Lexington Town (part 6 of 25)

The actual loss to the British in this expedition was seventythree killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and twentysix missing - the greater part of whom were taken prisoners. Of the whole loss, eighteen were commissioned officers, and two hundred and fifty non-commissioned officers and men. Lieutenant Hall, wounded at the North bridge, was taken prisoner on the retreat, and died the next day. His remains were delivered to General Gage. Lieutenant Gould, also wounded at the bridge, was subsequently taken prisoner, and was exchanged, May 28th, for Josiah Breed, of Lynn. " He had a fortune of XI, 900 a year, and is said to have offered £2,000 for his ransom." ^ The prisoners taken by us were treated with great humanity, and General Gage was notified that his own surgeons, if he desired it, might attend upon the wounded.

The loss of the Americans was forty-nine killed, thirty-nine wounded, and five missing. Several lists of the killed and wounded have been published - the fullest of which, found in the ' Siege of Boston,', we here insert :

It will be seen by tlie above list that Lexington suffered more severely than any other town. Though her population was much less than that of Concord, or Cambridge, her loss in killed and wounded was more than one-third greater than both of those towns together. In Concord no one was killed, and in Cambridge of the six killed, three of them at least were non-combatants of West Cambridge. Next to Lexington, Danvers suffered the most severely, having seven killed and two wounded. The number of killed and wounded is no sure evidence of the bravery of these companies ; but it does afford strong presumptive evidence of the position of the troops relative to the posts of danger. And as the men on that day acted on their own responsibility, or under their local connnanders, the number of casualties furnishes some proof of the zeal and braveiy of the men, and the efforts of the different towns on the occasion.

Cliarlestown. Bitter complains were made against Colonel Pickering for his delay in bringing up- the Essex regiment. It is not our province to pass sentence upon Colonel Pickering, or to intimate that he was at fault in that case. If he could have been earlier upon the ground, and could have joined the militia some miles above Charlestown, it would have been well, and might have been the means of cutting off Percy's retreat. But it is perhaps a mercy that the Essex iroops did not arrive in season to attack him at the Neck. This would in all probability have brought on a general engagement, for which the Provincials were not prepared ; and as Gage could easily have reenforced Percy, and the ships in Charles River could participate in such a battle, the fortune of the day would doubtless have turned against us. Besides there were fears that if we pursued the British into Charlestown, they might lay the town in ashes, and so subject our friends to the calamity of being turned houseless into the street. The wanton barbarity they had practiced in Lexington and West Cambridge that day, would naturally create an apprehension for the safety of Charlestown, if we should attempt to follow the British within the Peninsula. Such considerations probably occurred to General Heath, and he prudently gave over the pursuit.

The events of the 19th of April produced a profound sensation throughout the country. They aroused the people to arms, and gave a new impulse to the cause of freedom. This opening scene of the American Revolution foreshadowed the character and result of the great drama, and the moral it would teach mankind. It showed that the Americans were alive to a sense of their rights, and ready to rally at theii- country's call ; and that though they were at that time without organization or discipline, and but poorly armed, they possessed every requisite for soldiers, and with a little drill and discipline would be equal to any emergency. In fact, that day established their reputation for energy and fortitude, for sagacity and courage, and should have taught their British brethren that the subjugation of such a people was impossible. Up to this period the people acted under a species of embarrassment, but now the restraint was removed. England had been the aggressor ; she had shed the blood of her subjects in America ; she had wantonly conuncuced a war for the subjugation of her colonists ; and they now felt themselves absolved from all allegiance. England had appealed to the arbitrament of war, and the colonists were ready to try the case in that stern tribunal. And the experience of the 19th of April had given them confidence in themselves. They had seen the disciplined veterans of Great Britain put to an ignominious rout by half their number of bold and determined citizens ; and relying upon the justice of their cause, and trusting in the great Disposer of events-, to whom the appeal had been made, they were ready to abide the issue.

But while that day's sun in its setting cast a halo of glory around the American cause, and there was a general rejoicing wherever the result was known, there were those who blended tears with their rejoicings, and sighed over the hapless victims of oppression - the willing sacrifices offered on freedom's altai*. In Lexington alone, ten of her sturdy citizens, whose bosoms swelled with patriotic ardor in the early dawn of that memorable day, were lying cold in the embrace of death before the evening shades 'had lulled the world to silence and repose. They slept in peace. But who can describe the anguish which wrung the heart of the lone widow or the orphan child at the sudden bereavement of a husband or a father ! or tell the grief of the sad mother who is weeping the, loss of a beloved son I Truly there was lamentation and mourning. The tenderest ties of nature had been broken, and hearts that were made to feel, were bleeding in anguish. But in the bitterness of their anguish tlicy had one consolation - the deceased fell at the post of duty - fell a sacrifice, a willing sacrifice, to the cause of liberty. Such reflections cheered and gladdened many a heart, which had otherwise been desponding. Such reflections are the support and comfort of many a patriotic mother and wife, whose grief would otherwise be almost insupportable. Nor is this a vain consolation. Patriotism is a Christian virtue ; and he who from a sense of duty lays down his life for his country, acts in humble imitation of Ilim "who died that we might live."

The anniversary of the 19th of April was appropriately noticed in Lexington for several years. In 1776, Rev. Jonas Clark delivered a patriotic sermon in commemoration of the day ; to which was appended a narrative of the battle of Lexington. The discourse was published, with the appendix, which furnishes us witli one of the most valuable and reliable sketches of the events of that day. The next anniversary Rev. Samuel Cook, of Cambridge, preached the sermon. In 1778, the discourse was delivered by Rev. Jacob Cushing, of Waltham ; in 1779, by Rev. Samuel Woodward, of Weston ; in 1780, by Rev. Isaac Morrell, of Wilmington ; in 1781, by Rev. Henry Cummings, of Billerica ; in 1782, by Rev. Pliillips Payson, of Chelsea; in 1783, by Rev. Zabdiel Adams, of Lunenburg. These discourses were all published, and they furnish a good specimen of the spirit of the times, and show the independent and patriotic spirit of the clergy of that day ; and so by contrast rebuke that timid and craven spirit, manifested by some of the occupants of the pulpit at this day, who dare not allude to public affairs, lest some of their hearers should accuse them of preaching politics. But thanks to the clergy of New England, they have generally on great occasions, been found true to freedom. Not only in the days of the Revolution, but during the late slave-holders' Rebellion, they have spoken out freely, and thrown their influence on the side of truth and righteousness.

The events of the 19th of April, 1775, produced a deep personal feeling in Lexington. The loss of ten of her citizens carried mourning into many families. But the feeling of gratitude and veneration for the heroic dead had a tendency to assuage their grief, and produce a conviction that something should be done to perpetuate the fame of these martyrs of liberty, and to hand their names down to after g-enerations. Such feelinirs led to the erection of a jMonument to their memories, which was completed in 1799.

But the people of Lexington, knowing that the event to be commemorated was national in its character, and that those who fell offered themselves on the altar of their country, very properly asked the State to assume paternity of the Monument. On the petition of Joseph Simonds, the General Court in 1797, passed the following Resolve : " That there be allowed and paid out of the Public Treasury, to the Selectmen of Lexington, the sum of Two hundred dollars for the purpose of erecting in said town a Monument of stone, on which shaU be engraved the names of the eight men, inhabitants of Lexington, who were slain on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, by a party of British troops, together with such other inscription as in the judgment of said Selectmen, and the approbation of the Governor and Council, shall be calculated to preserve to posterity a record of the first effort made by the people of America for the establishment of their freedom and independence. The said Monument to be erected on the ground where the said citizens were slain, and the Monument so erected shall be deemed and taken to be a Public Monument, and entitled to the protection of the law in such cases made and provided."

The sum thus appropriated having been found insufficient, the fact was made known to the Legislature ; and in 1798, "On the petition of the town of Lexington, praying for an additional grant to enable them to erect a Monument, commemorative of the battle of Lexington on the 19th of April, 1775 :

"Kesolved, That there be allowed and paid out of the Public Treasury, the sum of Two hundred dollars, to the Selectmen of the town of Lexington, to enable them to erect and complete the Monument aforesaid, and His Excellency, the Governor, is requested to issue his warrant for the same."

It seems that our fathers had not embraced that refined theory of political ethics, which affirms that the true spirit of patriotism is impaired by the erection of visible memorials in honor of noble deeds. Transcendentalism had not impaired their sober sense. They knew that, though men had an intellectual and moral nature, they were at the same time so constituted that most of their impressions were received through the senses ; and that thousands are actually moved by visible objects, who could scarcely be reached through any other medium ; and that the enlightened patriot who perceives the intellectual and the moral, will not despise the visible which strengthens his impressions, and concentrates all his powers upon the object of his contemplation.

The inscription upon the Monument was furnished by the patriot priest, and breathes that devotion to the cause of America, that love of freedom and the rights of mankind, for which he was distinguished. Nor does he, in his devotion to the cause, overlook the brave men who so nobly offered themselves on the altar of their country ; nor the ruling hand of the great Disposer of events, who makes the wrath of men praise him, and the folly and madness of tyrants subserve the cause of human freedom.

The Lexington Monument

Though this Monument was respectable in its day, and reflected honor upon the State and the town, every one must allow that it falls beneath the taste of the present age, and is not at all commensurate with the event it was designed to commemorate. The opening scene of the American Revolution is one of the most important events in the history of the world. The patriotic rising of the people, the cool and undaunted spirit of the citizens, the momentous questions involved in the issue, and the lasting consequences resulting from the Revolution inaugurated on the 19th of April, 1775, give to the day and the place an importance which can hardly be overrated.

The Contemplated Monument

Kevolution. To ensure the success of the enterprise, they have alreadyobtained a charter as a body corporate, and have organized an Association co-extensive with the Union. They have, in the next place, procured the design of a Monument, by Mr. Hammatt Billings, a distinguished native artist, which, with great success, embodies the spirit of the day which it is intended to commemorate; not doing homage to any one individual - for no individual is entitled to the honors of that day - but symbolizing the entire class of men, who were the actors in that great scene. It is the figure of a Minute-Man, who, leaving his accustomed labors, and seizing his musket, his ball-pouch, and his powder-horn, has hastened to confront the disciplined battalions of arbitrary power. Such were the men of the 19th of April, 1775; such the men who fell that day on Lexington Green ; and in whose honor the Statue will stand as an abiding memorial of their sacrifice and a monument to their heroism. It is to be of bronze and of colossal size; elevated upon a lofty pedestal of granite, handsomely wrought, with niches for the Insertion of appropriate relievos, emblematic of the events of the day ; the whole to be of a magnitude and in a style of execution worthy of the great event, creditable to American art, and in harmony with the national feeling.

" Such, fellow citizens, is the work which it is proposed to erect in commemoration of the 19th of April, 1775, and in grateful remembrance of those who laid down their lives on the morning of the American Revolution. For an enterprise conceived in a spirit of comprehensive patriotism, and commemorative of an event in which the whole country has an equal interest, we confidently rely upon the sympathy of our brethren throughout the United States. Every citizen of the Union has an equal share in the benefits of the great system of self-government which received its solemn inauguration that day, and we would fain enlist the co-operation of every citizen, in the execution of the work. The blood shed at Lexington on the 19th of April, 1775, was the signal which, from Maine to Georgia, called the Continent to arms. May we not hope that, not merely from the old thirteen, but from the younger States descended from them, in the rising West, a voice of encouragement will reach us in this great work of commemoration ! The venerable name of Lexington has been given to twenty cities and towns, in different States of the Union. Will not the same patriotic sentiment which has thus planted the memory of the honored spot in the very soil of every portion of the land, induce our fellow citizens throughout the country to unite with us, in rearing a lasting Monument to the event, Avhich has clothed that name with its wide-spread honors, and made it a household word throughout America, for all time .'' " erected by the aid of the Bunker Hill Monument Association, which contributed $1,500 for the purpose. In 1825 the corner stone was laid, with great ceremony - Hon. Edward Everett delivering the Address.

In Danvers, on Monday, April 20, 1835, the comer stone was laid of a Monument in memory of their citizens who fell on the 19th of April at West Cambridge. General Gideon Foster one of the survivors of the gallant band which met the enemy with so much alacrity, and who commanded the company on that day, made an address at the site of the Monument, in which he recounted some of the events of the day, the numbers of the company, and the rapidity with which they marched to the scene of danger. General Foster at that time was eighty-six years of age. A procession was formed and moved to the church, where an address was delivered by Hon. Daniel P. King-. The addresses and proceedings of the day were published.

In West Cambridge a Monument was erected in 1848 over the remains of twelve of the patriots slain on the 19th of April. The names of the three who belonged to West Cambridge were : Jason Russell, Jason Winship, and Jabez Wyman. The twelve were buried in one common grave. Their remains were disinterred and placed in a stone vault, now under the Monument, April 22, 1848. This is a simple gi-anite obelisk, nineteen feet in height, inclosed by a neat iron fence. It was erected by the voluntary contributions of the citizens of West Cambridge.

In 1851, the citizens of Acton petitioned the Legislature for an appropriation, to aid them in their laudable effort to erect a Monument to the memory of the gallant Davis and his brave townsmen who fell in defence of freedom on the 19th of April. The petition met with a favorable response, and a Resolve was passed appropriating the sum of two thousand dollars for this object, providing the citizens of said town shall raise the sum of five hundred dollars for the same purpose. This condition was complied with, and the Monument w^as erected, and its completion celebrated October 29, 1851. It having been erected by the patronage and under the guidance of the State, George S.

As the county of Middlesex was the first to declare her readiness to resist the encroachments of Great Britain by the sword, and as she had the proud preeminence of shedding the fii'st blood in the sacred cause of freedom, so she is justly entitled to the highest honors, and may fairly be entitled to the appellation of the Monumental County. The towering obelisk on Bunker Hill, which looks down in an awful frown upon British vandalism, and in pious veneration upon American valor ; the modest- shaft at West Cambridge, which bespeaks alike the barbarity of the retreating foe, and the heroic gathering of the friends of freedom, ready to do and suffer in her cause ; the humble Monument at Lexington, proclaiming the undaunted firmness of the minutemen, and the cowardly spirit of the invaders of their rights ; the unpretending spire at Concord, which marks the spot where British blood atoned for British rashness, and where disciplined troops fled before the untaught prowess of the gallant yeomanry ; and the more lofty and imposing column at Acton, reflecting the honors of the heroic dead, whose patriotism prompted them to defend other homes than their own ; these, fair Middlesex, these memorials of departed worth and self-devotion, are all upon thy soil ; and they proclaim to the world the truth of thy famous Resolution, " That he can never die too soon, ivho lays doivn his life in sujoport of the laios and liberties of his country .^^

There is a remarkable coincidence between the 19th of April, 1775, and the 19th of April, 1861. On the former day the patriotic citizens of Middlesex met the ruthless bands of freedom's foes, and sanctified the day and the cause of liberty by becoming tlie first victims in the struggle which made us an independent nation ; and on the latter day the citizens of Middlesex, true to the spirit of their fathers, met a lawless horde of slavery's minions, and fell the first martyrs in that desperate struggle, which has placed our independence on the most enduring basis. In 1775, the brave sons of Middlesex were the first in the field, when they saw their liberty in danger, and in 1861, though far from the scene of action, they were the first in tlie field, when they saw the Capital of the nation in danger. The blood shed at Lexington in 1775, and the blood shed in Bal- timorc in 18G1, were alike offerings in freedom's cause ; and the victims in both cases should be held in lasting remembrance, by the friends of freedom throughout the world, and their names should be handed down from generation to generation ; that thousands yet unborn, may be taught to lisp tlie names of Ladd and Whitney, together with the names of Munkoe and others who fell on the first named day, and whose noble daring has long adorned our country's history.

Well may Middlesex be proud of her gallant and self-sacrificing sons ! They have marched at the first call, and nobly have shown, 'that they were worth their breeding.' And well has the city of Lowell erected a Monument in honor of Luther Crawford Ladd and A. O. Whitney.

As there has been an attempt to magnify the importance of the events which occurred at Concord, and thereby rob Lexington of its due share of the honors of that day, by asserting that the first resistance to the king's troops was made at the North bridge in Concord, and that no shots were returned by Captain Parker's men at Lexington in the morning of that day ; we deem it an act of simple justice to Lexington and to the truth of history, to present the facts as they exist ; and this we shall do without that spirit of crimination and recrimination which has heretofore marked this controversy.

No fact connected with the events of the 19th of April is better sustained by evidence than that of the firmness and bravery of Captain Parker's company, and that of their returning the fire on the morning of that day. In his " History of the Fight at Concord," llipley, an authority not at all partial to the claims of Lexington, says, " The military company under Captain Parker were prompt, patriotic and courageous to admiration. That a single company should parade in an opposing attitude, directly in the face of nearly a thousand of the picked troops of Great Britain, places their courage and firmness beyond all controversy. Some may think they were not so Avise in council, as fearless in danger - not so prudent in action, as zealous in patriotism." Shattuck in his "History of Concord" says, "The inhabitants of

Lexington deserve great credit for the stand they took in the morning, and the part they acted during the day. That her militia were slain with arms in their hands, is an important fact, and highly honorable to their patriotism and valor." These admissions, from the chief advocates of the claims of Concord, ill accord with the insinuation implied in conceding that ^^ some very few of the militia, being in a state of high excitement and confusion, after the British had gone on their ^oay, did fire off their guns," &c.*

The fact that there were twenty killed and wounded, on that day, belonging to a company of about one hundred, is conclusive evidence that they did not shun posts of danger. Not only on and near the Common in the morning, but during the day, the promptness and valor of this company were seen and acknowledged. They met the enemy in Lincoln on their return from Concord, and fearlessly joined in the hot pursuit, having three killed and one wounded in the afternoon - a greater loss than was sustained by most of the towns during the whole day. Including those killed and wounded in the morning, Lexington suffered more severely than any other town, losing more than one-sixth of her entire company, a proportion greater than that experienced on most of the sanguinary battle-fields. All cotemporaneous and other authority, shows the firmness and selfdevotion of this gallant company, and establishes the fact that the fire was returned on the morning of that eventful day.

John Munroe, who was a member of the company, and on the field at the time, testifies that, on parading the company in the very face of the British troops which were marching rapidly upon them, " Captain Parker gave orders for every man to stand his ground until he should order them to leave." Joseph Underwood, then of Woburn, Avho was present at the time, testifies 'Hhat he stood near Captain Parker, when the regulars came up, and is confident that he did not order his men to disperse, till the British troops had fired upon them the second time." He also testifies that on the rapid approach of the British, some proposed to quit the field ; but Captain Parker gave orders for every man to stand his ground, and said he " would order the first man shot that offered to leave his post." Robert Douglas, then of Woburn, testifies to the same fact. John Munroc testifies thtit he fired once befiarc lie left the field, and once after he had retreated about ten rods ; that Ebenezer Munroe fired before leaving the field, and is confident that Jonas Parker and some others did the same. Ebenezer Munroe says in his deposition, "After the first fire I received a wound in my arm, and then as I turned to nm, I discharged my gun into the main body of the enemy. As I fired, my face being turned towards them, one ball cut off a part of my earlock, which was then pinned up. Another ball passed between my arm and my body, and just marked my clothes. As we retreated, one of our company, Benjamin Sampson, I believe, turned his piece and fired." William Munroe says, that he is confident that some of the company fired before they left the field, and that he saw a man firing from Buckman's house. William Tidd and Nathan Munroe testify that they fired at the British, after they left the Common. Amos Locke testifies that Ebenezer Locke took aim and fired at the Britons. Solomon Brown and another were seen to fire at the British, one fi-om the rear of the house, and one from the front door of Buckman's ; and the ball holes near the door which are still to be seen, show that the fire was recognized and returned by the British. The Rev. Mr. Gordon who was upon the ground a few days after the aifair took place, for the express purpose of learning the facts in the case, that he might write a history of the transaction to send to England, says that James Brown told him that he fired, and that several others did the same. The British account, published at the time, declared that one man of the Tenth regiment was wounded, and that Major Pitcairn's horse was struck in two places. The testimony of Elijah Sanderson and Abijah Harrington, that they saw blood in the road where the British column was standing at the time of the firing, goes far to confirm the statement that the Americans returned the fire, and that their shots took effect.

Nor are any of these facts contradicted by the depositions taken a few days after the events occurred. The British account, published at the time, represented that the Americans were the aggressors, and that the king's troops acted only on the defensive. The Provincial Congress ordered these depositions to be taken for the purpose of refuting this statement, by showing that the

British troops Avere the aggressors, and thereby acquitting Captain Parker of the charge of rashness, and of having commenced a civil war in disregard of the urgent advice of the Continental and Provincial Congresses. They would naturally, therefore, select the best evidence they could for that purpose. "Besides," as Major Phinney justly remarks, "the principle of law that a person is not bound to state any facts in evidence, which might tend to criminate himself, was as well known at that day as at the present. The struggle had just commenced, and the issue was quite doubtful. It could not have been expected of those who had taken an active part in the affair at Lexington, that they would voluntarily disclose facts which might, in all probability, as they then considered, expose them to the Bi'itish halter."

Still these depositions taken under such peculiar circumstances, not only do not contradict, but go directly to confirm the fact that the fire was returned by the Americans. Elijah Sanderson, of Lexington, in his deposition, given on the 25th of April, 1775, says " The Lexington company did not fire a gun, before the regulars discharged on them." John Bobbins, of Lexington, says, " We received a very heavy and close fire from them. Captain Parker's men, I believe, had not then fired a gun." Benjamin Tidd, of Lexington, and Joseph Abbott, of Lincoln, say, " The regulars fired a few guns, which we took to be pistols, and then they fired a volley or two, before any gu7is were fired by the Lexington company" Nathaniel Mulliken and thirtythree others, of Lexington, say, "Not a gun was fired by any person in our company on the regulars, to our knowledge, before they fired on us." Nathaniel Parkhurst and thirteen others, of Lexington, say, " The regulars fired on the company, before a gun ivas fired by the comjKiny on them." Timothy Smith, of Lexington, says, " I saw the regular troops fire upon the Lexington company, before the latter fired a gun." William Draper, of Colerain, who happened to be present at the time says, " The regular troops fired before any of Captain Parher''s cotnpany fired."

These depositions which were taken a few days after the event occurred, and which are very carefully worded, plainly imply that the Americans did return the fire. By saying that Captain Parker's men did not fire before they were fired upon, the im- pression is distinctly given that they did fire after. The British official account, and the account given by General Gage in his letter to Governor Ti'umbull, both state that the Americans fired first, and the British periodicals of that day repeat the statement ; but the evidence is conclusive that this was not the case. The evidence is also conclusive that the Americans did return the fire. Not only the depositions we have cited, but the accounts of that day which are entitled to the highest consideration, confirm the position that though the Americans did not fire first, they did return the fire of the king's troops. On the 12th of June, 1775, General Gage issued a Proclamation, oflTering a pardon to all the rebels, as he called them, who had taken up arms against his majesty's authority, except Samuel Adams and John Hancock, in which he recounted the events at Lexington. This Proclamation was taken up in the Provincial Congress, then in session, and referred to a committee of which Dr. Warren was chairman, and John Hancock, Col. Palmer, Mr. Seaver, and Dr. Taylor were members. This committee submitted a counter statement or Proclamation, which was adopted by the Congress on the 16th day of June. In that document we have the following clear and explicit statement. " When the British troops arrived at Lexington meeting-house, they fired upon a small number of the inhabitants, and cruelly murdered eight men. The fire was returned by some of the survivors, but their number was too inconsiderable to annoy the regular troops." Lincoln's Journals of the Provincial Congress, p. 345.

As this statement was drawn up by Dr. Warren some six weeks after the event had taken place, when there had been full and ample time to have the first impulse of feeling subside, so that all the facts could be ascertained, and all the evidence weighed coolly and dispassionately ; and as the Provincial Congress, composed of delegates from all the towns in the Province, including those in the vicinity of the scene of action, adopted and endorsed this statement, we have every reason to give it the fullest credit, and to regard it as absolutely conclusive in the case. We might with safety rest the whole matter here ; but as efforts have been made to show that the first resistance to the British troops was made at Concord, wc will subjoin a few other authorities.

Rev. Mr. Clarke, in a Narrative of the Events of tlie 19th of April, appended to his anniversary sermon, delivered April 19, 1776, says, " So for from firing first upon the king's troops, upon i people fired at all ; and even they did not fire till, after being fired upon by the troops, they were wounded themselves or saw others killed or wounded by them ; and looking upon it as next to impossible for them to escape," &c. This statement of Mr. Clarke, who was near the scene of action, shows that the fire was returned, and at the same time that Captain Parker's men acted with prudence, and did not wantonly commence the attack. De Bernicre, a British officer who was in the detachment, says in his narrative, " Pitcairn came up immediately, and cried out to the rebels to throw down their arms and disperse, which they did not do ; he called out the second time, but to no purpose." This is a clear refutation of a statement which has sometimes been made, that Captain Parker's men dispersed as soon as they saw the British troops approach. That Captain Parker did, with great prudence and propriety, order his men to disperse, is readily admitted ; but Joseph Underwood says in his deposition, " I stood near Captain Parker, when the regulai'S came up, and am confident he did not order his men to disperse, till the British troops had fired upon us the second time." Dr. John Warren in his ]MS. Diary, as cited by Frothingham, says under date of April 19, 1775 : "Some dispersed, but a few remained in a military position." Gordon also says, "A few continued in a military position. Individuals finding they were fired upon though dispersing, had spirit enough to stop and return the fire."

Foreign historians who could have no motive to misrepresent the facts in the case, have all given their testimony to the firmness of the Americans, and to the fact that the fire was returned. Botta, in his " History of the War of Independence," says, " The English appeared, and Major Pitcairn cried in a loud voice, 'Disperse, rebels, lay down your arms and disperse.' The Provincials did not obey, upon which he sprung from the ranks, discharged his pistol, and brandishing his sword, ordered his soldiers to fire. The Provincials retreated ; the English continuing to fire, the former faced about and returned it." - Vol. i. p. 181.

Graham, an English historian, in his valuable " History of North America,'' says of Pitcairn's command to disperse, " This order, they refused to obey, was folloAved by a discharge from the British troops, whose fire, huzza, and rapid advance compelled their handful of adversaries to an instant flight. The fire continued after the dispersion, and the fugitives stopped, rallied, and returned the fire." - Vol. iv. p. 373. In Winterbotham's " View of the United States," we find the following : "Individuals finding they were fired upon though dispersing, returned the fire." - Vol. i. p. 473. "Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia," gives this account of the transaction : "Pitcairn rode towards them, calling out, 'Disperse, ye rebels, throw down your arms, and disperse.' The order was not immediately obeyed. Major Pitcairn advanced a little farther, fired his pistol and flourished his SAvord, while his men beaan to fire with a shout. Several Americans fell ; the rest dispersed, but the firing on them was continued, and on observing this, some of the retreating Colonists returned the fire." - Vol. ciii. p. 125. Taylor says of the Americans, "This company, not instantly obeying the order to throw down their arms and disperse, were fired upon, and eight of their number killed." - Manual of History, p. 7^0: J^ is useless to multiply English authorities. They all admit that the Provincials fired upon the king's troops. Those writers who rely upon Gage's official accoimt, declare that the Americans fired first, and those who examine the subject moi'e thoroughly, admit that the British fired first, and that the fire was returned by the Americans.

Bancroft, our own historian, says, "Pitcairn cried out, 'Disperse, ye villains, ye rebels, disperse ; lay down your arms ; why don't you lay down your arms and disperse ! ' The main body of the countrymen stood motionless in the ranks, witnesses .against aggression ; too few to resist, too brave to fly. The order to fii'e was instantly followed, first by a few guns, which did no execution, and then by a heavy, close, and deadly discharge. Parker ordered his men to disperse. Then and not till then, did a few of them, on their own impulse, return the British fire." Speaking of Jonas Parker, he says, "A wound brought him on his knees. Having discharged his gun, he was preparing to load it again, when as sound a heart as ever throbbed for freedom, was stilled by a bayonet."

Lendriim in liis "History of the American Revolution," gives this truthful account of the transaction at Lexington on the mornino- of the 19th; "Major Pitcairn Avho led the advanced corps, rode up to them, and called out, 'Disperse, you rebels, throw down your arms and disperse,' The Americans still continued in a body, on which he advanced nearer, discharged his pistol, and ordered his soldiers to fire. This was done with a huzza. A dispersion of the militia was the consequence, but the firing of the regulars was nevertheless continued. Individuals finding they were fired upon, though dispersing, returned the fire." - Revised Edition, vol. i, p. 91.

Ramsay, the justly distinguished American historian, tells us that after Pitcairn ordered the Americans to disperse, " They continued in a body, on which he advanced nearer, discharged his pistol, and ordered his soldiers to fire. Individuals finding they were fired upon, though dispersing, returned the fire." - History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 14. Hannah Adams, in her " History of New England," gives the same account. Holmes, in his "American Annals," gives us a similar account. "The firing," says he, " continued after the dispersion, and the fugitives stopped and returned the fire." In the "Encyclopedia Americana," we have this testimony : "The English commander having commanded the Americans to disperse, ordered his men to fire. Several Americans were killed and wounded, and the company dispersed, several of the militia discharging their muskets as they retreated." Lossing says, "As the patriots did not instantly obey the command to lay down their arms, Pitcairn wheeled his horse, and waving his sword, gave orders to press forward and surround the militia. Pitcairn then drew his pistol and discharged it, at the same moment giving the word Fire. A general discharge of musketry ensued. Four of the patriots were killed and the remainder dispersed. Finding themselves fired upon, while retreating, several of them halted and returned the shots, and then secured themselves behind stone walls and buildings. Three British soldiers and Pitcairu's horse were wounded." - Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, p. 524.

But it has frequently been said that there was no " organized opposition" at Lexington. I am rather at a loss to understand what is meant by organized opposition. That Captain Parker's company was an organized company, as much as any in the field that day, admits of no doubt. His men were called together by his command, paraded under his order, and were expressly forbidden to leave the field without his order. It is abundantly proved that he ordered them to load their guns with powder and ball, and to form in warlike array in the very face of the British troops, and they refused to throw down their arms and disperse, when conmianded so to do by the rash leader of the king's detachment. This of itself was organized opposition to the king's authority, and such opposition as would have been regarded as treason by the British Government at that day. The very writers who deny that there was any organized resistance at Lexington in the morning, furnish evidence that Parker's company came upon parade, armed and prepared for resistance, if it should become necessary. Sylvanus Wood testifies that as he was about to form his men on the field, "Parker says to them, 'Every man of you who is equipped follow me, and those of you who are not equipped, go into the meeting-house, and furnish yourselves from the magazine, and immediately join the company.' " Robert Douglas testifies that he formed with Captain Parker's company on the Common, near the road that leads to Bedford ; "There we were commanded to load our guns. Some of the company observed, 'There were so few of us, it would be fojly to stand here.' Captain Parker replied, 'The first man who offers to run shall be shot down.' " ^ This certainly looks like organization and strict discipline.

It is readily admitted that Captain Parker when he ordered his men to load their guns, gave order " not to fire, unless they were first fired upon," ^ and this was the same order which Colonel Barrett gave at the North bridge at Concord, several hours after, though it was known at that time that the British had commenced the attack at Lexington, and had killed several men.^ This command in both cases was prudent and wise under the circumstances ; and especially so in the morning, before any blood had been shed. But in both cases the command not to " fire unless they were first fired upon" implied a permission, if not a command, to fire in case they were attacked. Another thing going to show that there was organized resistance at Lexington in the morning, is the fact that several prisoners were taken in Lexington, before the British had reached Concord. There might have been no express command to return the fire at Lexington. But as the members of this conipany were citizens as well as soldiers, and as the whole subject had long been discussed in every circle, they all felt at perfect liberty to act on the defensive : so that the firing of the king's troops removed all restraint, and was a sort of command to every man to defend himself as best he might. It was on this principle that the Americans acted during the retreat from Concord to Charlestown ; but no one will assert that there was no military resistance in the afternoon, because the Provincials fired in most" cases without any express orders, and performed many deeds of noble daring on their own responsibility, without being led to the attack by a commanding officer.

Nor is it true that the first British blood was shed at Concord. The evidence is conclusive that one if not two British soldiers were wounded at Lexington in the morning. It is true that no one was killed ; and even at the North Bridge at Concord, which has been claimed as the first battle-field of the Revolution, only one man was hilled by the return fire, the other being killed with a hatchet after he was wounded, and left on the field by the British in their hasty retreat. It would be unsafe to infer that there could have been no resistance at Lexington in the moniing, because no one was killed. Many a man goes through a succession of desperate battles unhurt. The number of killed in any encounter of arms depends in a great degree upon the doctrine of chances ; and none have greater need of pleading this doctrine of chances than those who maintain that Concord was the place where the first resistance was made to the king's troops. All accounts agree that no one belonging to Concord was killed on that day, though their population and militia were double those of Lexington, and according to their own statements, not more than four or five were wounded.^ It would be rather ungenerous to infer that no citizen of Concord occupied a post of danger during that day, because no one happened to be slain.

by the British troops on that memorable day. There was something pccuHar in each case, and as the people were called upon to act at once and without premeditation, it is remarkable that they acted as wisely as they did. If war had actually existed, it would have been imprudent in Captain Parker to have drawn up his men in open field in front of a force ten times as great as his own. But at that time war had not been declared, and General Gage had assured the people at sundry times, that they should not be molested by his troops, so long as they refrained from acts of violence. Captain Parker therefore could not have anticipated the attack which was made upon his company. The state of the times fully justified him in calling his men together ; and as a precautionary measure, he ordered them to load their pieces, so as to be prepared to defend themselves in case they were attacked. Being upon the field and being fired on as they Avere, common prudence, and even true courage required that he should immediately retire from before such a superior force. If he had led them off in order, they would have been much more exposed to the enemy's fire, than they were by fleeing in every direction. The order to disperse was, under the circumstances, the wisest and the best that could have been given. The firing of his men was spontaneous ; and just what would naturally occur among men of true courage and patriotism, unused to strict discipline, and exasperated by the unprovoked slaughter of their brethren. No citizen of Lexington - no intelligent patriot could, under the circumstances, have desired a diflferent course of action on the part of Captain Parker and the brave men under his command.

But when the British arrived at Concord, the Americans were much better prepared to receive them. They had heard of the slaughter of their countrymen in the morning, and hence the embarrassment arising from commencing the attack, was in some degree removed. Their force was also much greater, and hence tliey were better qualified to defend themselves. The stay of the British was much longer, and hence the people could act with more deliberation. But on the other hand, there was a new source of embarrassment. Detachments of troops had been sent to different sections of the town, and were in the act of entering houses in search of military stores, and were demanding refreshments of the families. To attack the British troops under these circumstances, might expose their homes and families to destruction. If, therefore, we find the Concord minute-men and militia less ready for an attack upon the king's troops, less zealous in the field, and more disposed to leave the ranks than the men from the other towns, who had come to Concord that morning, we can easily account for it, without distrusting their courage or impugning their patriotism. The deposition of Dr. Timothy Minott, jr., reveals a state of feeling which must have existed at Concord to a considerable extent. He says, "After I had heard of the regular troops' firing upon the Lexington men, and fearing that hostilities might be commenced at Concord, I thought it my incumbent duty to secure my family." This duty occupied him so long that he arrived at the North bridge only in season to be spectator of the firing there. Nothing is more natural, under the circumstances, than for the father and the husband to over-ride the soldier, and make the wife and the children the first object of his care. This, undoubtedly, was the case in some degree at Concord on the morning of the 19th of April ; and if some may think that it detracts from the merits of the soldier, others with reasons satisfactory to themselves, may think that it adds to the worth of the man.

The bravery and self-devotion of Captain Davis and his gallant Acton company, warmly commend themselves to every true and noble heart. But at the same time it is but just to say, that his command was better situated, than were the companies of Concord, for bold and efficient action in the field. The wives and children of the former were remote from the scene of action, and coidd be best defended by meeting and repulsing the enemy there and then. But an attack and even a repulse of the enemy at the North bridge, might, to the citizens of Concord, be but the prelude to the firing of their dwellings, and the destruction of their families. The honors of the 19th of April are too great to be engrossed by any one individual, or to be monopolized by a single town. As the cause was one, so are the honors to be distributed among all who acted together that day. When Concord talks of her old North bridge, she should remember that the spot i^ consecrated by the blood of Davis and Hosmer shed under the guidance of Barrett and Buttrick ; and when Arlington points to the field where patriots struggled and where heroes fell, she must remember that tlie victims of Danvers were offered upon her altar. And if Lexington in the twilight of the morning was doomed to "tread the wine-press alone," it was only because the attack was so sudden that others could not arrive to share the glories with her. Concord, and Lincoln, and Lexington, and Cambridge, and Charlestown - towns through which the British passed that day - must be content to divide their honors Avith Acton, and Stow, and Sudbury, and Framingham, and Billerica, and Chelmsford, and Bedford, and Reading, and W'oburn, and Medford, and Watertown, and Dedham, and Roxbury, and Needham, and Brookline, and Newton, and Beverly, and Salem, and Danvers, and Lynn, and even with other towns, whose gallant minute-men promptly rushed toward the scene of action, and were prevented only by distance from sharing in the dangers of the day.

The events of the 19th of April are far too momentous to be confined to a township, limited to a colony, or circumscribed by a continent. They are an important link in a vast chain of causes whose effects have been and are still being felt in the remotest part of the civilized world. They grew out of a system of oppression, and were but the natural upheaving of the human breast in its sighs for freedom. They were the beginning of a revolution founded in human nature ; and the work they commenced must go on. Kings may denounce, and courts may condemn it ; but the cause itself must prosper. Liberty will rise and reign when thrones shall have crumbled to dust.

Chaptee Viii Effects Of The Battle Of Lexington

The Idea of Independence of Slow Growth - "Was entertained by the Leading Statesmen in 1774 - The Movement at Lexington and Concord in Obedience to the Policy of the Committee of Safety - Its Effect upon the Colonies - Intelligence sent to Great Britain - Its Effects there.

We have seen the gradual developments of the oppressive policy of Great Britain which led to the American Revolution, and the measures adopted by the Colonies to resist those usurpations. We recur to tliis subject only for the purpose of inquiring into the intent of the Colonies in their opposition, and whether they actually aimed at independence. Every proficient in the philosophy of the human mind, and every attentive reader of history will readily admit, that a fixed and permanent public opinion is of slow gi-owth ; and when this sentiment is directly repugnant to the sentiment which has before prevailed, it frequently has its origin in some startling event, or crying evil. And how great soever the evil may be, the first effort generally is, not to eradicate but to reform it, regarding it only as an abuse of something intrinsically valuable. But to oppose the evil with success,, to awaken the public to its enormity, the strongest ground is taken in opposition ; and principles are laid down, which when fully carried out, will not only reform the abuse, but eradicate the thing abused.

This principle may be seen in the controversy between the Colonies and the mother country. Our patriot fiithers had ir the first instance no idea of a separation from the British empire. They had established governments here, which were comparatively free, and while the royal governors and officers appointed by the crown, conformed substantially to their wishes, the Colonists were perfectly content to remain subject to Great Britain. Absolute independence was not at first aspired at or hardly dreamed of. But when Great Britain boldly asserted the right of Parliament to lejxislate for the Colonies " in all cases whatsoever," and this right was firmly denied by the Colonists, an issue was made, which if carried to a final decision, must end in the utter subjugation, or the absolute independence of the Colonies. This must have been seen by the intelligent men on both sides ; but mutually hoping and believing that the other would yield something, they both flattered themselves that the controversy would be settled, without being carried to extremes.

The absolute independence of the Colonies was undoubtedly an idea of slow growth, especially in some minds. The proverbial loyalty of Britons, their attachment to British institutions, contributed to drive from their minds the thought of an entire separation from the parent country, and led them to appeal to the justice and humanity of Great Britain. But when their repeated petitions were answered only by repeated injuries, they began to balance in their minds the painful and uncertain struggle of a revolution, and the disgraceful submission to unconstitutional and arbitrary exactions. That men of different tem2:)erament8 should come to different conclusions was to be expected ; and that those who saw that resistance must come, should diflfer as to the time and manner of making the demonstration, is much more natural.

But in this they were all agreed - that persuasion and supplication should first be tried, and that resistance to the laws should not be resorted to till all milder means had failed. Before the breaking out of hostilities, the intelligent men of the country must have seen to what things were tending, and that a collision of arms was inevitable ; and that a war once begun must end in our independence or subjugation.

The master minds in Massachusetts, from their intimate acquaintance with public aflTairs, must have perceived, after the action of Parliament, in May, 1774, that a reconciliation was out of the question. The Eegulating Act, as it was generally denominated, and the "Act for the more impartial administration of justice in the Province," which virtually repealed the Charter of Massachusetts, and established a despotism ; connected as they were with the shutting up of the Port of Boston, and taking military possession of the town, presented the alternative of submitting to unlawful and oppressive mcasui'cs, or defending their rights at the point of the bayonet. The stern principles of the Puritans, developed, tried, and purified as they had been, by ten years' controversy vv^ith the British Ministry, in defence of what they held most dear, led them at once to decide this question. Unconditional submission was not to be tolerated, and resistance became a mere question of manner and of time.

Samuel Adams and Joseph Hawley, the controlling minds in Eastern and Western Massachusetts, foresaw the result, and employed all their powers to prepare the people for the crisis. Their zeal, however, was strictly according to knowledge. Being sensible that Massachusetts could not contend single-handed and alone with the gigantic power of Great Britain, their great object was to enlist the other Colonies in the cause. Knowing that any hasty or premature step on the part of this Colony might repel their distant brethren who felt less keenly the iron heel of oppresion, they counselled moderation and forbearance ; but at the same time they labored to the utmost to put the Colony in the best state of defence, that it might be prepared for the crisis which they foresaw was approaching.

Some persons appear to have regarded the events of April 19, 1775, as merely accidental, producing an open rupture, which a little prudence might have avoided ; and to suppose that up to that time, the controversy might have been settled, as our fathers had not aspired at independence. Oiu* own distinguished historian seems to be of this opinion. Speaking of the people as late as May, 1774, he says, "They were rushing towards revolution, and they knew it not." ^ Again speaking of the Suffolk Convention of that day, he says, "Thus far, they had not discovered that independence was really the desire of their own hearts." ^ Such ignorance of the real state of affairs at that period, might perhaps be ascribed to some men in the community, but could not with any propriety be attributed to Samuel Adams and Dr. Warren - the very men who got up and guided that Convention. As evidence that the people of the Colonies did not aspire at

' Ibid. p. 36. Mr. Bancroft seems to delight in surprising his readers by the sudden transition from one extreme to the other ; and while in this way he is able to produce a striking stage effect, we are satisfied that the writer who follows nature and events just as they are developed, is a safer guide, though his page may be less dramatic. Lightning from a clear sky is a rare phenomenon.

independence as late as October, 1774, our historian reverts to the fact that tlie Continental Congress in their Address to the king, say, " We ask but for peace, liberty and safety. Your royal authority over us, and our connection with Great Britain, we shall always support and maintain." He then adds, " But the best evidence of their sincerity is found in the measure (nonimportation) which they recommended. Had independence been their object, they would have strained every nerve to increase their exports, and fill the country in return with manufactures and munitions which they required." ^

We admit that Congress in true diplomatic style, speak of their attachment to the person of the king, and devotion to the parent country ; but this was in an address in which they recount all their grievances, which they declare to be "too severe to be any longer tolerable," and which they entreat the crown to remove. Nor can we see any evidence that they did not desire independence in their recommendation of non-intercourse, because a free importation such as is suggested, would subject them to those very impost duties, which were the primary cause of their dissatisfaction. Nor was this address to the king adopted until after they had resolved " That this Congress approve of the opposition of the inhabitants of ]Massachusetts-Bay to the execution of the , late Acts of Parliament ; and if the same shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in such a case, all A.merica ought to sujijiort them in their opposition.''''

The same Congress in their Declaration of Rights, laid down jirinciples which, if adhered to, must of necessity bring them into collision with Great Britain, unless she retraced her steps by repealing her obnoxious Acts, and withdi-awing her troops from the Colonies. Resolutions passed unanimously declared in substance that taxes could not be imposed upon them, or troops quartered among them without their consent ; that they held their rights by the English Constitution and their Charters, and that Amierica cannot submit to an invasion of her rights.

The leading men, especially in IMassachusetts, where the development of tjTanny was the most perfect, were fully sensible during the year 1774, that an open rupture would ensue ; though, from prudential considerations, they did not make this public avowal. They knew that the first collision in arms would be the signal for a war, which must eventuate in the -absolute independence, or the utter subjugation of the Colonies. Knowing that Massachusetts was marked as the first victim, and that this Colony, unaided and alone, could not hope for success in a contest with one of the mightiest powers of the earth, their first effort was to enlist the other Colonies in the cause. Consequently they bore and forbore, knowing that the other Colonies which had in a less degree felt the weight of British oppression, were not equally prepared with themselves to make an appeal to the God of battles. Their great object was to impress their brethren in the other Colonies with the important fact, that Massachusetts was suffering in the cause of American freedom, and that the blow aimed at the patriotic town of Boston, was, in truth, aimed at Massachusetts, and through her at the other Colonies ; and they assured their brethren elsewhere, that this Colony would act with prudence and moderation, so that the other Colonies which had the same interest at stake with themselves, should not be involved in any new difficulties through their rashness.

This policy is manifest from the correspondence of that day. When the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to the greatest distress by the operation of the Boston Port Bill, and the people at a distance with a liberal hand contributed to their necessities, the voice which went out from Boston in grateful acknowledgments, breathed this wise, cautious and patriotic spirit : ' AVe are greatly distressed ; but we rejoice that we are suffering in a coin- 011071 cause ; and while we are thus sustained by your sympathy and munificence, we are resolved to stand firm in defence of those rights which are the common inheritance of all the American Colonies.' But in the midst of these assurances, the idea is frequently presented, that war must ultimately ensue, unless their grievances were redressed.

Writing to the Committee of Preston, Conn., under date of August 24, 1774, Dr. Warren says, "If non-intercourse with Great Britain should fail, and we should be obliged to seek redress in the way you hint (by arms), we flatter ourselves that we shall act like men, and merit the approbation of all America." On the 27th, to the Committee of Norwich, he says, "If this should fail, we must have recourse to the last resort. ^^

Samuel Adams, wliose foresight enabled him to perceive tlie inevitable issue o^tlie contest, with characteristic caution, says, in writing to the Committee of Westmoreland, Va., in Marcli, 1775: "The people of Boston bear repeated insults of the grossest kind, not from want of the feelings of just resentment, or spirit enough to make ample returns, but from principles of sound policy and reason. Put your enemy in the wrong, and keep him so, is a wise maxim in politics as well as in war. They had rather forego the gratification of revenging affronts and indignities, than prejudice that all-important cause which they have so much at heart, by precipitating a crisis. AVlien they are pushed by clear necessity for the defence of their liberties to the trial of arms, I trust in God, they will convince their friends and their enemies of their military skill and valor. . . . They are daily preparing for itJ*^

Such intimations, cautiously expressed, show in the clearest manner the expectations of those patriots ; and when they were writing more. privately to particular friends, they expressed their convictions more fully. Dr. Warren, in a letter to Josiah Quincy, Jr., Esq., then in London, dated Nov. 21, 1771, employs this language : " It is the united voice of America to preserve their freedom or lose their lives in defence of it. Their resolutions are not the effects of inconsiderate rashness, but the sound result of sober inquiry and deliberation. I am convinced that the true spirit of liberty was never so universally diffused through all ranks and orders of people in any country on the face of the earth, as it now is through all North America." In a letter to Arthur Lee, then in London, dated Feb. 20, 1775, he says : "It is truly astonishing that the administration should have a doubt of tlie resolution of the Americans to make the last apiieal, rather than submit to wear the yoke prepared for then* necks." Again under date of April 3, 1775, he says : "America must and will be free. The contest may be severe, the end will be glorious. But we mean not to make that appeal, until we can be justified in doing it in the sight of God and man."

Nor was Warren alone in entertaining these views. Samuel Adams had long seen the result of this misunderstanding, and in writing to Arthur Lee, our agent at London, on the 14th of February, 1775, he says : "Our safety depends upon our being in readiness for the extreme event. Of this the people here are thoroughly sensible ; and from the preparations they are making, I trust in God that they will defend their liberties with dignity." This ardent patriot was so devoted to liberty, that he said in the fullness of his heart, " I would advise persisting in our struggle for liberty, though it were revealed from heaven, that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish, and only one of a thousand survive and retain his liberty. One such freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness than a thousand slaves ; and let him propagate his like and transmit to them what he had so nobly preserved." With such views and feelings, it is no wonder that Samuel Adams could exclaim on the morning: of the 19th of April, 1775, on hearing the discharge of British muskets, " What a glorious morning is this for Amei'ica ! "

Joseph Hawley, of Northampton, the leading patriot in the Western part of the State, in the summer of 1774, wrote - " We must fight ; we must fight, if we cannot otherwise rid ourselves of British taxation. Fight we must finally, unless Britain retreats." When Patrick Henry read the prophetic words of Hawley, "We must fight," calling God to witness, he exclaimed, "I am of that man's mind."

Public bodies of men as well as individuals gave unmistakable evidence that they foresaw the result. The IVIiddlesex Convention, as we have already seen, as early as August, 1774, declared in sentiment that God and the world would justify resistance, and he could not die too soon who laid down his life for his country. The first Provincial Congress of Massachusetts did more than express an opinion that public resistance would be made to the king's troops. They took the most decisive measures in their power to be prepared for that event. They provided arms and military stores, recommended the organizing and training of the militia - measures which looked directly to a resistance of the Acts of Parliament, and a conflict with the king's troops. And to give force and efficiency to these measures, they created a Committee of Safety, and clothed them with full Executive power, giving them express authority to call out the militia and minute-men for the defence of life, liberty and property, whenever the case should require it, and elected general officers to command the troops that might be called out.

Such were tlie opinions expressed, the resokitions adopted, and the measures taken by the people of tliis Province, long before the 19th of April, 1775. It was not the battle of Lexington that gave rise to the llevolution. The real causes were deeper and more remote than the marching of the king's troops from Boston. Nor was the breaking out of the Revolution in anyproper sense adventitious. It was accidental that it occurred on that particular day, and at that particular place, and under those particular circumstances. But the oppressive Acts of Parliament, and the firm and determined spirit of resistance on the part of the colonists, were sure to lead to a collision ; and if it had not occurred at that time and place, it would at some other. The same spirit which actuated the people of Lexington, filled the whole community ; and all who took arms that day only obeyed the public voice, and carried into effect what had been resolved upon by the Provincial Congress, and by almost every town in the Province. When Captain Parker at Lexington, and Major Buttrick at Concord, ordered their men "to load their pieces, but not to fire, unless they were fired upon," they obeyed the orders of the Committee of Safety, just as truly as though that Committee had been upon the field, and given the command in person. Though the men who appeared in arms on that day acted in one sense on their own responsibility, they nevertheless acted in obedience to a firmly fixed public sentiment, which surrounded every man like the atmosphere, and which exerted a controlling influence in every part of the Province. But those who were the first actors in the opening scene of that eventful drama, in all probability had influences more direct, and orders more immediate than the controlling sentiment above alluded to. Hancock, the Chairman of the Committee of Safety, had been stopping some days in Lexington. The Provincial Congress of which he was President, which had 'been sitting at Concord, adjourned on the 15th ; the Committee of Safety, were in session at Concord on the 17th, and he returned to Lexington, as was his custom, the same evening, where he was in consultation with that ardent patriot Rev. Jonas Clarke, and with Samuel Adams, who was also stopping at Mr. Clarke's house. They were there during the 18th ; and in consequence of the fact that several British officers has passed up the road towards Concord late in the afternoon, apprehension was felt for the safety of Hancock and Adams, whose arrest had been pubhcly rumored. Fearing that these officers intended to return late at night, and seize Hancock and Adams, Captain Parker detailed a portion of his company to guard Mr. Clarke's house, where they were lodging. The movement of the British troops from Boston was communicated to Hancock and Adams by messengers sent by Dr. Warren, who arrived at Lexington at twelve o'clock at night ; whereupon Captain Parker called his company together. About two o'clock they met and the roll was called on the Common, within hailino" distance of Hancock's lodgings.

Under these circumstances it is morally certain that Captain Parker came into direct contact with Hancock, and unquestionably took his advice or orders, as to the course he should pursue. This is the more obvious from the well established fact that at first Hancock resolved to join the company, and it was not until after much persuasion from Mr. Adams that he desisted. In matters of detail the gallant Parker acted on his own responsibility, but on the subject of general policy, he must have known the wishes, designs, and as it were the orders of the Committee of Safety, which was the only commander-in-chief then recoo-- nized by the military.

The same is undoubtedly true of the operations at Concord. Colonel Barrett was a member of the Provincial Congress which * had been in session at Concord as late as the 15th, and must have known perfectly the policy of that body : and the Committee of Safety on the 17th, voted that Colonel Barrett be desired to raise a company of artillery. The communication of this vote, and the precautions taken to secure the military stores intrusted to Colonel Barrett, would bring him into close connection with the Committee of Safety ; and hence his course would be guided by the policy they had adopted. The acts of that day, which have often been regarded as the result of mere accident, were in fact the can-ying out of a policy dictated and enjoined by the only commander-in-chief known and recognized by the people.

The history of the world does not present a more grand and imposing spectacle than that of the rising of the people on the 19th of April, 1775. It was not a restless population, gathered by blind impulse, without a definite motive or design ; not a hired soldiery, organized by some bold and daring leader, to avenge some personal wrong, or to embark in some mad scheme of conquest, in which the perils they bore would be repaid by plunder ; nor was it a people goaded to desperation, or reduced to the last stages of despair by the iron heel of despotism, making their last mighty effort to throw off the yoke they could no longer endure ; but it was a cool, voluntary rising of a sedate and orderly, an intelligent and conscientious people who knew their rights and " knowing, dared maintain them" - a people bred to the right of private judgment, and the equality of men ; and who, seeing in their religious creed the great principles of civil, as well as religious liberty, were determined to defend them whenever invaded, or whoever might be the aggressor. It was the spontaneous rising of a people who felt that they were set for the defence of American liberty, and were ready to offer their bodies a living sacrifice in the cause. They realized that they were acting, not for themselves alone, but for those who should come after them, and that they should be false to their great mission, if they should tamely surrender rights which God in his providence held out to them and their posterity. They knew that the promptings of their own hearts were in perfect accordance with the sentiments of the Provincial Congress, and that the only acknowledged Executive would approve their acts.

They had no thirst for military glory ; nor did they rally under any invincible chieftain whose presence inspired courage, and \^4hose previous success gave assurance of victory. Neither could they rely on that perfection of discipline, and those improvements in the implements of war which insure success on the ensanguined field. In all these respects, they knew that the advantage was greatly on the side of the oppressor. But their faith in the righteousness of their cause nerved their arms, and their trust in the Lord of hosts gave them confidence. They felt that they had a solemn duty to perform, and they must do it - a sacred trust to keep, and they must be faithful, whatever might be the immediate consequences.

The tidings of the battle of Lexington spread with great rapidity, and brought upon the ground troops from the distance of twenty miles. Others nmch more remote left theu' homes on the receipt of the news and marched towards the scene of action. A considerable force was assembled at Cambridge, Charlestown, and other places in the immediate vicinity of Boston, on the evening of that day. General Heath, who joined the Americans at Lexington, took command of the troops, and continned the superior officer till the afternoon of the 20th, when he was superseded by General Ward. "At the first council of war on the 20th," says Frothingham, "there were present Generals Ward, Heath and. Thomas ; Colonels Bridge, Frye, James Prescott, William Prescott, Bullard and Barrett ; and Lieutenant-Colonels Spaulding, Nixon, Whitney, Mansfield and Wheelock." They wei'e soon joined by General Putnam, and Colonel Stark.

Expresses were sent forth in every direction, and considering the state of the roads at that day, it is remarkable that intelligence could have reached distant places in so short a time ; especially as there could have been no arrangement beforehand. The intelligence reached Newburyport at 12, j\L, on the 19th, and Portsmouth, N. H., early pn the morning of the 20th. The tiding-s of Lexins^ton Battle reached Worcester before noon on the 19th; Newport, R. I., on the 20th; Fairfield, Conn., at 8 o'clock, A. M., on the 22d ; New York at 12, M., on the 23d ; Philadelphia at 12, M., on the 26th; Baltimore at 10, A.M., on the 27th; Frederick, Va., at 4, P. M., on the 30th; Beaufort, N. C, on the 6th of May; Wilmington on the 8th, and Savannah, Ga., on the 10th.

The cautious and prudent policy pursued by the patriots of Massachusetts, had in a good degree enlisted the sympathy of the other Colonies ; so that on hearing of the outrage at Lexington, they were prepared at once to embark in her cause. New Hampshire, Connecticut and Ehode Island, already trained in the school of Adams and Hancock, rushed to arms on hearing of the attack of the king's troops, and under their respective commanders appeared in the vicinity of Boston, ready to encounter the common enemy, if he attempted another excursion into the country. Other and more distant Colonies which had hesitated before, responded to the calls of patriotism. The blood spilt at Lexington and Concord, like that of the righteous Abel, cried from the ground for redress.

liad as late as February, 1775, refused to elect deletrates to the General Congress, was aroused by the slaughter of" her countrymen ; and the people, rising superior to the Royal Assembly, pledged themselves to the cause of freedom. New Jersey, whose position had been rather doubtful , was now willing to risk life and fortune in support of Massachusetts, and to abide the decision of the Continental Congress. Pennsylvania, whose distracted councils had been a subject of great anxiety to the fi-iends of liberty throughout the Colonies, caught the fire, and though a portion of her people clung to the delusive hope of a reconciliation with Great Britain, the voice of her patriots was distinct for resistance, and thousands agreed "to associate together for the purpose of defending with arms their lives, property and liberty." Little Delaware was not behind the larger Colonies in her devotion to freedom. Maryland felt the impulse, but leaned a little to the side of reconciliation in the first instance.

The cry from Lexington met a hearty response from the Old Dominion ; and the patriotic iirdor of Patrick Henry, and the cool dispassion of James Madison, regarded the blow struck in Massachusetts, as a hostile attack upon every Colony, and a sufficient cause for reprisals. To these sentiments the people of Virginia gave their cordial assent.

Nor did the Colonies more remote feel indifferent to the events which had occurred. On the very night after receiving the news, the patriots of Charleston, South Carolina, took possession of the royal arsenal, and distributed twelve hundred stands of arms that the citizens might be in a condition to defend their rights. The Provincial Congress of that gallant State, adopted measures preparatory to the contest, and declared themselves "ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes to secure their freedom and safety." Such Avas the zeal and enthusiasm of the people of that Colony that General Gage declared, "that the people of Charleston were as mad as they are here in Boston."

The infant Colony of Georgia was not behind her sister Colonies. On the receipt of the intelligence of the attack of the king's troops, the gallant people of Savannah broke open the royal magazine and appropriated to their own use over five hundred pounds of powder. And though the people of that Colony were few in numbers, and were surrounded by powerful tribes of hostile savages, they sent supplies to Boston in token of their approbation of their gallantry and patriotism in standing firm in defence of the rights of the Colonies.

Thus did the battle of Lexington awaken the sympathy of the Colonists, and in a good degree unite them in one common cause. Thousands who had been fondly brooding over the delusive idea of a reconciliation, now saw that entreaty was fruitless, and that they must submit unconditionally or vindicate their rights by the sword. And though the timid feared and the prudent hesitated ; though the men in power clung to the places which gave them their living, and those who aspired at place were unwilling to impair their prospects of preferment, the leading patriots of the country, and the great mass of the people, were ready for the last appeal, and saw safety only in a triumph in the field.

Not only did the cities and the large towns manifest their indignation at the barbarity of the British troops, but the people in the rural districts where the love of liberty is always strong, vied with the more populous places, in showing their readiness to peril all in freedom's sacred cause. Wherever the fact of open resistance was known, the people showed that they were ready to flock to the standard of freedom, and prosper or perish in her cause. Not only in the log-huts beyond the mountains, but farther in the wilderness, where no huts had been erected, did the echoes of freedom resound. The hardy hunters of Kentucky, wandering in the beautiful valley of the Elkhorn, on the reception of the news, celebrated the victory, and in honor of the birthplace of American liberty, gave to the place of their encampment the name of Lexington - a name which it bears to the present day.

Nor did the thrilling appeal die on their shores. The sound crossed the Atlantic ; and while the deluded Ministry were dreaming over the subjugation of the rebellious Province of Massachusetts Bay, they were startled from their slumbers by intelligence that His Majesty's veteran troops in America had been baffled, routed, and driven like sheep by the undisciplined rebels, whom they had been taught to regard as braggarts, and despise as cowards.

on the 2 2d of April, the Provincial Congress, being in session at Watertown, "Ordered that Mr. Gerry, Colonel Cushing, Colonel Barrett, Captain Stone, Dr. Taylor, Mr. Sullivan, Mr. Freeman, Mr. Watson, and Esquire Dix, be a Committee to take depositions in perpetuam, from which a full account of the transactions of the troops, under General Gage, in their route to and from Concord, &c., on Wednesday last, may be collected, to be sent to England by the first ship from Salem." On the day following. Dr. Church, Mr. Gerry and Mr. Cushing, were appointed a Committee "to draw up a narrative of the Massacre." The Committee on depositions held sessions the 23d and 25th of April, at Concord and Lexington, and took a large number of affidavits. On the day following, the President, Dr. Taylor, Mr. Freeman, Mr. H. Gardner and Colonel Stone, were appointed to prepare a letter to our agent in London, Dr. Franklin. The Committee reported the same day the draught of a letter, urging our agent in England to cause the depositions and the Address to the inhabitants of Great Britain, giving an account of the events of the 19th of April, "to be immediately printed and dispersed through every town in England, and especially to be communicated to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Council of the City of London, that they may take such order thereon as they may think proper."

** To give a particular account of the ravages of the troops, as they retreated from Concord to Charlestown, -would be very difficult, if not impracticable. Let it suffice to say, that a great number of houses on the road were plundered and rendered unfit for use ; several were burnt ; women, in childbed, were driven by the soldiery, naked into the streets ; old men peaceably in their houses, were shot dead, and such scenes exhibited as would disgrace the annals of the uncivilized nations.

"These, brethren, are the marks of Ministerial vengeance against this Colony, for refusing, with her sister Colonies, submission to slavery ; but they have not detached us from our royal sovereign. We profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects, and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still ready with our lives and fortunes to defend his person, family, crown and dignity.' Nevertheless to the persecution and tyranny of his cruel

- It may appear singular that they should express such devotion to the crown, while they express their abhorrence of slavery, and determination to be free. This is explained partly by the popular language of monarchy, and partly by

Effects Of The Battle Of Lexington

The Committe of Safety was directed to forward the papers to England at the earliest practicable moment. ~ They agreed with the Hon. Richard Derby, of Salem, to fit out a vessel as a packet. The order to Captain Derby was as follows :

" In the Committee of Safety, April 27, 1775. Resolved, That Captain Derby be directed, and he hereby is directed, to make for Dublin or any other good port in Ireland, and from thence to cross to Scotland or England, and hasten to London. This direction is given, that so he may escape all enemies that may be in the chops of the channel, to stop the communication of the Provincial intelligence to the agent. He will, forthwith, deliver his papers to the agent on reaching London.

Captain Derby with these documents, and with copies of the Salem Gazette, which contained an account of the battle, arrived in London on the 29th of May. On the day following, the Address was printed and circulated, giving the first intelligence of the battle of Lexington to the people of Great Britain. The Ministry were astounded. They had fondly anticipated that the recent measures of Parliament, and the increase of the kinsr's troops in Boston, would bring the rebels to submission ; that the the general views they had always maintained. The popular language of monarchy is, that the king can do no wrong. If a wrong is done, it is charged upon the Ministry ; and the king by changing his ministers, removed the evil. Our fathers from courtsey and from policy, in addressing the inhabitants of Great Britain, would adopt the respectful language of the empire.

They would also be inclined to employ this courtly language, from the views they had from the first maintained. Their theory had always been, that they held their charter by a grant from the crown ; and that to the crown alone they owed allegiance. From the very first, they denied the power of Parliament. Their argument was, that Parliament has power over, or rather can legislate for its constituents ; but that the American Colonies, not being represented in Parliament, were never subject to its laws. So that in their Address to the people of England, they but carried out the previous doctrine, that they owed allegiance to the crown, while they denied the power of Parliament, and detested the oppression of the Ministry. This view of the subject casts light upon the Declaration of Independence, which is a renunciation of allegiance, not to Parliament, which they never admitted, but to the king whose, authority they had allowed.

first display of the royal regiments in arms would frighten the " rude rabble" in Massachusetts, and put to flight all the undisciplined stragglers they could bring into the field. What then must have been their astonishment, what their mortification, on hearing that the veteran troops of England had been put to an inglorious flight, by the sudden rising of the country people without leaders ; and that the army in which they had reposed 80 much confidence, and which Avas to awe America into submission, had been driven to their entrenchments, and were closely besieged in the limited peninsula of Boston ! The effect produced by the intelligence is thus described in a letter from London, dated June 1, 1775 : "This great city was agitated to its centre. The friends of America rejoiced at the noble victory of the Bostonians, and its enemies were abashed at their courage. The news flew rapidly, and soon caught the ear of the unwise and deluded kino;. The Administration were alarmed at the unexpected success of the Provincials-, and were at a loss what lies to fabricate, which would destroy the force of the gratifications which accompanied the intelligence. Runners were sent to every part of the city, who were authorized to deny the authenticity of the facts ; and so distressed was the Government that they officially requested a suspension of belief, until dispatches were received from General Gage."

** A report having been spread, and an account having been printed and published of a skirmish between some of the people in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and a detachment of His Majesty's troops, it is proper to inform the public that no advices have as yet been received in the American department of any such event.

There is reason to believe that there are dispatches from General Gage on board the Sukey, Captain Brown, which, though she sailed four days before the vessel that brought the printed account, is not yet arrived."

-- To the Public. " As a doubt of the authenticity of the account from Salem, touching an engagement between the king's troops and the Provincials in Massachusetts

Effects Of The Battle Of Lexington

Bay, may arise from a paragraph in the Gazette of this evening, I desire to inform all those who wish to see the original affidavits which confirm that account, that they are deposited at the Mansion House with the Right Honorable Lord Mayor for their inspection.

General Gage's dispatches arrived in London on the 10th of June, which, instead of allaying rather increased the excitement. For though his account differed from the American account as to the commencement of hostilities, in all other respects the two accounts substantially agreed. He virtually admitted that the expedition was a failure, and that the flower of his army, consisting of nearly two thousand men, had been harrassed, and actually driven fifteen miles with a loss of nearly three hundred in killed, wounded, and missing.

The account of the Ministry covering General Gage's dispatch was severely criticized in Great Britain. One writer says : " When the news of the massacre first arrived, the pensioned writer of the Gazette entreated the public ' to suspend their judgment, as the Government had received no tidings of the matter.' The public have suspended their judgment, and the humane part of mankind have wished that the fatal tale related by Captain Derby, might prove altogether fictitious. To the great grief of every thinking man, this is not the case. We are now in possession of both accounts." After comparing them and showing that they agree in all important particulars, the writer adds : "The public have but to ponder on the melancholy trutlis thus attested by the Government. The sword of civil war is drawn, and if there is truth in heaven, the king's troops unsheathed it. Will the English nation much longer suflTer their fellow subjects to be slaughtered ? It is a shameful fallacy to talk of the supremacy of Parliament. It is the despotism of the crown, and the slavery of the people, which the Ministry aim at. For refusing these attempts, and for that only, the Americans have been inhumanly murdered by the king's troops. Englishmen, weigh these things with deliberation ; make the case your own. If the massacre of brethren will not make you open your eyes, they deserve to be forever shut against your welfare."

"The Gazette tells us dryly that 'the rebels were for a time dispersed.' They were so dispersed, however, that as soon as the troops resumed their march (not their flight), they began again to fire upon them, and continued it during the whole fifteen miles' march, ' by which means several hundred were killed and wounded.' If this was not a flight, and if Percy's activity was not in running away, I should be glad to know where were the flanking parties of this army on its march, with all this light infantry ? Would any commanding officer suffer such an enemy to continue killing and wounding his troops from stone walls and houses, if it was not a defeat and flight ? 1 think that when the military lend themselves to fight against the freedom of their fellow subjects, they deserve to be both disgraced and defeated.

" Take then the whole of this account as it stands, and to what does it amount, but that General Gage's army, having marched out of Boston in the night, was attacked by the militia, hastily assembled without a leader, and was driven back with the loss of sixty-five killed and one hundred and eighty wounded, and twenty-eight taken prisoners - making in all two hundred and seventy-three. In fact, this superiority does not arise from any difference between the English and the Americans, but from the one contending in the cause of tyranny, and the other in that of liberty. It has never entered into the hearts of these wretched Ministers and their tools, to feel or conceive the enthusiasm and valor which so good and noble a cause inspires."

There was, at the opening of the Revolution, a large class in Great Britain whose sympathies were in favor of America. Even the king's own brother, the weak but amiable Duke of Gloucester, is said to have had strong feelings in favor of the' Colonies. Soon after the news of the collision at Lexington reached England, he took a tour in France; and at a public dinner, given in honor of the Duke, there was present a young Frenchman, not then eighteen years of age ; he listened with avidity to the story of the uprising of the people of New England. And from that time America had a true friend in the person of Lafayette.^

Several officers in the British army declined serving against their American brethren and threw up their commissions. Lord North, who at that day was here regarded as the implacable foe of America, but who was in fact averse to many of the measures of Parliament, on the bi'caking out of hostilities desired to retire from the IMinistry ; but the king would neither accept his resigna- tion, nor relent towards America. The French Minister at the Court of England, who looked with peculiar interest into the affairs of the Colonies, wrote to his own Court : "The Americans display in their conduct, and even in their errors, more thought than enthusiasm, for they have shown in succession that they know how to argue, to negotiate, and to fight. All England is in a position from which she never can extricate herself. Either all rules are false, or the Americans will never again consent to become her subjects."