the Jewish Scriptures, in which the Almighty is presented in the stern character of a Puler or a Judge, more frequently than in the milder character of a Father, naturally inclined them to dwell upon the sterner attributes of the Deity, and cli*aw moral instniction from divine sovereignty rather than from divine compassion, and to elevate the attribute of justice at the expense of that of mercy. But they have the apology that if they erred in tliis respect, they erred with the age in which they lived, and reflected in a milder form the severe features of religion, as it was then understood. We may smile at their austerities, and censure their intolerance, but if we had lived in that age of the world, we should, undoubtedly, have imbibed their spirit. They were strict, and rigid, and, if you please, superstitious ; but these defects of character were only the vigorous gro^vth of that abiding faith and trust in the providence of God, which was requisite to fit them for the great and glorious enterprise in which they had embarked. And while we cannot justify their persecution of the Baptists and Quakers, and other dissenting sects wliich arose among them, there are circumstances which go to extenuate these faults. They came to the country that they might enjoy then- rehgion in peace. For tliis object they had encountered trials and dangers ; to this end they had labored and toiled, and submitted to every privation. And after they had, by great personal sacrifices, estabhshed religious institutions according to their own notions of right, and hoped to enjoy, unmolested, the free and full advantages of unity of faith, and simplicity and order in worship, they found their quiet molested by what they regarded as intruders and disturbers of the peace. It was not on account of their religious tenets alone, that the Puritans banished them from their jurisdiction. These sects manifested their contempt for civil authority, and a portion of them opposed even defensive war, which the Puritans deemed essential to their very existence, situated as they were among hostile Indian tribes. This led our fathers to believe that the safety of the State would be endangered by the presence of these men, who were active in their efforts to disseminate theu* views. These facts, though they do not justify, certainly go far to extenuate the course of the Puritans ; and while our sympathy for the persecuted naturally leads us to espouse their cause, we should not shut our eyes to the provocations which were frequently offered to the severe treatment they received.

Viewed impartially, there is much in the Puritan character to admire. Their unwavering trust in Divine Providence, their selfsacrificing spirit, their inflexible integrity, their devotion to civil and religious freedom, founded on broad principles, and regulated by law, their desire to educate tlife rising generation, so that they might become good citizens and exemplary Christians, their zeal in the great enterprise in which they wei-e engaged, their readiness to endure privations and to face dangers, and their persevering fortitude under all circumstances - these, and qualities such as these, must commend them to the respect and admiration of mankind. Men more genial in their manners or pliant in then' character, more yieldmg in their dispositions or easy in their virtue, with a faith less firm, or a will less persistent, may be more agreeable and popular in fashionable circles, and their society may be more eagerly sought in ordinary times, but in days of painful anxiety and peril, we instinctively seek counsel of men of confirmed faith and inflexible principles, and flee for suj)port and protection to men of persistent purpose and unconquerable will. So our stem Puritan ancestors belong to the very class of men on which the community will always lean in an emergency.

The Puritans were raised up by Providence to accomplish a great work, and to mark an important era in the world's progress ; and the stern qualities which they possessed, were the necessary qualifications to fit them for the task assigned them. Had they been a mild and timorous race, gentle and yielding in their manners, wavering in their faith, and compromising in their principles ; or had they been a mere band of adventurers, seeking then- fortunes, or a few lords with a set of serfs in their train, they could never have accomplished the herculean task of subduing the hostile savage tribes, clearing up dense forests, and covering the country with- prosperous towns and thi'iving villages. And what is more important to us and to the country, they could never have built up those civil, literary and religious institutions, which have been the pride of tliis country and the admiration of the civilized world.

To the Puritans we are indebted for most of the blessings we enjoy. The impress of their principles is seen and felt in every thmg around us. The moral and religious tone of the New

To Its Incorporation As A Town

England people, their sense of justice and love of order, and their devotion to liberty and the rights of men, are but the reflex of ancestral virtues. We are hardly aware of the numerous ways in which Puritan principles have affected our characters, and shaped our destiny as a people. Their modes of faith, their habits of industry, their reverence for law and order, the equality between man and man, - all these have had their influence upon us, and have tended to make vis the energetic and persevering, the tlmfty and prosperous people we are. Many of our institutions have grown as of necessity from their religious notions. Their love of public worship induced them to settle near each other, so that they could conveniently assemble together and enjoy church privileges. This enabled them to erect meeting houses and support schools, which could not have been done if the population had been sparse. This, also, gave rise to that system of town organization, which is one of the distinctive features of the Puritan settlements, and which has done more to improve and elevate the people than any other political institution. By assembling together in town meetings, where all freemen met on a level, and where every subject, whether secular or religious, was freely discussed, the whole people were made acquainted with each other, learned the policy of the community, and the mode of transacting public business. Here they provided for the support of public worship, for the maintenance of their schools, for the laying out of their highways, supporting their poor, and regulating their internal police. Here, too, were discussed those great principles of civil and political rights which have made us an independent and prosperous nation.

If we were to compare the Puritan Colonies with those settled by a different class of people, we should see at once the effects of Puritan principles. The Colonists who settled in Virginia possessed many natural advantages over the Colonists who settled in Massachusetts. Their climate was more mild and genial, and their soil more productive than ours. Their facilities for commerce and manufactures and agriculture were incomparably greater than those presented to the Massachusetts Colony. And yet the Puritan Colony has been more prosperous than that at Jamestown. In wealth, in learning, in social order,

Compare the first settlers of Virginia with those of Massachusetts, and the future destiny of the two Colonies will be foreshadowed. The fir^t settlers in Virginia Avere mostly mere adventurers, who came to the country to retrieve a ruined fortune and return ; those in Massachusetts were sober, prudent men, who came here to remain. The former came without families, and so enjoyed none of the chastening endearments of home ; the latter brought their wives and children with them, which sanctified their humble dwellings. The one class were, to a great extent, men of idle habits, desperate fortunes, and dissolute characters, too proud to labor, but insolent in demanding their full share of the products of others' toil ; while the other class were men of moderate means, but of sober, industrious habits, ready to perform their share of labor, endure their proportion of hardships, and to subsist upon the fruits of their oaati industry. The Jamestown Colony did not profess any particular regard for religion ; while the Colony of Massachusetts made it their bond of union - their solace and support. The former were separated in interest and feeling ; the latter were united as a band of brothers. The settlement in Virginia commenced with a distinction of castes - master and servant, lord and serf, the bond and the free, were early recognized as permanent classes ; but among the Puritans of Massachusetts such distinctions were ignored. This diflference has given marked characteristics to the two States. Hence, in the one, we hear the vain boasts of having descended from one of the privileged class - one of the " fii'st families ; " while in the other, all are willing to be recognized as descendants from the humble and hardy Puritan stock.

The relation of master and slave has not only exerted an unfavorable influence upon the morals of the Colony, by making the master haughty and tyrannical, and the slave cringing and servile ; but has exerted a baneful influence upon its institutions. Large plantations and a scattered population grow almost necessarily out of that relation, and thus the support of churches and schools is to a gi-eat extent rendered impracticable ; and the same cause deprives them of the town organization, which has

To Its Incorporation As A Town

The diiFerence in the two Colonies, groA\dng, in a great measiu'e, out of their religious faith, may be seen in the state of education in each. Massachusetts early established her glorious system of free schools, while Virginia has not, to this day, provided for the education of her whole population. In every thing relating to moral improvement, Massachusetts has been immeasiu-ably in advance of her more southern rival. As early as 1647, Massachusetts, by express statute, required her towns to support schools, wliile in Virginia, Berkeley, her Governor, as late as 1671, sixty-four years after their first settlement, thanked God that there were neither schools nor printing presses in the Colony, and hoped there would be none for a century to come.

Massachusetts, in 1638, established her University, wliich was ninety years earlier than any similar institution was created in Virginia. It is also worthy of notice that the first printing press in our own State was set up in 1638, being ninety years earlier than any press in Virginia. The first five issues from the press at Cambridge are so suggestive, that I cannot refrain from naming them in the order of their appearance : The Freeman's Oath, An Almanac, A Psalm Book, A Catechism, A Body of their Laws, entitled a " Body of Liberties." Here we have a portraiture of our Puritan Fathers - a kind of pictorial representation of their thoughts and feelings - their manners and customs. Their Bibles, which they brought with them from England, were, of course, first read ; then the Freeman's oath must be taken ; then the Almanac consulted to learn the signs of the times ; then they were prepared to join in Psalms of Praise, and to teach their children the Catechism ; and, after that, they were prepared to study their Body of Liberties, and when they learned their rights, they were ready to assert them in any presence, and to defend them at any hazard whoever might be the ao-gressor.

We have dwelt longer upon this subject than might at first view appear necessary in a Town History ; but, as our Towns are constituent paxls of the State, and the source from which the State itself must derive its history, it seemed important to inquire into the character of the men who first settled oiu* town- ships, and whose acts we are to record, and also to ascertain the general causes which led to our system of town organization. As in courts of justice the character of an act is determined somewhat by the reputation of the actor, so in history in order to judge accurately of tlie character of a transaction, we should know the parties to enable us to ascertain the motives which led to the transaction. And besides, as institutions are but the embodiment of thoughts and principles, we can understand the nature of our institutions better by becoming conversant with the men who established them - their character, feelings and principles being a sort of cotemporaneous ^construction of their true meaning. Besides, gratitude to their memory will fully justify us, who are enjoying the fruit of their labor, in passing their many vu'tues in review. And it is presumed that no one now upon the stage, whose lineage can be traced to the Puritans or Pilgrims, Avill blush to own such an ancestry.

The early history of the Town of Lexington is included in that of Cambridge, of which it was originally a part. Until its incorporation as a town, in 1713, it was known by the name of Cambridge North Precinct, or more generally by the popular desiOTiation of " Cambride-e Farms." In like manner Cambridge itself was originally included in, or more properly known by the name of " the Newe Towne," or Newton. It appears to have been the original intention of the General Court to make " the Newe Towne " the Ca})ital of the Colony, and measures were adopted to encourage settlements there ; but, some misunderstanding arising with tiie Governor, and the Newe Towne being, as was alleged, too far from the sea, the Court were induced to select Boston as the seat of Government. It would seem, from the imperfect records of that day, that the territory now included in Charlestown, Somen'illc, Medford, Winchester, Woburn, and Burlington on the one hand, and Watertown, a portion of Belmont, Waltham, and Weston on the other, was granted before the Newe Towne was created ; so that her extension was limited on two sides, at least, and by Boston and Roxbury on the third - her territory lying between the tOAvns above mentioned. But, though the Newe Towne contained a large territory, and the nearest settlements were Boston,

To Its Incorporation As A Town

Charlestown, Roxbuiy, and Watertown, like most settlers in a new country, the inhabitants appear to have had a great thirst for land, and they soon began to complain that their limits were too circumscribed. Several disputes arose between them and their neighboring settlements, about their boundaries, and between them and the General Court respecting their limits. It was maintained by Rev. Mr. Hooker in behalf of himself and his flock, then resident in the Newe Towne, that they were actually suffering for the want of room ; that it was impolitic to have settlements as near each other as Charlestown, Newe Towne and Watertown ; and that, unless their borders were extended, they should be compelled to leave the place, that they might enjoy ample territory and so be able to grow and thrive as a Christian church.

As early as 1634, only three years after the first settlement of the place, they alleged that " the number of inhabitants had become disproportionate to the township." They complained that " they were straitened for want of land, especially meadow, and desired leave of the Council to look out either for enlargement or removal." Their territory, probably, extended at that , time nearly to the easterly line of the present town of Lexington. In the meantime the General Court adopted every reasonable means to satisfy their wants. At their session, held on the 25th of September, the General Court adopted the following orders : "It is ordered, with the consent of Watertown, that the meadow on this syde Watertown weire, contayning about thirty acres, be the same more or less, and now vsed by the inhabitants of Newe Towne, shall belong to said inhabitants of Newe Towne to injoy to them and then' heirs forever."

" Also it is ordered, that the ground aboute Muddy Ryver [now Brookline] belonging to Boston, vsed by the inhabitants thereof, shall hereafter belonge to Newe Towne ; the wood and timber thereof, growinge or to be growinge to be reserved to the inhabitants of Boston ; provided, and it is the meaning of this Court, that if Mix Hooker, and the congregation now settled here, shall remove hence, that then the aforesaid meadow grounds shall return to Watertown, and the grounds at Muddy Ryver to Boston."

myles into the country, from their Meeting House," ^ in 1636, about one hundred of the inhabitants of Cambridge, consisting of the principal part of Rev. Mr. Hooker's church and congregation, which came there in 1632, removed "through a hideous and trackless wilderness to Connecticut, and commenced a settlement at Hartford."^ This Colony consisted of men, women, and children, including Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, their pastor and teacher; and, being entirely unacquainted with the way, and having no guide but a compass, they passed over hills and through swamps, and thus rendered their journey through the wilderness more protracted, tedious, and trying to them than it otherwise would have been. They drove their cattle, to the number of about one hundred and sixty, with them, and subsisted mainly upon the milk of then* flock. They had on their journey, at least, no reason to complain of " being straitened for the w;ant of land, especially meadow." Their journey was long and trying. Mrs. Hooker, the wife of the pastor, was so feeble that she had to be carried upon a litter ; and having but few comforts, and being compelled to make the ground their bed, and the sky their covering, they must have suifered severely. But their strong relioious feeling, mingled, perhaps, Avith a little worldly enterprise ; their desire to build up a flourishing church, and, at the same time to possess themselves of a large tract of land, sustained and supported them.

The removal of so many persons from Newe Towne was a matter of deep regret not only to the people of the place, but to the Colony. The General Court took every reasonable step to retain them ; but being unable to satisfy the desu-es of these adventurous people, they at last gave their consent for their removal, on condition that they should consider themselves within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Colony, and hold themselves subject to her laws.^

> This eight-mile line ran across the present town of Lexington, from a point on the Burlington line, near the Gibbs place, through the meadow back of the Old Cemetery, and near the Town Pound to Lincoln line, near the residence of T. H. Rhodes.

But, though Mr. Hooker and his flock had departed, and the boundary of the town had been enlarged, those who remained still regarded their limits as too circumscribed, and manifested a desire to emigrate. The thirst for landed possessions so peculiar to the fii-st settlers in every country, appears to have infected our pious ancestors. They were enduring the hardships incident to a new settlement, and undoubtedly looked with anxiety to a time when they might, in some degree, rest from their severe toil, and have the consolation that when they should be called home, they could leave their children in a condition more favorable than that in which they commenced life. But, that the small settlement at Newe Towne was not particularly pressed for room, will appear from the fact that the township at that time included what is now Nev^i:on, Brighton, a part of Brookline, West Cambridge, one half of Lexington, and a portion of Belmont - a territory sufficiently large, one would suppose, to contain and support a few hundred inhabitants.

In 1636, the General Court contemplated the erection of a public school at Newton, and appropriated four hundred pounds for that purpose ; this laid the foundation of the University. In 1638, Rev. John Harvard, of Charlestown, endowed this school with about eight hundred pounds. Thus endowed, the school was exalted to a college, and assumed the name of its principal benefactor ; and the General Court, in compliment to the college, and in memory of the place where many of their fathers received their education, passed, in 1638, the following order : " That Newe Towne shall henceforward be called Cambridge."^

To heal the dissatisfaction which existed among the people, and to prevent any further emigration from the place, the General Court had taken measures to extinguish the Indian title within the boundaries of Cambridge, and had instituted inquiries concerning other unappropriated territory, with a view of annex-

* The present village of Cambridge appears to have been designed as a fortified camp rather than a town. It contained only about one thousand acres, and was to have been inclosed by a ditch and stockade. In 1632, the Court ordered "that £60 be levied out of the several plantations toward the making of a pallysadoe aboute the Newe Towne." The fosse which was then dug about the place, says Dr. Holmes, in his history of Cambridge, is, in some places, visible to this day.

ing it to New Towne. In 163G, a committee was appointed to view the Shawshine country, and report whether it be fit for a plantation. In 1(541, the Court passed the following order: " Shawshine is granted to Cambridge, provided they make it a village, to have ten families there settled within three years; otherwise the Court to dispose of it."

The Shawshine country being rather vague in its extent, and the character of the country being but little known, a committee was appointed to examine the premises, and report to the Court. As their report, made in 1642, casts some light upon this sul)ject, and fixes in some degree the territorial limits of Cambridge in that quarter, we will give it entire :

This Report, being rather unfavorable as to the character of the country, the Court enlarged their grant to Cambridge, and gave them further time to effect a settlement. The grant was in these words: "All the land lying upon the Shawshine River, and between that and Concord River, and between that and the

To Its Incorpora.Tion As A Town

Merrimack Elver, not formerly granted by this Court, are granted to Cambridge, so as they erect a village there within 5 years, and so as it shall not extend to prejudice Charlestowne village, or the village of Cochitawist, nor farmes formerly granted to the now Governor of 1,200 acres, and to Thomas Dudley, Esq., 1,500 acres, and 3,000 acres to Mrs. Winthrop ; and ]\ir. Flint, and Mr. Stephen Winthrop are to set out their heade line toward Concord."

This liberal grant was made in 1642, but no permanent settlement being made, the church in 1644 was about to remove to Muttakeese (now Yarmouth?) where a settlement had recently been commenced. To counteract this movement, the General Court, in 1644, passed the following order : " Shawsliine is granted to Cambridge without any condition of making a village there ; and the land between them and Concord is granted them, all save what is formerly granted to the military Company, provided the church present continue at Cambridge." ^

This grant of Shawshine, like most of the grants at that day, was very indefinite, so far as limits are concerned ; it is impossible to say, with precision, what was included. It is generally admitted that the Shawsliine grant extended to the Merrimack River. It is sufficient to our purpose to know that it included all the town of Billerica, the greater portion of Bedford, and all that part of Lexington north of the eight-mile line. Billerica was incorporated in 1655 into a town by the consent of Cambridge. It was at that time a large territory, bounded on Cambridge Farms, Chelmsford, Andover, Woburn and Concord.

It is difficult to determine, with precision, the date of the first settlements at Cambridge Farms, as the territory was included in Cambridge ; and the records of any event in that town, do not generally specify in what part of the town it occurred. Had Lexington been an independent community, with records of its own, many dates could have been fixed, which are now left to conjecture. This part of the town appears to have been regarded as the loood lots and the hay fields of Cambridge. We have seen already, a complaint that they had a deficiency of meadows. Such land at that time was held in high estimation, as it was generally free from wootl,^ and in a condition for mowing fields without the labor of clearing. The people could therefore avail themselves at once of the grass from the meadows, and thus support theu' herds of cattle, much earlier and more easily than if they were compelled to clear dense forests and subdue the soil. Lexington, at that period, had a considerable share of open land, and hence it was sought by those who resided in the old town. The consequence was that the first lands taken up were held in a good degree by non-residents.

As early as 1642, Herbert Pelham, Richard Champney, EdAvard Goffee, John Bridge, Edward Collins, John Russell, Golden Moore, Edward Winship, Richard Park, John Betts, and Thomas Danforth were proprietors of land within this township. It is probable that most of them, instead of removing to their lands, continued their residence in Cambridge proper, or in some of the settlements near Boston. Most of these gentlemen were among the early and prominent settlers of Cambridge, and were largely engaged in land speculations, not only in Cambridge Farms, but elsewhere. Such men would not be very likely to remove from comfortable homes in Cambridge to a new settlement, where they would be subjected to many privations and hardships.

Nor is it easy to determine where their lands were situated. The Proprietors' Records cast but little light upon the subject. Where A is bolinded upon B, and B upon A, we are simply informed that these lands were contiguous, without knowing the locality of either. Occasionally we find an item bearing upon the location of some of the lots. In 1642, we find a grant to Herbert Pelham : " At the further side of Vine Brook, one house and 600 acre§ of land ; Concord line north, John Bridge west." The same record the same year contains the following entry in favor of Edward Goftee : "By Vine Brook, 600 acres of land,

' At the first settlement of the country, most of the meadows and some of the uplands, were found free from wood and brush, like the prairies and openings at the West. This is generally ascribed to the periodical fires set by the Indians, for the purpose of destroying the hiding places of their game, and at the same time to enable them to discover, in open land, the approach of an enemy, and to give them an opportunity of attacking them from their coverts, while the enemy was exposed in the open ground. The fact that these meadows are so strongly inclined in these days, to grow up to wood and brush, shows that some such cause must have kept them open then.

more or less. Herbert Pelliam and John Bridge on the north." Under date of January 15, 1645, we have an entry wliich not only shows to whom the grant was made, but also the indefinite character of the description or boundary, so common at that day. " According to a former act of the townsmen in the year 1643, as appears unto us by their acknowledgment under their hands, it is now also ratified by these presents, a grant unto John Bridge, sen., of twenty acres of ploughed land on this side of Vine Brook eastward, near. unto the place where his stacks of hay did stand, in lieu of his lot in the neck, viz., unbroken land only with timber and wood."

It is impossible to state when the first settlement was made at the Farms. Asthis part of Cambridge was used to obtain hay, it is most Kkely that the first residents spent only a portion of the year here, and, hke fashionable gentlemen at this day, had both a summer and a winter residence. But, be this as it may, it appears thatPelham's grant, in 1642, had a house standing upon it, and that John Bridge had stacks of hay upon his land near Vine Brook, prior to 1645. These lands must have been situated in the southwesterly part of the town near the source of Vine Brook, and were probably among the first lands settled. There is one pecuHarity in relation to the settlement of tliis township, viz., the earliest settlers were generally located near the respective borders of the town, as we shall have occasion to show hereafter. This probably arose from the fact that it was an appendage to another town. Had it been an independent, original grant, some central point would have been selected, around which the population would cluster. Then they would have had their own records, and any act of an individual would have been set down as a part of the history of the place. But as it is, we have to look to the Records of Cambridge, and are unable to say whether they resided at the Farms or in Cambridge proper.

Without pretending to state the exact order or the date of their settlement, we can safely say that the Bridges, Winships, Cutlers, Fiskes, Stones, Bowmans, Merriams, Russells, Wellingtons, Munroes, Tidds, Reeds, Whitmores and Smiths were among the earliest settlers and the most numerous families. We will endeavor to give the general location of these and the other early families. To begin with those who settled on or near what is now the line of West Cambridge : ^ Edward Winship was one of the original owners of land within the present limits of Lexington, though he probably never lived within the township. He owned a large tract bordering upon West Cambridge line, extending from near the main street or Concord road, as it is called in the old Records, north of Gilboa, including the lands now occupied by Oliver Winship, one of his descendants, and also Mount Ephraim, which took its name from his eldest son, Ephraim, who resided near it. Edward Winship, or Lieut. Winsliip, as he was generally called, erected a saw mill on what was then denominated Mill Brook, on or near the site of the present fur factory. This was undoubtedly the first mill set up within the township. At what time it was erected, we are not able to say ; probably as early as 1650. Lieut. W^inship, according to the custom of that day, kept his property in his own hands during life, and, left it by will in 1688, to his sons Ephraim, Edward, Samuel, and Joseph. The greater part of this property remained in the Winsliip family for several generations. They were large landliolders, and were prominent among the early settlers. Nor were their possessions confined to the northern side of the Concord road ; they owned land on the hill on the south side.

Francis Whitmore was an early settler in Lexington, and must have resided on the southerly side of Main street, below Cutler's Tavern, near the present line between Lexington and West Cambridge. The act constituting Cambridge Farms a legal Precinct, refers to the residence of Francis Whitmore in describing the boundary line as "running on the southerly side of Francis Whitmore's house towards the town of Cambridge." Mr. Whitmore married a daughter of Richard Parke, one of the first proprietors of lands at the Farms, about 1648, and probably came to the place soon after his marriage. He became a large

' The tract of territory which till recently has been known as West Cambridge, was a part of Cambridge till 1807, when it was erected into a town. Its Indian name was Menotomy, and it was afterwards known as the West Precinct. In 1867, the inhabitants petitioned the Legislature for a change of the name of their town, and it was changed to Arlirigton. Wherever in this work the name of West Cambridge appears, the reader will substitute Arlington.

To Its Incorporation As A Town

Southwesterly of Francis Whitmore, and near the present Arlington and Belmont lines, was the Bowman family. Nathaniel Bowman, of Watertown, purchased land of Edward Goffee, in Cambridge Farms, to which he removed. He died in 1682, leaving his real estate to liis son Francis, by will, dated 1679. Francis died in 1687, leaving, among other children, Francis and Joseph, who became very prominent men in Lexington. They resided on or near Watertown street, in the neighborhood of the present residence of the Lawrences.

Southwesterly of the Bowraans were the Wellingtons, the descendants of Roger Wellington of Watertown, though they did not come to town till a later period. A portion of the original farm is in possession of the Wellingtons at the present day.

Farther to the west were the Smiths, who came to Lexington from Watertown and Waltham, then a part of Watertown. They were in possession of a large portion of the southerly part of the town, where many of their descendants reside at the present day. They wsre not, however, among the earliest settlers at the Farms.

Westerly of the Smiths, on lands now partly in Lexington. and partly in Lincoln, were the Abbots, who came from Andover, the Stones, who came from Cambridge, and the Merriams, who came from Concord. Northerly of these and nearer the centre of the town, were the Bridges, who came from Cambridge, and were among the very first permanent residents in the place. There were also living in the southwesterly part of the township at a later period, John Parker, Daniel White, Thomas Hastings, John Palfrey, Benjamin Stearnes, George Adams, Daniel Hoar, Judah Clark, Thomas Nelson, and Nathaniel Whittemore. Still more northwesterly, on what was then Concord line, James Cutler, the ancestor of those of that name in Lexington, settled as early perhaps as 1648, and consequently was among the very earliest settlers. He took up his abode on what is now known as Wood street, on or near the spot where William Hartwell now resides.

William Reed from Wobum settled about 1685. He was a large landholder, and had numerous descendants. He and his son William became prominent in the town. Northwesterly of the Reeds, on the other side of Tophet Swamp, so called, Thomas Kendall, probably from Woburn, settled at an early day. On Bedford street, at or near the late residence of James Pierce, originally from Watertown, resided as early as 1694, John Lawrence. He was the ancestor of the Groton family of Lawrences, of whom Amos and Abbott M'ere prominent members. Northwesterly of this, and on what is now known as the Page Place in Bedford, Joseph Fassett, for many years a prominent citizen of Lexington, resided as early as 1700. Jonathan Trask was a resident in Lexington at a period somewhat later. He lived on the northerly side of the meadow westerly of Bedford street. He was one of the largest farmers in the town. In the neighborhood of Lawrence and Fassett, Nathaniel Dunkley resided ; and William Grimes had his abode northwesterly of John Lawrence, and near the present line of Burlington.

The northerly part of the town bordering upon Wobum, now Burlington, was first settled by the Lockes, who came from Woburn ; their houses were on the Woburn side of the line. Thomas Blodgett, from Woburn, came to Lexington about 1690, and settled on Adams street, near the Gibbs Place. Between the Blodgetts and the centre of the town, were William Carly, John Johnson, and John Harrington, who was the ancestor of one branch of the numerous family of the name of Harrington.

The Tidds, who came from Woburn, settled in Lexington about 1680. They were at one time quite a numerous family, and lived where Mr. Charles Tidd now resides. The residence of Mr. Nathan Chandler was originally a Tidd place. In the same neighborhood Mr. Joseph Simond settled about 1681. He was also from Woburn, and, marrying into the Tidd fiimily, located himself near his father-in-law, on the place now owned and occupied by IVIr. Charles Johnson.

Further to the east, on what is now Woburn street, William Munroe, the ancestor of the numerous family of that name in Lexington and vicinity, settled at an early day near Woburn line. He became a large land-holder, and six of his sons settled around him. As the Munroes were of Scotch descent, they gave the name of their fatherland to that section of the town, which has retained the name of Scotland to the present day. He probably came to Lexington about 1670. In the same neighborhood, but nearer the centre of the town, the Russells, who came early from Cambridge, fixed their abode. They were also large land-holders, and owned several tracts of land on the easterly side of what was then familiarly known as Mill Brook. Col. Phillip Russell resides upon land long in possession of his ancestors of the same name.

The Fiskes, a somewhat numerous family, were among the first settlers at the farms.. They were located on East street near the residence of the late Joseph Fiske. One branch of the family fixed its residence on the place now occupied by Joseph F. Simonds, on Hancock street. Some of the family subsequently settled on the Concord road, and hence the name of " Fiske Hill."

Having drawn this general outline, and spoken of the families who resided in the out parts of the town, it will be expected that we fill up the picture, and give the names o^ the families who resided in the centre. We have already intimated that the first settlers resided near the boundaries of the toAvn, when there were no inliabitants in what is now regarded as the village. As their families increased, and the idea of becoming a separate parish was agitated, they would naturally turn their minds to some central point for a village. This would, as a matter of course, induce some of the sons of the first settlers to seek lands near the proposed village for their abode. There were also some families coming into town which would naturally desire the same central location. Tliis contributed to the increase of population in the villag-e. Among; those who came into town and settled in the centre, was Benjamin Muzzy, probably from Maiden, who bought liis farm in 1693. He came to the precinct about that time, and took up his habitation on the place which Rufus Merriam now occupies. He was the ancestor of all the Lexington men of that name. A few years later, John Mason from Water-

There is no plan of the township with the lots laid doAvn, and hence it is impossible to state the exact location of the early families. The description given above will serve as a general guide, and other incidents and facts disclosed in the sequel will cast further light upon the subject.

The growth of the settlement was at first slow. A large share of the land being held by speculators, they would naturally retain it in their hands with the hope of an advance in price. The unsettled state of our relations with the Indians, would doubtless deter many from leaving the older settlements, where they felt perfectly secure, and. settling in a more exposed township. It it true that the place was never disturbed by the incursions of the savages, yet the fact that during Philip's War, they burnt Sudbury, and Groton, and Andover, and Chelmsford, must have spread terror and dismay through this settlement, at least so far as to check its increase. But after that dessolating struggle had terminated by the death of Pliilip in 1676, the people had rest ; and tliis, as well as other new settlements, received some accessions. In 1682, the number of the families at the Farms amounted to about thirty, and the number of souls to about one hundred and eighty. Several of these families had come to the place within two or three years.

But in addition to the unavoidable privations of a new settlement, they were destitute of what was considered by our pious fathers, one of the indispensable prerequisites to the groA\i:h and prosperity of the place. They had no ministry among them, and so had no convenient opportunity of enjoying the ordinances of the Gospel, without traveling from five to ten miles. With this state of things they could not long be contented. Johnson, in his " Wonder-Working Providence," has justly said of our fathers, " It is as unnatural for a right New England man to live without an able ministry, as for a smith to work his iron without fire." Actuated by such feelings as are here unplied, in October, 1682, the people petition the General Court to be set off as a distinct parish. This petition was signed by James Cutler, INIattliew Bridge, Jr., David Fiskc, Sen., Samuel Stone, Sen., Francis Whitmore, John Tidd, Ephraim Winship, and

John Winter, in behalf of themselves and the inhabitants of the Farms. The people of Cambridge zealously opposed the separation, and the prayer of the petitioners was not granted.

The application, however, was renewed in 1684, when the Court apj)ointed a 'Committee to inquire into the merits of tlie case ; and if they were satisfied that the prayer ought to be granted, to report a suitable boundary for the parish. The Committee, after due investigation, reported favorably to the petitioners ; but the opposition of Cambridge again prevailed, and the report of the Committee was defeated. Conscious of the rectitude of their intentions, and the justice of their cause, they renewed their petition in 1691 ; when the Court, in view of the inconvenience under which they labored, and of the growth of the settlement, granted their request, as will be seen by an entry upon their Joiurnal under date of December 15, 1691.

" Upon reading the petition of the farmers within the precinct and bounds of the tOAvn of Cambridge towards Concord, therein setting forth their distance, (the nearest of them living about five miles) from Cambridge Meeting House, their place of worship, praying that according to a former application by them several years since made unto this Court, for the advantage of themselves, families, and property, they may have this Court's favor and license in order to the calling of a fit minister for dispensing the Gospel among them ; also that they may become a distinct village for the end proposed in their said petition ; the Selectmen of Cambridge having had a copy of said petition sent them ^^dth a notification of the time for their being heard thereupon this day, and accordingly attending :

" After a fuU hearing and consideration of what was offered by both parties, it is granted and ordered by this Court, that the Petitioners be and they hereby are permitted and allowed to invite and settle an able and orthodox minister, for the dispensing of the Gospel among them, and that all the inhabitants li'vdng within the line formerly stated i)y a Committee of this Court, A.D. 1684, 'beginning at the first mentioned water or swampy place over which is a kind of bridge in the way, on the south side of Francis Wliitmore's house towards the town of Cambridge aforesaid, across the neck of land lying between Woburn line and that of Watertown side, upon a southwest and northeast course,' do pay unto the minister's maintenance there, and are hereby empowered annually to choose three or five meet persons to assess their inhabitants for the support and maintenance of their minister ; as also a constable or collector to gather the same, by warrant from said assessors. The said farmers not being hereby discharged from paying their proportion as formerly unto all public charges in the town, except what refers to the ministry, so long as they maintain an able minister among themselves."

In the description of the boundary of the Precinct only one line is mentioned ; the other portions bordering on Watertown, Woburn, Concord and Billerica, rendered a description of those lines unnecessary. The order conferring corporate powers upon the people of the Farms, constituted them a Precinct and gave them authority to manage their parochial affairs ; but in all other respects they remained a part of Cambridge as before.

Being incorporated December, 1691, the people assembled for the first time under the act, on the 2 2d of April, 1692, and made choice of David Fiske, Sen., as Clerk, "to write the votes of the inhabitants of the place, and to keep a record of them." This was the first corporate act of the farmers, and here their records commence. Before this date, all we know of the people of Cambridge Farms, is gleaned from the Cambridge records, and other records and papers found in the hands of individuals. At thcu* first meeting, April 22d, after organizing by the choice of a clerk, they proceeded to carry out the object for which they had sought corporate powers, viz. that of obtaining a stated ministry - by voting " That Mr. Benjamin Estabrook shall be the man that shold be invited to preach to them, by a clear voat, and that he shall be spoken to to preach to us, a year from the first of May, 1692; and that Samuel Stone, Sen., and David Fiske, Sen., shold speak to him to come and preach to us as aforesaid."

" Voted, That we will give him forty pounds for a year, half in money, viz., twenty pounds, and twenty pounds in other pay at money prise, and that it should be for his salary, and to supply for his entertainments."

effort was made to erect a meeting house in the Precinct, and a subscription was set on foot to obtain funds for that purpose. This subscription is preserved, and is the oldest paper upon our records ; and it becomes exceedingly valuable, as it bears the names of the principal inhabitants, and shows the interest they felt in the cause of religious institutions. This paper, which we shall give entu'e, is valuable in several respects. It not only contains the names of the inhabitants, but is generally a fair relative valuation of the property which each one possessed ; for it should be remembered that at that day and for such an object, the people generally contributed according to their means. I shall have occasion to refer to this list frequently in the sequel.

History Of Lexington

""VYest." This addition was for the puri:)Ose of distinguishing -them from persons of the same name, and was a poor substitute for senior and junior.

These two papers, the subscription for the meeting house, and the first tax bill for the support of their minister, are both valuable, as they contain the names of all the male inhabitants, and show US who were the largest holders of real estate at the incorporation of the precinct. The tax bill contains a full list of the ratable inhabitants, while the subscription, though it does not bear the name of every citizen, contains the names of some who were not resident in the place, but felt an interest in the prosperity of the settlement. There is also a remarkable coincidence between the tax and the subscription, which speaks well for the liberality of the inhabitants. On the subscription, David Fiske, Sen., Samuel Stone, Sen., Matthew Bridge, Sen., Ephraim Winship, Joseph Simonds and William Munroe, stand the six highest, and on the tax bill the same gentlemen maintain their relative position. In fact, the two papers show that each one was willing to bear his share of the burdens of supporting religious institutions, whether they were imposed by a tax or left to his voluntary offering, - a fact which, Ave fear, would put many members of religious societies at this day to the blush.

The last tax bill spread out upon the record is in 1696, and bears the names of about a dozen tax payers not found on the list three years before. This increase consists of several young men who had arrived at a taxable age, and several others who had come into town. Among the latter were Ebenezer Whitney, Ebenezer Nutting, Daniel White, Joseph Grant, John Wilson, James Wilson and John Lawrence. I have been thus particular in giving the names of the tax payers, because it fixes the residence of individuals, and gives, proximately, the population at that period.