Chicago City (part 11 of 57)

"Whom of the defendants do you know that were in that association or society before you left it ? " - " Of my own knowledge I know none but one, that is Neebe. He used to belong to the same group that I did."

" Whom did you see on the speakers' wagon at the Haymarket ? " - " I saw the speakers, Spies, Schwab and Fielden, and Rudolph Schnaubelt, whom I had formerly known from my connection with the Internationalists."

"You say Mr. Neebe was a member of the Internationalist organization. Now, you didn't have any passwords, did you ? It wasn't an organization where you drilled, was it ?" - " It was an avowed Socialistic order."

Another sensational witness was Harry L. Gilmer, a workman, who testified that he saw Spies and Rudolph Schnaubelt standing inside the mouth of the alley at the Haymarket ; that Spies lit a match for Schnaubelt, who in turn lit the fuse of the bomb and threw it among the police. An effort was made to shake the testimony of this witness, which was not successful, and witnesses were then brought forward to impeach his veracity, but the state produced many prominent men who knew him, and who stated that they would believe him under oath.

Captain Frank Schaack, in charge of the East Chicago avenue police station, who unearthed the Anarchists' conspiracy after the Haymarket, was called to the stand, on Thursday, July 29. Lingg's trunk was placed before him. He was asked:

"About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of May 14. First I asked him his name. He told me. I asked him if he was at the meeting at 54 Lake street on Tuesday night. He said: 'Yes.' Then he said he made dynamite. I asked him what for. He said: 'To use then.' He looked excited. I asked why he disliked the police. He said he had a reason ; the police clubbed the men at McCormick's. He said he was down on the police because they took the part of the capitalists. I said: 'Why don't you use guns instead of dynamite ?' He said guns wouldn't do; that the militia would outnumber the Socialists. I asked him how he learned to make dynamite. He said out of books and that he made bombs out of gas-pipe and out of lead and metal mixed. He said he got the lead on the streets and the gas-pipe along the river or anywhere he could."

"Lingg said he made those bombs and meant to use them. Then Mrs. Seliger accused him of making bombs a few weeks after he came to her house. I knew then that he had made a good many. John Thielen was arrested at the same time, and from him we got two bombs. I said to Lingg: 'This man says you gave him the bombs. What have you to say ?' He looked at Thielen and shook his head, and Thielen said : 'Oh, it's no use, everything is known; you might just as well talk.' But Lingg refused to say anything."

"Well, this trunk here was brought to my office. Under the lining I found a lot of dynamite and some fuse and asked him if that was the kind of dynamite he used. He said it was ; that he got it at a store on Lake street. There were three kinds of dynamite. He said he experimented once with a long bomb; that he put it in a tree, touched it off, and that it riddled the tree to atoms. I asked him if he knew Spies. He said 'Yes, for some time ;' that he was often at the Arbeiter Zeituug office. I asked him how long he had been a Socialist. He said he'd been a Socialist as long as he could think."

"Did you have any conversation with Engel ?" "Yes, on the 18th, in the evening, I asked him where he was May 3. He said he worked for a man named Koch. I asked him if he made a speech at the meeting at 54 Lake street.

He said no, but that he was at the meeting. The second time I talked with him his wife came. She brought him a bunch of flowers. He got excited, and cried: 'What good are those flowers to me? Here I am, locked up in a dark cell.' Then his wife said: 'Papa, see what trouble you've got yourself into; why haven't you stopped this nonsense?' He said: 'Mamma, I can't. I am cursed with eloquence. What is in a man must come out. Louise Michel suffered for the cause. She is a woman ; why should I not suffer ? I am a man, and I will stand it like a man."

" One bomb found in Lingg's room, which Schuettler said was loaded with a funnel, I put in a box two feet square and buried in the ground three feet deep at Lake View. Officers Stift, Rehm, and Loewenstein were there. We touched the bomb off. It blew the box to pieces, fragments carried off the branches of trees and the ground was torn up for a great distance. This black dynamite, also found in Lingg's room, was put in a beer keg. Part of this dynamite Lingggaveto Thielen, and this is a fragment of a round bomb I experimented, with. On top of this bomb I had a round piece of iron thirty-four inches wide, some heavy planks, a piece of steel forty-two inches wide and weighing 180 pounds ; then an iron boiler twenty-two inches wide and fourteen inches high ; then on top of that a stone weighing 132 pounds. The stone was burst to pieces, nine holes were shot through the iron boiler, the steel cover was cracked, and the planks were split into kindling wood. Portions of the other bombs I cut off, and gave them to Profs. Haines and Paton."

There are bushels of bombs before the jury. Coils of fuse are unwound. Dynamite in paper packages and in tin boxes is displayed. The courtroom looks like the interior of an arsenal so far as the tremendous character of the explosives is concerned. Pieces of metal, gas-pipe, tin cans, and iron boxes rattle together. Capt. Schaack, pointing to the bombs, says he got two from Hoffman, one from Fireman Miller, and one from Officer Loewenstein. He is not allowed to tell how many bombs in all he received until the officers first tell where the bombs were found.

of the militia ; that a revolution was impending. I asked him about that satchel he brought to Neff's place. He said he saw one there. Then I asked him where he got the moulds to mould the round bombs. He said he made them out of clay ; that they could be used about two times, then they were no good. He said he saw the ' Revenge' circular on the West side."

"I did. I also experimented with dynamite cartridges. I had one inserted into a stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds. The explosion broke this stone into atoms."

Cross-examined by Mr. Foster. - "What Lingg said to you, Captain, was substantially this : That there was to be a conflict between the police and the Gatling guns on one side and the laboring men on the other, and that he was making these bombs to use when that time came ?"

"Do you know of two detectives at your station who went to Lingg's cell late at night and exhibited a rope saying they were going to hang him ?"

Officer Hoffman, of the Larrabee street station, testified that he found nine round bombs and four long ones under a sidewalk near Clyde street and Clybourn avenue.

Under John Thielen's house the witness found two long bombs, two boxes of cartridges, two cigar boxes full of dynamite, one rifle, and one revolver.

" Look at this box of caps. Where did you find them ? " - " They were with the dynamite. They were all under the sidewalk on Clybourn avenue, back of Ogden's grove."

Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 41 I.

Assistant States-Attorney Frank Walker opened the proceedings Friday, July 30, by reading extracts from Parsons' Alarm, dated May 2 of this year. It was a speech delivered by Parsons April 29, the night the new Board of Trade was dedicated, and that occasion afforded the speaker his subject. The speech was full of rabid utterances, of which the following are samples :

" To-night the property owners are dedicating a temple for the plunder of the people. We assemble as Anarchists and Communists to protest against the system of society founded on spoliation of the people." In conclusion Parsons advised his hearers to save their money and buy revolvers and rifles, and recommended the use of dynamite.

Under date of December 26, 1885, the Alarm contained a long description of what qualities should center in a revolutionist. " The revolutionist," it was said, " must dedicate his life exclusively to his idea, living in this world only for the purpose of more surely destroying it. He hates every law and science, and knows of but one science - that of destruction. He despises public sentiment and social morality. All his sentiments of friendship, love and sympathy must be suppressed. Equally must he hate everything that stands in the way to the attainment of his ends. He must have but one thought - merciless revolution ; he must be bound by no ties, and must not hesitate to destroy all institutions and systems."

On February 6, 1886, the Alarm paid its respects to Captain Bonfield, and the attention of the revolutionists was called to the clubbing done by the police at the time of the carmen's strike, by saying : "American sovereigns, if you don't like this, get guns or dynamite."

The names of those appointed to act as a bureau of information for the Anarchists were printed in the Alarm under date January 9, 1886. Joseph Bock, B. Ran, August Spies, A. R. Parsons and Anton Hirschberger were the names given. On March 20, 1886, the Alarm said : "All argument is no good unless based on force."

On another occasion, speaking of the eight hour movement, it was said : " All roads lead to Rome ; so must all labor movements lead to Socialism." Later the Alarm said: "One pound of dynamite is better than a bushel of ballots. Working men, to arms ! Death to luxurious idleness ! " All articles from which these extracts were taken had Parsons' name appended as the writer. April 24, the date of the last issue of the Alarm, the Knights of Labor were assailed "for attempting to prevent the people from exterminating the predatory beasts - the capitalists." Mr. Ingham reads from Herr Most's book a description of an infernal machine to burn down buildings. This apparatus is described as of wonderful efficiency and dirt cheap. It is read to secure the admission as evidence of the four tin boxes spoken of by Detective Jansen, who saw them exhibited at 54 West Lake street.

The Court is not sure the contents in both cases are the same, and Officer Coughlin, of the Chicago avenue station, is put on the stand to prove the character of the compound. He experimented with one can by means of a fulminating cap. He tried to explode the can but failed, then he attached a fuse and an explosion followed. A quantity of burning liquid, much resembling vitriol, was distributed in all directions, a stream was thrown five or six feet high, and for a space of ten feet in all directions the grass was set on fire, and it burned for fully five minutes.

" When did you converse with Engel last, before May 4 ? " - " Some time last fall. Mr. Engel and his wife called at the store and inquired for some big revolvers. They found one that suited them, to present to some society. They said they, wanted 100 or 200 for this society. A week later they said this revolver would do and they wanted some 200 revolvers. I told them I thought I could get them, but when they came back the second time I found I couldn't. They were much disappointed and said they would go some place else."

" What did you say about the price ? " - " I told them that was very cheap and said they could make a handsome profit on them. They said they didn't want to make any profit ; that the weapons were for a society."

Captain Black, on the cross-examination, brings it out that the witness sold the gun to Engel, thinking he wanted to go into some speculation.

"I think it was in February or March. He came into the store and wanted to purchase about forty remodeled Remington guns. Parsons spoke to me several times about this purchase, but it was never made. Parsons seemed undecided."

"State whether your concern ever sold any rifle or revolver cartridges, which were to be delivered, and were delivered, at 636 Milwaukee avenue - Thalia hall ?"

This question is overruled by the Court unless the cartridges were delivered by the witness in person. Capt. Black takes the witness in hand and he said he never knew Parsons by name until yesterday, then that person was pointed out to him in court.

"That's all," says Capt. Black. - "Mr. Reynolds," says Mr. Grinnell, "was Parsons pointed out to you ? or did you not point out the man you had seen before ?"

A manuscript in Spies' handwriting is offered in evidence. It is a manuscript of an editorial which was printed in the Arbeiter Zeitung of May 4 and captioned : "Blood and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied Working Men." In another part of the paper was the following : "This evening there is a great meeting at the Haymarket. No working men ought to stay away."

Manuscript in Schwab's handwriting is submitted. This matter appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung May 4, and one passage is as follows : "The heroes of the club dispensed with their cudgels yesterday." This has reference to the riot at McCormick's.

Another extract : "Reports of the capitalist papers have all been dictated by the police." Still another : "The armory on the Lake front isguarded by military tramps." And another: "Milwaukee, usually so quiet, yesterday became the scene of quite a number of labor riots." Under date of May 3, Spies' paper said: "A hot conflict. The termination of the radical elements bring the extortioners in numerous instances to terms." January 5, 1885, Spies wrote concerning a report of a meeting at 54 West Lake street : "Comrade Spies, in the course of his speech said : 'And if we commence to murder we obey the law of necessity for self-preservation.' " January 19, 1885, the Arbeiter Zeitung contained a two column report of a meeting held at Mueller's hall. Dynamite, blood, and bombs were the nice points dealt with, and the comments thereon was what the state wanted read. But first a translation should have been made, and to do this an adjournment is taken until 2 o'clock.

The courtroom would not hold half of the people that applied for admission, and hundreds were turned away. Scattered throughout the courtroom were numerous red flags and banners of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the various Anarchist groups. Detective James Bonfield was recalled to identify the flags and banners found at the Arbeiter Zeitunv office. They were as follows : " In the Absence of Law all Men are Free ;" " Every Government is a Conspiracy against the People ;" " Down with all Laws ;'' " Fifteenth Section Boys Stick Together ;" " Proletarians of all Countries, Unite ;" " International Working People's Association of Chicago. Presented by the Socialistic Women's Society July 16, 1875."

Saturday, July 31, the state introduced more translations from the Arbeiter Zeitung. The paper of January 6, under the caption of " A New Military Law," contained the following editorials : " After the adoption of the law and its working we have learned a lesson. The vote of 1881 has shown that we are stronger than ever. There exists to-day an invisible network of Socialistic forces. We are stronger than ever."

On January 22, 1886, an editorial asked: " How can the eight-hour day be brought about ? Why, every clear-headed man can see that the result can be attained by no other means than armed force."

The next day it was said : " The rottenness of our social institutions cannot be covered up with whitewash. Capital sucks its force out of the labor of the working men. This misery has become unbearable. Let us not treat with our enemies on May 1. Therefore, comrades, arm to the teeth. We want to demand our rights on May 1."

Regarding the riot in London, a meeting was held at the Twelfth street Turner hall, Neebe presiding; Fielden the orator, and his speech and the proceedings were reported under date of Ft-bruary 15. Fielden said: "The time is not so far distant when the down-trodden in Chicago will rise like their brothers in London, and march up Michigan avenue, the red flag at their head." Schwab spoke, calling on the people to rally around the red flag of revolution. An editorial on February 17 said: " Hundreds and thousands of reasons indicate that force will bring about a successful termination in the struggle for liberty." April 10 it was said: "What happened yesterday in East St. Louis may happen in Chicago. It is high time to be prepared to complete the ammunition and be ready."

May 1 is close at hand." Six days later he said : " What Anarchists predicted six months ago has been realized now. The power of the manufacturers must be met by armed working men. The logic of facts requires this. Arms are more necessary now than ever. It is time to arm yourselves. Whoever has not money sell your watch and buy firearms. Patience has been preached - the working men have had too much of patience."

On April 29 Spies wrote: " The wage slave who is not utterly demoralized should have a breech-loader in his house " And the next day he said : "As we have been informed the police have received secret orders to keep themselves in readiness for fear of a riot on Saturday next, to the working men we again say : Arm yourselves ! Keep your arms hidden so that they will not be stolen by the minions of the law, as has happened before." In the Letter Box was the following: "A dynamite cartridge explodes not through concussion. A percussion primer is necessary."

January 5, in the Arbeiter Zeitung* a report said: "The meeting which the American group held at 54 West Lake street was one of the best meetings ever held in Chicago. Comrade Spies said: ' When we murder we put an end to general murder. We only follow the law of self-preservation.' "

On January 18 all working men were called to attend a meeting at Steinmetz hall. " To Arms," was the caption. "Those who desire instruction in drilling will not have to pay." At Mueller's hall, a few days later, Schwab made an address, saying: "We have made all preparations for a revolution by force." Spies said: " I have been accused by a paper that I tried to stir up a revolution: I concede this. What is crime, anyhow? When the working men try to secure the fruits of their labor it is called crime."

Guns, dynamite and prussic acid, Spies preached, should be given the working men, and " for every clubbed head in the ranks of the working men there should be exacted twelve dead policemen." In a long discourse on the means of action, Spies said: " In the action itself one must be personally at the place, to select personally that point of the place of action which is the most important, and is coupled with the greatest danger, upon which depends chiefly the success or failure of the whole affair. Otherwise the thing would reach the long ears of the police, which, as is known to every one, hear the grass grow and the fleas cough ; but if this theory is acted on, the danger of discovery is extremely small." " The Love of Self-Sacrifice, " as manifested by those who were killed during the uprising of the Paris Commune, while fighting under the red flag, was the subject of a long address on March 22, and March 23 it was said the question of arming was the one uppermost in labor circles. Working men, it was held, ought to be armed long ago. Daggers and revolvers were easily purchased ; hand-grenades were plentiful, and so was dynamite. The approaching contest should not be gone into with empty hands. The State here rested its case.

The Defense

Attorney Zeisler moved to have the jury sent from the room pending a motion, and this the Court refused to do, saying it was a vicious practice, and that the jury should hear all there was in a case.

Capt. Black - "The motion we desire to make is that your Honor now instruct the jury, the State having rested, that they find a verdict of not guilty as to Oscar Neebe ; and we desire to argue that motion.''

Counsel for the defense proceeded to argue the motion, and held that Neebe was not amenable; not having been present at the Haymarket, and having nothing to do with the Arbeiter Zeitung until after the arrest of Spies.

The Court - "If he had had prior knowledge of the participation in the Haymarket meeting the question would be quite different, but if there is a general advice to commit murder, and the time and occasion not being foreseen, the adviser is guilty if the murder is committed. Whether he did participate, concurred, assented, or encouraged the publication of the Arbeiter Zeitung is a question for this jury upon the testimony that he was frequently there, and that so soon as Schwab and Spies were away he took charge. Everything in which his name has been mentioned must be taken together, and then what the proper inference is, is for the jury to say.''

Capt. Black - "We except, if your Honor pleases. We desire also to make a like motion, without arguing it, in behalf of all the defendants except Spies and Fischer." - Motion overruled.

"True, the defendants made bombs ; true, they intended to use dynamite. What if they did ?" asks Mr. Salomon "They were preparing for a revolution by force of arms and by means of dynamite - but what has that to do with the case ? Did they kill Matthias J. Degan, for which act they were specifically indicted ? That is the question."

Mr. Salomon then argued that the State would have to prove that the object of the Haymarket meeting was to "aggressively kill the police.1' He pointed out that the defendants had consecrated their lives to the benefit of their fellow men. They did not seek McCormick's property for themselves - they did not want the goods in Marshall Field's store for themselves. Their methods were dangerous, but why were they not stopped at their inception ? They advocated force, because they believed in force. No twelve men - no 12,000 men - could root out Anarchy. Anarchy is of the head - it is implanted in the soul! As well attempt to root out Republicanism or Democracy! They intended revolution - a revolution similar to that of the Northern sjtates against slavery, or of America against British oppression. They wanted to free the white slaves - the working classes. They intended to use dynamite in furtherance of that revolution. But they did not expect, nor did they conspire to take, the life of officer Degan. Lingg had the right to manufacture bombs and fill his house with dynamite, if he so pleased. There was no law against it. Mr. Salomon intimated that an attempt would be made to show who threw the bomb, or that it was thrown by somebody other than Schnaubelt ; also that the police began the riot by shooting into the crowd ; that Schwab was not at the meeting at all, and that when the bomb exploded Parsons and Fischer were in Zephf's hall drinking beer.

"We expect further to show you," said Mr. Salomon, "that this meeting had assembled peaceably, that its objects were peaceable, that they delivered the same harangues, that the crowd listened quietly, that not a single act transpired there previous to the coming of the police for which any man in it could be held amenable to law. They assembled there under the provisions of our Constitution in the exercise of their right of free speech, to discuss the situation of the working men, to discuss the eight-hour question. They assembled there and incidentally discussed what they called the outrages perpetrated at McCormick's. No man expected that bomb would be thrown, no man expected that any one would be injured at that meeting."

The witness who gave, perhaps, the strongest evidence for the defense was Dr. James D. Taylor, an aged physician of the Eclectic school. On the direct examination, Captain Black asked:

'What did Parsons say?" - " He spoke of the necessity for union. The substance of his remarks was that if the working men expected to win they must unite."

" Did you notice the approach of the police ?" - "I did; the first column came up close to where I was standing. They were so close I could touch them."

" What did he say ? " - " Well, he spoke about the law, and said: ' It is your enemy. Kill it, stab it, throttle it; if you don't, it will throttle you.'"

" Now, tell what you saw." - " Well, the bomb looked to me like a boy's fire-cracker. It was then about five feet in the air. It circled in a southeast direction, and fell, I think, between the first and second columns of the police."

" Did you find any marks of bullets in the walls around there?" - "Yes, a great many. They were in the north end of the wall of Crane Bros.' building. Then I examined a telegraph pole north of the alley, on the west side of the street. There were a great many perforations on the south side of this pole."

" What were the conditions of membership? Tell the jury whether those meetings were secret or public." - "They were public. The conditions of membership were - " This answer was objected to by the State, and the Court sustains the objection.

" Now, taking them in their order, will you state what you heard them say, either on the lake front or at any hall, regarding the use of force ? " Captain Black withdraws this question at once upon consultation with his associates.

Mr. Ingham then takes up the cross-examination: " How did you come to go to the Haymarket, doctor?" - " I happened to be in the neighborhood, taking my usual evening walk."

(The witness confounds Spies and Parsons. The former, according to other witnesses, made no reference to Jay Gould, but Parsons did. The doctor says also that Parsons told the men that the history of strikes showed all strikes to have proved a failure ; that what was wanted was a change in the system.)

Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. . 42 1

" Where did he go after the bomb exploded ? " - " The Lord only knows what became of him. The demoralization was so great that I don't know. I think he was. one of the first men to go down after the shell exploded."

" What did you do next, after leaving the alley ?" - " I went farther down in the alley. I was the last man to go down the alley. There was a projection in the alley and I took refuge behind that."

"You were young enough then to want to live?" - "It wasn't that; I heard the police shooting. They were going back toward the Haymarket. I could tell that by the report of the shooting. Then I ran out on Desplaines street and dodged about till I got home."

"Where did you dodge?" - "A good many places. The police were shooting all over. They were all excited. I saw them shooting as far up as Madison street. One policeman on Madison street I saw point his revolver at a crowd of people on the street and say : 'D - you! you've got to die any way.' Then he fired his revolver at them."

L. M. Moses, a grocer, and Austin Mitchell, who lived with Moses, testified that they would not believe the witness Gilmer under oath. The defense then introduced August Krumm, of 1036 West Twentieth street, a woodworker, by whom they expected to entirely offset Gilmer's evidence. From his evidence it was made to appear that Gilmer mistook Krumm for Spies, and that instead of lighting a bomb Krumm was engaged in nothing more harmful than lighting a pipe of tobacco. Mr. Foster conducts the examination, and the witness says he was at the Haymarket meeting May 4, and saw Spies and Parsons there for the first time.

" Now, how close to the alley near Crane Brothers did you stand ? " - " Very close. We stood there all the time from about 9:30 o'clock until the police arrived."

" Where did you go ? " - " We went into the alley. I wanted to light my pipe. Albright came with me. He gave me a pipeful of tobacco and I went into the alley to light my pipe."

"Then his pipe was lighted?" - "Yes. He came over to me and lit his pipe from the match that lit my pipe, holding his head up close to mine."

" Now, tell whether you saw a light in the air about that time or a little after." - "Yes ; I saw a light like a match about twenty feet south of the alley on Desplaines street."

have seen them if they had been on the sidewalk." "And you did not see them there ?" - "I did not." (All the other witnesses for the defense testified that a big

"And you say you did not see. those boxes ?" - "I did not." "When were you at the Haymarket ?" - "May 4." "Were you ever there in your life ?" - "Yes." "How about a lamp post. Did you see one?" - "I don't

"How did you come to go to Salomon & Zeisler's office ?" - "I saw a notice in the Arbeiter Zeitung asking for all that knew anything- about the bomb throwing to call on them. I went there on Sunday."

M. T. Malkoff, the correspondent of a paper at Moscow, Russia, and formerly a writer on the Arbeiter Zeitung, testified that Parsons was in Zephf's hall, talking to his wife, Mrs. Holmes and the witness, when the bomb exploded. State's Attorney Grinnell elicits from the witness that he has been five years in this country, that he lived in New York and maintained himself by teaching the Russian language. From New York he went to Little Rock, then to St. Louis, and finally to Chicago, arriving here in 1884. "You came here with a letter of introduction to Spies?" - "No, sir. I obtained my position in the South through a letter of introduction from Spies."

"Did you not tell Mr. Hardy you were the agent for a Nihilistic society?" - "No, sir. The reporters used to call me a Nihilist because I was a Russian."

The letter is written in German and it is given to the translator, who is instructed to render it into English. "This letter is directed to a 'Mr. Editor.' What editor?" - "I think it was directed to Mr. Spies.''

" Then we offer it in evidence." The letter is, in substance, an inquiry as to whether or not Spies could use certain articles written by Malkoff. It goes on to say : " I have just completed another article treating of the secret revolutionary societies of Russia. I am a proletariat in the fullest sense of the word. Address your letter to J. H. Schwab, 50 First street, New York."

"Now," says Foster, "you say you were a proletariat. What do you mean by that term ?" - " I understand it to be a man without any means of support."

" Now," asks Mr. Ingham, " I'll ask you if you did not use the term proletariat in the sense in which Socialists always employ that term ?" - '- No, sir, I did not."

Samuel Fielden

Samuel Fielden, one of the defendants who was speaking at the time of the bomb explosion, testified that he did not know who threw the bomb, and denied that he fired at the police with a revolver. He was cross-examined by Mr. Ingham for the State, who asked: "At what age did you come to the United States ? " - " Twenty-one."

" Did you have any business before you came to the United States ? " - "I went to work in a cotton mill at eight years of age, and worked in that mill until I left the country to come to the United States."

" How long have you been of the belief that the existing order of things should be overthrown by force?" - "I don't know that I have ever been convinced. I am of the opinion that the existing order of things must be overturned, but whether by force I don't know."

"How long have you believed in Anarchy?" - "Well, I believed in it shortly after I joined the organization - as soon as I came to think on the subject."

" You have been progressing from Socialism to Anarchism ; and if you cannot convince the majority of the United States to your opinions, you propose to compel them by force?" - Objected to.

" Did you ever attend any meeting of any English-speaking group other than the American group in this city of that kind ? " - " We tried to found one a year ago last winter on West Indiana street. I think we only held two meetings, and then we abandoned it."

" You have for the last two or three years been making speeches of Socialistic and Anarchistic character?" - "I have been making labor speeches ; they were not always Socialistic or Anarchistic speeches.1'

" But you have made Socialistic and Anarchistic speeches ?" - "Well, I have touched on Anarchy and Socialism, and sometimes my speeches might have been considered from the ordinary trades union standpoint, for all the anarchy there was in them."

" Have you ever made speeches on the lake front and other Socialistic meetings ? " - " Yes, on the lake front, some on Market square, at No. 54 West Lake street, Twelfth street Turner hall, and No. 106 Randolph street."

" Look at the copy of the Alarm of June 27, 1885, ' Dynamite ; Instructions Regarding Its Use and Operation,' and signed 'A. S.' Say whether you ever saw it." - "I don't know that I have."

" You were speaking when the police came up, and were making no inflammatory speech ?" - " I did not incite anybody to do anything, to do any overt act. I told the people in general to resist the present socialistic system that oppressed them, and gave them no chance to earn a living."

"And yet you expected to be arrested?" - "I had read something of criminal proceedings and I knew that the police would arrest everybody connected with that meeting in order to find the one who was responsible. I made an explanation before the Coroner's jury because I had a different idea of the police at that time. I thought if I made that statement and they inquired into the truth and were convinced of my innocence they would let me go. But I now see that I was mistaken."

Redirect - " You have heard what has been said about your expression of throttling the law, of killing it, of stabbing it. Just state the explanation which you said you desired to make in regard to that." - "Well, it was just the explanation that a public orator would make when he was denouncing a political party. When he said he wanted to get rid of the Democratic party, for instance, he would kill it, stab it, or make way with it.

" You also read the reporter's notes in regard to snails and worms, and said there was no connection there. What were your words in reference to snails and worms, and the idea that you now remember ?" - " Well, the idea that 1 intended to convey at that time was that when men were thrown out of work through no fault of their own, and it being a fact that has been proven and asserted on the floor of the House of Representatives that over a million of men are out of employment through no fault of their own - these men being driven about, become degraded and loathsome, and people look upon them with contempt, and yet it is no fault of their own ; they have no part in producing the condition of things that throws them out of employment, and leads them to their abject condition. "

"You did not know of the presence of a dynamite bomb or anything of that kind in the crowd ?" - " No, sir ; I did not even know of the presence of an unusual number of police at the station. I did not know that till after the meeting."

A Funny Witness

(From The Tribune?) - Henry Schultz, an elderly German with a face like a retired cowboy, and a funny habit of making "snoots," as the boys say, testified that he had made lots of money in Montana and now resides in Portage City, Wis. Capt. Black. - '" Where were you on the night of May 4, 1886?" - Witness. - " From 9 o'clock until the fight was over I was on the Haymarket; I stood in the middle of the street, a little north of the wagon."

" Have you been in the habit of attending meetings in the street?" - "No; but since I have been here seeing the sights I would stop at anything."

Here the witness got up a horrible grimace which would have scared a nervous child into fits, and the audience leaned back and giggled. The Court read the spectators a lecture on the impropriety of their merriment, and threatened to clear everybody who cackled in the future.

" Before the police came, did you see anything disorderly?" - " It was, as I know, peaceable, like a Fourth of July." There was another contortion of the face of Mr. Schultz, and the audience indulged in a little snicker, with an eye on the Judge.

know the run of his talk ; I kept it in my mind. He says, ' I didn't want to come here. Then they called me a coward, and I didn't like to be called a coward, and that is the reason I came.' A few words after that he says: ' They are only 500 yards from here. Maybe by to-morrow morning I will have to die.' I kept that on my mind. I left the meeting when the black cloud came up, and when the bomb exploded I was on Lake street. After the bomb exploded I looked around the corner, and I saw everything dark, and I thought the bomb must have blowed out the lights." [Laughter.]

" What else did you see ?" - " I see the policemen and they were all around. They had the ground. I saw some of the workmen run - they were about two blocks ahead of the police."

" Did you see the police come upon the working men ?" - " They came pretty strong in Lake street, and they had the men in the gutter, and when they raise up they get another club."

Mr. Grinnell - "What is your business?" - "Doing nothing," replied Mr. Schultz, with a grin at the crowd, and the crowd laughed in a guarded way, because they did not wish to be fired out of the entertainment.

" Where is your house in Portage City ?v - " The next house to the courthouse," responded the witness, with a cunning look at the Court, and there was another wild outburst of mirth from the audience. Mr. Schultz narrated a part of his early history, from which it appeared that before he became a millionaire he played the fiddle at dances ; and in answer to a question as to when he began to be a musician, he said : " From nine years old. My father was a musician - it runs in the family."

" The first speaker was Spies, wasn't it?" - " Oh, I can't promise anything," said Mr. Schultz, with a contortion of countenance which brought down the house. Judge Gary looked indignantly around and said : " O ! be quiet !" and the crowd immediately became as demure as a Quaker meeting.

" What did Spies say about the police being so many feet away ?" - " He says they was only five hundred yards from here and he was likely to die before morning. That was about all he said in that run of speech."

Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 43 I.

The expression on Mr. Schultz s face, and the simplicity of the answer, upset the decorum of the spectators and they laughed right out in meetin', regardless of the threatened penalty for such a glaring contempt of court. Judge Gary himself, however, assisted in the hilarity, and was very lenient with the offenders, a fellow-feeling evidently making him wondrous kind. Mr. Schultz a moment afterward had an opportunity to correct the impression that he was in the habit of touring around the streets of Chicago in his bare feet.

" Did you have your boots off when you were washing your feet ?" - " O, no ; I didn't wash my feet ; I only washed the mud off my boots in one of them horse-troughs. v Then Mr. Schultz treated the company to a choice selection of facial contortions, and got down out of the chair with the air of a man who has done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his duty.

Michael Schwab

The defendant, Michael Schwab, was put on the stand Monday, August 9. He testified that he went to the 'Arbeiter Zeitung office on the evening of May 4. A telephone message was received requesting Spies to speak at a meeting near Deering's Harvester works, on Clybourn avenue. The witness said he went to the Haymarket to find Spies, but failed. He did see Rudolph Schnaubelt, his brother-in-law, there. Witness then took a street car and went up Clybourn avenue ; spoke twenty minutes at the meeting ; stepped into a saloon and got a few glasses of beer, and then went to his home, on Florimond street, arriving about 1 1 o'clock P. M.

" Did you see Mr. Spies hand your brother-in-law a package that night in the alley at Crane Bros.', and did you say anything like this : ' If that won't be enough, shall we get another one?' " - " No, sir."

society since its organization. On the night of May 4 he went to the Haymarket on foot and walked through the Washington street tunnel. Balthazar Rau accompanied him as far west as Desplaines street.

August Spies

He is thirty-one years old, and came to this country from Germany in 1872. Spies speaks with a marked accent, but very distinctly. He is cool and collected apparently, and sits back in the witness chair very much at ease.

He has been a member of the Socialistic Publishing Society, and that concern exercised control over the policy of the Ar better Zeitung, of which paper the witness was editor for six years. Spies says he was at a meeting on the "Black road " on May 3. Spies reached the meeting on the "Black road" about 3 o'clock in the afternoon. There was a crowd of perhaps three thousand present. Some men were speaking, but they were very poor speakers, and the crowd was not interested. Balthazar Rau was with him, and introduced him to the chairman of the meeting. It was called for the purpose of discussing the eighthour question. While Spies was there a committee was appointed to wait on the bosses ; then he was introduced, and spoke for possibly twenty minutes. Spies goes on :

" I was almost prostrated. I had been speaking two or three times daily for the past two or three weeks, and was very much worn. I did not jump around and wave my hands as one witness testified here on the stand, and I made a very commonplace, ordinary speech. I told the men to hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed. That was the substance of what I said. While I was speaking some one cried out in an unknown tongue and about two hundred men detached themselves from the crowd and went on to McCormick's. Pretty soon I heard firing, and on inquiring what was the matter was told the men had attacked McCormick's men and that the police were firing on them. I stopped for about five minutes, was elected a member of the committee ; then I went to McCormick's. A lot of cars were standing on the tracks. The men were hiding behind these cars, others were running, while the police were firing on the flying people. The sight of this made my blood boil. At that time I could have done almost anything, I was so excited. A young Irishman came out from behind one business is this ? There are two men over there dead ; the police have killed them.' I asked him how many were killed. He said five or six, and that twenty-five or thirty were injured. I came down town then and wrote the report which appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung the next day."

"What was your state of mind?" - " I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement." Spies is growing excited. Mr. Grinnell objects. The Court says his last answer is not proper and orders it stricken from the record.

" When did you learn there was to be a meeting ?" - " About 8 o'clock that morning. I was advised there was to be a meeting and was asked to address it."

" Did you see a circular that day, calling for a meeting at the Haymarket ?" - " Yes. It was the circular containing the line : 1 Working men, arm yourselves and appear in full force.' When I read that line I said : 'If this is the meeting I am to address I will not speak.' He asked why. I said on account of that line. He said the circulars had not been distributed, and I said : ' If the line is taken out I will go.' Fischer was sent for and he told the men to have that line taken out."

"After you got them together, what did you do ?" - " Some one suggested we had better move the wagon around on Randolph street, but I said that might impede the street cars. Then I asked where was Parsons. I was not on the committee of arrangements and had nothing to do with the meeting except to speak. One Schroder said Parsons was speaking then at the corner of Halsted and Randolph streets, and I went up to find him with my brother Henry and Schnaubelt."

"Just answer the question," cries Mr. Ingham. - "Well, I did not go to the alley. I did not even know there was an alley there." The witness denies the conversation Mr. Thompson alleges he overheard Spies engage in with Schwab. He says Schnaubelt cannot speak any English - that he has only been about two years in the country.

" Did you walk with Schwab on the east side of Desplaines street, about twelve feet south of the alley that evening?" - " I did not. I was not anywhere near that alley with any man."

" You remember what the witness Thompson said, that he saw you walk with Schnaubelt east on Randolph street ; that he saw you hand him something ; that you then returned to the meeting together. Is that true?" - " It is not. That man told a different story before the coroner's jury."

This last answer is ordered stricken out, and Spies is told to say nothing but in answer to questions. Spies is asked to tell what he said at the meeting. It was a short synopsis of the existing state of the labor world. First, he said that the meeting was to be a peaceable one ; that it was not called for the purpose of creatine^ trouble. Attention was directed to the strike at East

St. Louis, where those who were active in the riots there were not Socialists nor Anarchists, but church-going- people, and honest, sincere Christians. It was admitted by students that society was retrograding ; the masses were being degraded under the excessive work they had to carry on. For twenty years the working men asked in vain for two hours less work a day, and that finally they resolved to take the matter in their own hands and help themselves. "About this time I saw Parsons, then I broke off. I was not in a state to make a speech. I was tired. I introduced Parsons, and he proceeded to address the meeting."

" You spoke in English ? " - " Yes. I made no speech in German that night. I was asked to do so, but was too tired. I introduced Fielden and he made a brief speech, then we intended to go home."

" What did Parsons say in his speech ?" - " Parsons made a pretty good speech. He said of the dollar earned by the working men they got only fifteen cents, while the pharisaical class got eighty-five cents, and that the eight-hour movement was a still-hunt for that eighty-five cents."

'' At that time what was the size of the meeting ? " - " It was as good as adjourned. About two-thirds of those present went, some going to Zephf's hall when the black cloud came up.''

" What did you hear when the command to disperse was odven ? " - " I was standing in the middle of the wa^on, back of Fielden. I heard Captain Ward say : ' I command you, in the name of the people of Illinois, to disperse.' Captain Ward had a cane or club in his hand. Fielden said to him : ' Captain, this is a peaceable meeting.' I started to get down out of the wagon. My brother Henry and one Legner helped me down. I was indignant at the thought that the police had come to disperse the meeting, as it was a quiet one. Just as soon as I reached the ground I heard a loud detonation. I thought the police had a cannon to frighten the people. I did not dream for a moment of a bomb, and I did not even then think the police

" Did you at any time that night get down from the wagon and go into an alley and light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph Schnaubelt?" - " I never did."

" Well, go on and tell us about it." - " He was introduced to me by Joe Gruenhut. He said he wanted to get some data wherewith to prepare an article on Anarchism, Socialism and dynamite, and all that. I happened to have four shells in my office. I had them for about three years. A man on his way to New Zealand gave me two bombs ; another man some time after called at my office with two bombs, and wanted to know if their construction was proper. That's how I came to possess them. He wanted one to show to Mr. Stone. I let him take it. We went to dinner at a restaurant, and we conversed about society, its present state, and the trouble that was likely to ensue. We spoke about street warfare, as all this was contained in the papers every day. There was constant talk that so many wild-eyed Socialists were arriving every day, and I told him it was an open secret that there were 3,000 armed Socialists in Chicago, and we spoke about revolutions, and I said that in past ages gunpowder had come to the assistance of the downtrodden masses, and that dynamite was a child of the same parent, and was a great leveler."

"Do you remember the toothpick illustration ?" - "Yes. I remember that, and also recall speaking of the Washington street tunnel, saying how easy comparatively few men could hold that tunnel against a body of soldiers, but nothing was said about Chicago, nor was anytime fixed for the revolution."

"How did you come to do that ?" - "The night before at 1 1 o'clock I received a letter as follows : Mr. Editor : Please insert in to-day's letter-box the word 'Ruhe' in prominent letters."

"When did you next hear of it?" - "The next afternoon Balthazar Rau asked me if the word was in the paper. I said : 'Yes.' He asked me if I knew the meaning. I said: 'No.' Then he said : 'The armed section had a meeting last night and adopted the word "Ruhe" as a signal to keep their powder dry and be in readiness in case the police precipitated a riot' I asked if that had anything to do with the meeting I was to address at the Haymarket, and he said : 'Oh, no ; that's something the boys got up themselves.' I said it was very foolish, that it was not rational, and asked if there was no way in which it could be undone. I sent for Fischer and asked if there was any way it could be undone. Rau then went to see the people of the armed section and told them the word was put in by mistake."

"Did you ever have dynamite and a fuse in your desk?" - "Yes, I had two packages of giant powder and some fuse in my desk for two years. I had them chiefly to show to reporters, they bothered me a good deal. They always wanted some sensation. Then, too, I wanted the dynamite to study it ; I had read a good deal about explosives."

"Do you know anything about a revolver that was found in the Arbetter Zeitung office ?" - "No. I do not. I carried a revolver myself, but it was a good one."

"Tell us how." - "Well, an officer - James Bonfield, I think - came to my office and asked for Schwab. He said Chief Ebersold would like to see him. Schwab asked me if he should go. I said yes, he might. Then the officer turned to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he said Superintendent Ebersold would like to see me about that affair of last night. I went over there, unsuspectingly. I was never so treated before in all my life."

tion Superintendent Ebersold started at me. He said: 'You dirty- Dutch dog ; you hound ; you whelp - you, we will strangle you! We will kill you ! ' " Then they jumped on us, tore us apart from each other. I never said anything. Then they searched us, took our money, even our handkerchiefs, and would not return them to us. I was put in a cell, and have not had my liberty since."

Mr. Ingham cross-examined the witness. Spies says he came to this country when seventeen years old, and that he has lived in Chicago some thirteen years. The Arbeiter Zeitung was controlled by what Spies termed an "autonomous editorial arrangement;'' that is, the powers of the several editors were coordinate, but the general policy of the paper was under the supervision of the board of trustees.

" How many bombs did you have in the Arbeiter Zeitung office?" - "Four, I think. Two I got from a man named Schwab. I forget now. He was a shoemaker. He went to New Zealand."

"How did this man come to give you those bombs ? " - " He came to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he asked me if I had seen any of the bombs they were making. I said no. Then he left them with me."

"And when did you get these czar bombs ? " - " I never got them. That is an invention of that reporter. A man came there while I was at dinner and left them there. He left the bombs with the bookkeeper. I never saw him before or after."

Mr. Ingham introduced a letter and a postal card found in Spies' desk, the reading of which, as translated by Mr. Gauss, created a great sensation. Spies acknowledged the writing as addressed to him by Johann Most, the noted Anarchist :

" Dear Spies : - Are you sure that the letter from the Hocking Valley was not written by a detective ? In the week I will go to Pittsburgh, and I have an inclination also to go to the Hocking Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter. There Sch. and H. also existed but on paper. I told you this some months ago. On the other hand, I am able to furnish "medicine" and the "genuine" article at that. Directions for use are perhaps not needed with these people. Moreover, they were recently published in the " Fr." The appliances I can also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thoroughly reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds. But how? Is there an express line to the place? Or is there another way possible ? Polus the great seems to delight in hopping about in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z., like a blown-up (bloated) frog. His tirades excite general detestation. He has made himself immensely ridiculous. The main thing is only that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotten elements into the newspaper company than are already in it. In this regard the caution is important. The organization here is no better nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the strength of the North side group in Chicago, and then, besides this, we have also the soc. rev. 6,the Austrian and Bohemian leagues - three more groups. Finally, it is easily seen that our influence with the trade organizations is steadily growing. We insert our meetings only in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse attended than at the time when we yet threw the weekly $1.50 and $2 into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget putting yourself into communication with Drury in reference to the English organ. He will surely work with you much and well. Such a paper is more necessary than the Tooth. This, indeed, is getting more miserable and confused from issue to issue, and in general is whistling from the last hole. Inclosed is a fly-leaf which recently appeared at Emden, and is, perhaps, adapted for reprint. Greetings to Schwab, Rau, and to you. Your

" Dear Spies : - I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday when the telegraph brought news from H. M. One does not know whether to rejoice over that or not. The advance in itself is elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local, and therefore may not have the result. At any rate, these people made a better impression than the foolish voters on this and the other side of the ocean. Greeting and a hail. Your

W. A. S. Graham, a reporter for The Times, testified that he talked with the witness for the prosecution, Harry Gilmer, on the afternoon of May 5, and that Gilmer said the man who threw the bomb lit the fuse himself. Said the witness: "He said he saw the man light the fuse and throw the bomb, and that he could identify him again if he saw him. He said the man was of medium size and had a soft hat and whiskers. He said the man's back was turned to him."

At this stage the defense rested, and evidence in rebuttal was introduced. Justice Daniel Scully testified that in the preliminary examination of one Frank Steuner, charged with shooting from the wagon at the Haymarket, Officers Foley and Wessler did not testify that it was Steuner who fired on the police.

John B. Ryan, an attorney who defended Steuner before Justice Scully, testified that Steuner said at the time that the man who did the shooting was a short, heavy-set man with full whiskers.

United States District Attorney R. S. Tuthill, Charles B. Dibble, an attorney, Judge Chester C. Cole, of Des Moines, Iowa, E. R. Mason, Clerk of the United States District Court at Des Moines, George Crist, Ex-City Marshal of Des Moines, and Ex-Governor Samuel Merrill of Iowa, all testified to the good character of the witness Gilmer. They would believe him under oath. Governor Merrill had known Gilmer since 1872, and had given him employment.

As the great trial drew toward its close popular interest in the proceedings increased. The Criminal Court building was crowded with people daily long before the hour for opening court arrived, and many times the number who gained admission were turned away. On the day of the closing argument by the prosecution, and while the jury were deliberating over their verdict, extra precautions were taken to protect the administrators of the law. A cordon of police and deputy sheriffs surrounded the building, and no one was allowed to enter who could not be properly identified.

Mr. Walker For The Prosecution

" We stand in the temple of justice to exercise the law, where all men stand equal. No matter what may have been the deep turpitude of the crime, no matter what may have been the design, though it aim even at the overthrow of the law itself, no man ought to be convicted of the crime charged until proven guilty beyond all reasonable doubt. These men were presumed innocent at the outset until the proof presented by the State established their guilt. The defendants were charged with murder. Murder was defined to be the unlawful killing of a person in the peace of the people. An accessory was he who stands by and aids or abets or advises the deed, or who, not standing by, aids or abets or advises the deed, and such persons are to be considered as principals and punished. Whether the principals are punished or not, they are equally as guilty as the principals. When a number of persons conspire together to do a certain act, and when, in furtherance of this design, some one is killed, all those in the conspiracy are guilty of murder before the fact. The defendants' counsel have told you these men conspired to precipitate the social revolution, and though that conspiracy cost Matthias J. Degan his life, yet you are told these defendants are guilty only of murder. Was Luther Payne or Mrs. Surratt held guilty when in the execution of a conspiracy President Lincoln was killed ? Neither Payne nor Surratt committed the deed, yet they were held guilty. There was a conspiracy ; it was designed to bring about another revolution. Booth killed President Lincoln, but all who participated in the conspiracy had to forfeit their lives.

"If a body of men, inflamed with resentment, proceed to pull down a building, or to remove an objectionable obstruction and death to some one ensues, each one of these men is individually responsible for the killing. Nobody knew this better than August Spies, the author of the 'Revenge' circular. Suppose that a body of men undertake to pull down a building; there is a common design to demolish that building, and a stone is thrown, not at any individual but at the building, and some one is struck by this stone and killed, all of those engaged in the execution of that common design are responsible for the killing of this one person. When there is an intent grievously to hurt and death is occasioned, then the offense is murder. Was this man [pointing to Fischer] in this conspiracy for murder? This man with his revolver a foot long and his file dagger with a groove ? What is this groove for ? It is for prussic acid. Was this man in the conspiracy ?"

Mr. Walker then reads a passage from Most's "Revolutionary Warfare" telling how prussic acid can be applied to grooved daggers, making them the more deadly. "This is the test : Was the bomb thrown in furtherance of the common design? If it was it makes no difference whether it was thrown by one of these conspirators here or not. Nobody had been advocating the use of dynamite but Socialists. Was there anybody who would throw a bomb except a Socialist ? We have proved that Lingg made the bomb in furtherance of the common design. 'You have done this, Louis Lingg,' said Huebner, and Lingg went away and complained that he was blamed for doing the good work."

Mr. Walker reiterates that every one of the 3,000 men said by Spies to have participated in the conspiracy were equally guilty of the murder of Officer Degan. All the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were included in this charge. He points out the fact that nearly all of the witnesses for the defense are members of Anarchist bodies ; that their sympathies are with the prisoners and that it has been abundantly shown by their crossexamination that they would not hesitate to pervert the truth in order to shield their confederates from the consequences of their acts.

Mr. Zeisler For The Defense

Mr. Zeisler, of the counsel for the defense, sets to work at once to tear Mr. Walker's address to pieces. He accuses the assistant State's Attorney of distorting the facts in the case-, and attempting to bring about a conviction by working on the prejudices and suspicions of the jury. Mr. Walker impugned the motives and the characters of the defenses' witnesses. Mr. Zeisler continues :

" Who are their principal witnesses? The policemen who were at the Haymarket. And before we get through we will show that these men were not heroes, but knaves, led on by the most cowardly knave who ever held a public position. It has been proved that most of these policemen who went on the stand had been at one time or another members of the detective force, and the Supreme Court tells us that a detective is a liar ! ''

The speaker goes on to attack the other State witnesses. Detectives are taken from the criminal classes. Harry L. Gilmer, he says, is a constitutional liar, and the only witness who has been impeached. Some of the reporters, he acknowledges, tell the truth, and on their statements the defense will partially rely to show the innocence of the prisoners.

" Nobody understands why the police came down to break up the meeting. Detectives have sworn here that after Mr. Parsons suggested that the meeting adjourn to Zephf's hall, and the sky clouded up, the crowd dwindled down to two hundred or three hundred men, and then came this army of 180 policemen, armed with clubs and revolvers, headed by this hero, Bonfield, the savior of his country, to break up this meeting of peaceable and unarmed citizens. Was this courageous, or was it cowardly ? It was an assault in the eyes of the law. The counsel for the State have attempted to make you believe that these disciples of Herr Most took a match and lighted a bomb which Most says should have a fuse not longer than two inches. Doesn't it seem very probable that they would have lighted with a match this fuse, which would burn out in a few seconds, when they could have carried a lighted cigar to do it with ? We have the testimony of a number of witnesses that Spies was not out of the wagon till the trouble began ; and if Mr. Grinnell had had more sense in the prosecution of this case ; if he had not been blinded by malice and prejudice ; if he had not been influenced by the police conspiracy to send these men to the gallows, he would have seen the uselessness of attempting to secure a conviction by such testimony as that of Gilmer."

Mr. Ingham For The Prosecution

Mr. George Ingham addresses the jury for the prosecution. He tells them that there are verdicts which make history, and that theirs will be a history-making verdict. On the night of May 4, at 10 o'clock, Matthias J. Degan marched out of the Desplaines street station, full of life, and was soon afterward struck down by the hands of these defendants, not one of whom he had ever injured. The speaker tells the jury again what "reasonable doubt" means. He says that the grand jury might have indicted 300 men instead of eight, but they saw fit to pick out the eight whom they deemed the leaders of the conspiracy against law and human life. There had been a good deal of talk, he said, about the constitutional right of free speech. The Constitution gave the people the right to meet and petition, but not to advise other people to commit murder. This right was based upon the old English common law, and in England was also found a definition of what constitutes incitement to murder. The case he was going to quote had also had another connection with the present one. It was brought in London in 1881 against Johann Most, who was then publishing his sheet, the Freiheit, in that city. It was shortly after the assassination of the Czar of

Russia. He there advocated the assassination of all the heads of States, from Constantinople to Washington, and was convicted of inciting to murder. Mr. Ingham read the proceedings in the English court, the article upon which he was tried, and Lord Coleridge's decision. Then he said : " It is shown that these defendants - Spies, Parsons, Schwab, and Fischer - were engaged in the publication of articles in which they advised the destruction of the police by force, in which they advised working men to arm themselves with dynamite and be ready whenever the conflict should come to destroy the police force. For the publication of any one of these articles the defendants could have been convicted of a misdemeanor. And when Fielden that night told the people that war had been declared and that they must arm themselves to resist what had never taken place he was guilty of a misdemeanor, and for that reason, if for no other, the police had a right to disperse the meeting. The treatment that Herr Most received in London shows you that the only salvation of a community is to enforce the letter of the law without sentiment, that bloodshed may be avoided. Herr Most was convicted for the publication of that article, and no English policemen have been blown up with dynamite. He came to this country, and the policemen who have been blown up are the American officers right here in this city. If we have not enforced the law it is high time that we enforce it now."

Mr. Ingham then showed that the Haymarket meeting was a trap for the police designed for the purpose of leading them into a dark, dangerous place, the speeches being the bait, artfully increased until the police came to the alley and the bomb could be thrown. " Now who made the bomb ? It is in evidence that Louis Lingg had been making bombs of a certain construction which Spies had said were superior, being of composite metal. It is in evidence that Lingg all the morning of May 4 was away from his house ; that he upbraided Seliger for having made but one bomb. During the afternoon he was busy making bombs, and men came and went and worked at the bombs in his house. There is a story of a man who that day received bombs and dynamite from Lingg, showing that he distributed them." Mr. Ingham read to the jury the chemical analysis of the bombs furnished by Drs. Haines and Delafontaine. What's the answer to all this ? That the bomb was not thrown from the alley, but from thirty-eight feet south of the alley. And if they had satisfied you of that, was it not still thrown by one of the Anarchists - one of the conspirators ? The bomb came from the conspiracy.

"When Sumter was fired on, when the flag was insulted, when the attempt was made to destroy the Government, it was an attempt merely to change the form of government. When the bomb in this war was thrown it was the opening shot of a war which should destroy all government, destroy all law, leave men free to live as they see fit, and leave nothing to guide but the strong arm. I believe for myself that humanity - not merely our people, not merely we of America, but that humanity the wide world over - has no hope or no safety save in the law. Law is the very shield that guards the progress of the race ; it is the palladium of the liberty and lives of all people. Law which does not punish murder breeds death. Jurors who from the merciful instincts of their hearts hesitate to convict the guilty are in reality merciless as the grave, for by their verdict they people graves with the innocent victims of midnight assassination and fill the mind with deeds of blood. Innocent blood from the days of Abel till now cries to Heaven for vengeance ; innocent blood contaminates the ground upon which it falls, and from it spring up dragon's teeth. And now if you believe these men guilty, if you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, as you cannot help but be, that these men were a party to a conspiracy unlawful in its nature, and that from that conspiracy a human life was taken, that they are murderers under that law, see to it that the majesty of the law of the state of Illinois is vindicated, and its penalties enforced. That is the demand upon you this day and this hour, not only of the people of the state of Illinois but of humanity itself ; for humanity, with all its fears, with all its hopes for future years, is hanging breathless on your fate."

Mr. Foster For The Defense

Mr. Foster, who followed for the defense, had not long lived in Chicago. He came in March from Davenport, Iowa, near which city he was born about forty years ago. He is of medium height and square build. His features are refined and intellectual. An abundant growth of rich auburn hair adorns his shapely head. Mr. Foster obtained considerable fame as a lawyer in his native state, took an active part in politics, and was one of the Blaine Electors in 1884, and was very active in the campaign of that year. After having made an energetic and finely-eloquent plea to the jury to cast aside all prejudice arising from hatred of the principles of the Anarchists, love of and loyalty to the land, inherent patriotism, and the teachings of the popu- lar press, Mr. Foster proceeded, in order to set himself right, to tear down without apology the theory of the defense set up by Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler. He had no defense to make for Socialism - it is dangerous ; Communism is pernicious, and Anarchism is damnable. Lingg had manufactured bombs, and he ought to be punished therefor ; but he was on trial for throwing, not manufacturing bombs. Spies, Schwab and Fischer had no business to preach social revolution in America. If they were not satisfied with the state of things here they ought to have gone back to Germany and tried to reform things there. Mr. Fielden might have found occupation in teaching his brother Englishmen to be just to Ireland. Parsons he rebuked in an eloquent passage for his lack of patriotism. Having thus skillfully set himself right with the jurors, Mr. Foster proceeded to define the issue of the trial as he understood it, and as he wished the jury to understand it. He admitted the moral responsibility of some of the prisoners for the crime. He denied their legal responsibility.

" Our law knows no citizenship when a defendant is brought to the bar of justice. Our law is grand enough, our law is broad enough, the principles upon which our Government is founded are such that it matters not whether he be French, German, Irish, Italian, or wherever his birthplace may be. All men are equal before the law. They are all citizens of the United States except Louis Lingg. I believe the testimony shows that he has been in the country two years. I think that Spies said he came here in infancy. I know as a matter of fact that Neebe, born in the state of Pennsylvania, never was a foreigner. Schwab has been in this country long enough to be a citizen. Whether he is or not is entirely immaterial for the purposes of this case. I know that Fielden has been here more than twenty years. I know that Fischer has been in Chicago for the last ten to twelve years, and Engel for fifteen or twenty years. What is the importance of the suggestion that they are foreigners, and Germans, except that it is important to wring from you a verdict grounded upon prejudice. * * * It was an open secret that the defendants were indicted for murder, conspiracy, and riot, but I will only argue the question of conspiracy so far as it relates to the crime of murder. The question of Socialism was of no importance unless it was connected with the murder of Degan, and the defendants were not being tried for any offense but that of conspiracy which resulted in the murder of Degan. The prosecution had been trying to tole the defendants out into the underbrush and assassinate them on immaterial issues ; but the defendants' counsel were too smart to be seduced by the song of the siren. Suppose Spies et. al. did conspire to overthrow society and their conspiracy stopped there, then there was nothing to argue. A verdict rendered upon anything else than a conspiracy directly connected with the outrage perpetrated at the Haymarket, would fall to the ground and amount to nothing." Referring to the popular clamor against the Socialists, Mr. Foster said : ''Outside of you twelve gentlemen, the judge upon the bench, and counsel on either side, there is not a man in Chicago who has a right to say he has an opinion founded upon the facts in this case. If these men are to be tried on general principles for advocating doctrines opposed to our ideas of propriety, there is no use for me to argue the case. Let the Sheriff go and erect the scaffold ; let him bring eight ropes with dangling nooses at the ends ; let him pass them around the necks of these eight men ; and let us stop this farce now if the verdict and conviction is to be upon prejudice and general principles. We boast of our courts of justice, of our equitable law, but if the time has come when men are to be prejudged before the trial and convicted upon general principles, all that is grand, sacred, noble and praiseworthy in our temples of justice will bedestroyed. Considering the experience of us all in relation to this Haymarket tragedy, considering the facts that we know to be true, do you blame me for saying I am afraid of your passions ? I am afraid of your prejudices." Holding up the Czar bomb, Mr. Foster exclaimed in a loud voice : " Hang Spies, and Neebe, and Schwab, and Parsons, and Fielden, and Fischer, and Lingg, and Engel!" Taking up a tin dynamite can he continued : " Among other things, three tin cans were found under a sidewalk in the city. Strangle them to death, in part because these three cans were found! When were they in possession of any of the defendants ? Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. When were they prepared and filled at the house of any of the defendants, or any of their associates ? Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. And yet they are not only introduced in evidence, their contents examined and sworn to, but you are expected to smell them ; you are asked to examine them at the risk of a headache, and they want your noses near to their tops. Why ? Because they were found in the city of Chicago. And that is part of the testimony upon which the lives of these eight men are to be destroyed. But it is all in a lifetime ; it is all part of the grand combination ; it is all in the great conspiracy, because counsel tell us it is. Such evidence was never introduced in any court of justice in the civilized world without objection. It was said Herr Most described such things in his book on 'Revolutionary Warfare.' There is not a word of testimony that any of the defendants ever read that book. But that does not make any difference. They are Socialists - hang them. That does not make any difference. They are Communists - hang them ; they are Anarchists - hang them. I always supposed that the lowest creature that possessed life was entitled to some consideration. I supposed there was not a thing in existence so low, so poor or loathsome, but had some rights, and I do not believe it now, except it be a Socialist, Communist or Anarchist. That puts them beyond the pale of civilization ; it puts them beyond the protection of the law; it convicts them of itself."

Captain W. P. Black For The Defense

" May it please the Court, and Gentlemen of the Jury : On the morning of May 5, 1886, the good people of Chicago were startled at the event which happened at the Haymarket. Fear is the mother of cruelty, and perhaps that will account in some measure for the bitterness with which the State has prosecuted this case. The serious question which confronts us, however, is to what extent, you, gentlemen, in your deliberations, ma}' be influenced by passion or by prejudice. On the night of May 4 a dynamite bomb was thrown at the Haymarket in this city and exploded. It caused widespread havoc and loss of human life. But the moral responsibility for dynamite does not rest upon the Socialists. This explosive was given to the world by science. We might well stand appalled at the dread results this terrible agent is capable of producing. When a man is charged, or sought to be charged, with a crime, as in this case, the people must show who threw the bomb - who did the deed - and must show that these defendants were connected directly with the guilty man."

The speaker said that counsel for the State were wrong when one of them advised the jury that upon them it depended to maintain the law and government, because these defendants plotted against the state. They were revolutionists, it was said, but that was not true. There can be no revolution, though, except when the heart of the people rise to redress some great wrong.

" As to the witnesses for the State, the testimony of two of them, Gilmer and Thompson, who swore to having seen Schnaubelt throw the bomb, was impeached. Gilmer's story was utterly improbable in itself ; the rational mind rejected it. Is it credible ? Mr. Ingham has said Spies was the brainiest man among the Anarchists, and the greatest coward. The witness Gilmer testified that he saw Spies get down from the wagon and go into the alley with Schnaubelt ; saw him strike the light, fire the bomb, and give it to Schnaubelt, who hurled it among the police. Is that credible ? Remember, Spies, a man of brains, of more than average brains ; would he light the match that fired that bomb, and the police almost upon him? Is that credible? It was also said Spies was a great coward. Then, if that were true, would he run the risk of lighting the bomb ? The counter-proof was abundant. A half a dozen reputable citizens standing in the mouth of the alley had testified that they did not see Spies leave the wagon, and that he did not enter the alley before the bomb exploded. This was negative testimony, it was true, but considering the narrow space and how unlikely it was that Spies, whom they all knew, could enter the alley without being seen by the witnesses, it was conclusive. Again, two or three witnesses testified that Schnaubelt went home early in the evening, disappointed because there was no German speaking, and was not at the Haymarket when the explosion took place."

The circumstantial evidence presented by the State, and by which it was sought to enmesh the defendants, was next considered. The case of the state was substantially this : The meeting at the Haymarket May 4 was an incident in the carrying out of an organized scheme. August Spies was there to precipitate a conflict with the police. He put Parsons on the stand, who made a long harangue, but the police did not appear. Then Fielden was put up to speak. The police came, and the act was accomplished. But who called this meeting? Not Spies, not Neebe, not Parsons, not Schwab, nor Engel, nor Lingg, nor Fischer, as an individual act. It was the result of another meeting, held the night before at 54 West Lake street, and about which Spies knew nothing.

"Again, the State wished it to be understood that Spies, in order to get the men ripe for revolt, went out to McCormick's May 3, and forced himself on a meeting there. Then, having worked up his auditors to a pitch of excitement and inflamed them to attack the non-union men, he came down town and wrote the ' Revenge ' circular, calling for the Haymarket meeting. But did he encourage the men at McCormick's to violence? The testimony, and it was not controverted, proved that he counseled peace ; that he told the men to stand firm and to trust to concerted action for the attainment of their ends. The further circumstance proving that no evidence was contemplated that night consisted in this, that when the black cloud came up and rain was threatened, an adjournment was proposed. Fielden had the stand at that time, but he, simple soul, begged a few minutes' delay, saying he had but little more to say, and then in all simplicity went on to say it. All this was in the line going to prove that Spies had no connection with the alleged conspiracy. The circular calling for the Tuesday night meeting referred to a specific object. Do not the circumstances," continued Captain Black, "prove that August Spies was not aware of the meeting held May 3 ? Do they not prove that he could have no share in the design of that meeting, of which the one at the Haymarket, with its result, was an incident in the general conspiracy ? As to the Haymarket meeting, was it not a lawful assemblage ? Who first broke the laws ? That meeting was called by a circular. It was called to denounce a grievance. Perhaps there was no real grievance, but if the projectors of the meeting thought there was they had the right to assemble. The Constitution given us by our forefathers who made the name of revolutionists glorious, gave us that right. That right was incorporated in the fundamental laws of the nation. One clause in the Constitution allows the people to assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss their grievances, another provides that the people have the right to assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss measures for their common good, and to instruct their representatives. I am not here to defend Socialism, nor do I contend that Anarchy has in it the elements of true reform, but I am here to defend these men. They are Socialists. That system centuries ago had the sanction of St. Augustine. John Stuart Mill is one of a great host of philosophers who have subscribed in fealty to Socialism.

"These defendants have the right to discuss the great wrongs of the working people. They have the right to try their remedy. They say that private property is robbery. That may be false. There is not a Catholic organization that is not founded on the idea of common co-operation. It was Plato's dream that the means of existence should be the common property of all. The Anarchist or Socialist was said to believe that every law of man was a bone of contention, intended for the benefit of one class only. The fact that these defendants are Anarchists is not a fact which would justify the jury in taking their lives. These men are not the lazy fellows pictured by the state."

State's Attorney Grinnell closed for the State, and he beo-an his remarks by criticising counsel for the defense for making heroes of the prisoners. The Anarchists were compared to the fathers of our country ; they were pictured as martyrs, as men who sacrificed themselves for the welfare of human kind. If that be so, songs of praise should be sung, and the Anarchists ought to be garlanded with flowers. Captain Black had said that society was discriminating against the poor ; that the struggle for existence was daily becoming harder. That was not true, for civil liberty was never before as widespread as it is at present. Mr. Grinnell said the case had received his entire attention since May 5. Government was on trial. Murder had been committed. It was sought to know who was responsible. For a few days after the Haymarket riot it was not thought it was more farreaching than the results of the inflammatory speech-making. It was not until after the magnificent efforts of Captain Schaack that a conspiracy was developed. Then Schnaubelt was discovered. It was not until after Spies was arrested that it became apparent that a man was capable of the hellish act in which he was concerned. A mistake had been made. It was said the State would show who the bomb-thrower was. This had not been done, owing to the inability of certain witnesses to make good on the stand the statements they had before that made to the officers. These men were not Socialists, but Anarchists, and their creed is no government, no law. Until placed on the stand these men never hedged on that definition. It was sought to be shown that the defendants were barking dogs that would not bite. These men were on trial, law was on trial, Anarchy was on trial for treason. The penalty of treason is death. A man can commit an overt act of treason, and not kill anybody. Is it any the less treason because seven men are killed and sixty wounded ? There is no statute of limitation for threats, when repeated threats resulted in the commission of the deed. For years past, on the Lake front and at the different so-called Socialistic halls in the city, these men had preached the use of dynamite, poison and daggers as a means of effecting the social revolution. The thing should have been stopped long ago. But that was foreign to the case. The men were here now on trial for murder. Their threats had been carried out. It did not matter whether any police officers had overstepped their duty ; the jury had nothing at all to do with that. The accused were on trial for murder.