Chicago City (part 6 of 57)

December 20, 1877, tue Finance Committee reported on the claim of W. W. Boyington and others, architects appointed by Mayor Colvin to examine into the condition of the Custom House. Corporation Counsel Bonfield at the same time submitted an opinion in which a number of court decisions were cited to show that money could not be paid out except for corporate purposes. The Finance Committee reported that while they were satisfied that the city had no power to audit and pay the claim, they were also satisfied that the services of the gentlemen were of great benefit to the government of the United States, and had saved millions of dollars to the government by showing there was no necessity for tearing down the Custom House, and the committee recommended the adoption of a resolution setting forth that in their estimation the commission of architects had a just and proper claim for compensation against the government. Mayor Heath, on February n, 1878, sent a communication to the Council calling attention to a grave emergency arising under the decision of the Supreme Court in a test case, which, with five other similar cases, were appeals perfected from the judgment of the County Court, for state, county, city and other taxes of the city, of the levy of 1875. The appropriation ordinance of the city of Chicago, passed June 30, 1875, upon which the levy ordinance, approved August 10, 1875, levying the taxes for that year, was based, contained the following items : For entertaining official visitors, $2,000; for interest on temporary loans for Board of Public Works' appropriation fund, $40,000; for interest on temporary loans for Fire Department, $25,000; for payment of interest on the general bonded debt of the city, and on temporary loans, in addition to the unexpended balance, April 1, 1875, and to amounts received for interest, $300,000; for interest on temporary loans for Police Department, $25,000; the total levy for interest on temporary loans being $160,000. The majority of the Court held that the items specified were illegal and void. Mayor Heath, in his communication, said that while the amount of taxes directly lost by virtue of this decision was comparatively small, being but $38,918.70 for the years 1873, 1874 and 1875, tne principal effect of the decision was, first, to declare wholly illegal and void as a corporate debt the outstanding certificates issued on appropriations made previous to the fiscal year 1876, and which amounted to $485,513.06; and second, to practically, if not legally, prevent the city from thereafter anticipating the collection of its revenues for the payment of corporate debts, by the issuance and sale of certificates payable out of any particular fund of the annual appropriation bill. The message continued : The $485,513.06 of outstanding certificates declared void by virtue of this decision were wholly drawn upon the tax levy of 1875 and previous years. The outstanding and uncollected taxes of the year 1875 are $760,740; for 1874, $1,345,860; for 1873, $604,857. There can be no reasonable doubt that a sufficient amount of these back taxes will before long be collected to retire these certificates. I take it for granted that the city of Chicago will not repudiate any of these just obligations, the city having received the money from the holders of these certificates in good faith and used it for corporate purposes, and that the levy of the respective years for which they are drawn will and must be applied when collected to the payment thereof. * * * The most serious question for your consideration, however, which this decision forces upon you is that of providing ways and means to carry on the city government hereafter. We must not deceive ourselves as to our attitude to-day before the commercial world ; we are in a legal sense without credit ; we cannot on a purely commercial basis borrow a dollar - at least at rates which we would consider for a moment. * * * The system of carrying on our government by funds procured from the issue and sale of certificates based upon an appropriation and tax levy in advance of the collection of the tax must be abandoned under the present condition of things. * * * You should provide in the annual appropriation bill a sufficient fund in excess of the expenditures, after having reduced them to the lowest possible minimum, which would in the course of two, three or more years leave in the treasury an amount which would, if all the taxes were collected, be used to pay as you contract current obligations, and thus avoid the necessity of anticipating in any form the tax levy of the then current year. If such a course is considered wise under the circumstances, the Council may direct by resolution, in order to provide for contingencies and loss of revenue, that the city expenditures must be confined to 60 or 70 per cent, of the appropriation, and I will see that during my term of office no more than such stipulated percentage is spent.

The Council at this same meeting directed the City Comptroller to furnish at the next regular meeting the names of all tax-fighters who had refused to pay their taxes for the years 1873, 1874 and 1875. This list was duly prepared and submitted. It contained the names of 415 citizens, many of them among the wealthiest property owners in the city. In pursuance of the general line of economy and retrenchment Mayor Heath early in March proposed to issue an order for the reduction of the Fire and Police Departments, and this order led to the calling of a special meeting of the Council, March 14, at which a resolution was adopted directing him to withhold any order tending toward the proposed reduction. March 25 the Council passed an ordinance for the assessment of the taxes for the fiscal year 1878, in which the amount to be raised by the levy was fixed at $3,777,- 757.23, being the sum required to cover the appropriations theretofore legally made.

The meeting of the City Council of April 20, 1878, ushered in the last year of Mayor Heath's term, as well as the close of the term of one-half of the members of the Reform Council which had co-operated with Mayor Heath in his financial policy and measures of economy. Before the roll of the new Council was called, Aid. Cook, who had been selected the previous year to preside over the deliberations of the Council in the absence of the Mayor, addressed the body, making use of the following language :

" Gentlemen of the Council: - One year in the history of our city has passed since we, preferred as the choice of the citizens of the various wards we represent, were inducted into office as legislators to make such laws as might be deemed necessary to guard the interests of the municipality. Whether we have fulfilled the expectations of our constituents in the exercise of our trusts, they have had, and will have, to decide. Whether the result of our deliberations will eventually prove for the best interests of the municipality, our history alone will demonstrate, but I have no doubt each member has done that which in his best judgment he thought at the time was for the best interest of the city."

Whereas, Gen. James Shields, who commanded the Illinois troops in the war with Mexico, and who subsequently represented this State in the Senate of the United States, has arrived in this city, and has been welcomed by the military of Chicago and by the citizens generally ;

Resolved, That the Mayor and City Council extend a hearty greeting to him. on the occasion of his visit to our city, and cordially indorse the enthusiastic reception with which he was greeted on his arrival.

Resolved, That the distinguished patriotic services rendered by the gallant old veteran in two wars; the wounds that he received in various battles while defending the flag and vindicating the honor of the country ; his eminent services in many high positions of public trust ; the untarnished honesty of character and the elevated patriotism which has marked his entire public career, justly entitle him to the respect and the gratitude of the American people.

Resolved, That we heartily indorse the purpose of the bill now pending before the United States Senate, which provides for the restoration of Gen. Shields to the army rolls with the rank of Brigadier-General on the retired list ; and we trust that this measure of justice will pass that body, as it already has the House of Representatives, and will then receive the approval of the President. This act will be a graceful and fitting recognition and reward for the fidelity and valor of the old statesman and soldier whose honorable services, whose many wounds, and whose age and circumstances plead more eloquently than words in his behalf.

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be transmitted to Gen. Shields, and the same be likewise forwarded to the President of the Senate with the request that the same be laid before that body.

Whereas, It has pleased the Almighty, in his wisdom, to remove from our midst John T. Corcoran, a former member of the City Council and a man highly esteemed both as a public officer and a fellow citizen by all who knew him ; therefore, be it

Resolved, That the City Council hereby tenders the bereaved family of the deceased gentleman its deep sympathy in their bereavement and distress, and at the same time expresses its sorrow over the death of a noble-hearted fellow citizen who has been taken away while in the prime of life.

Resolved, That the City Clerk be and he is hereby directed to spread upon the journal of the Council the foregoing preamble and resolutions, and that a copy thereof be furnished to the family of the deceased.

A special meeting of the Council was called for June 6, to take action on the death of Mancel Talcott, and the following resolutions were adopted :

We, the members of the City Council of the city of Chicago, being assembled to express our regret for the death of Mancel Talcott, formerly member of this Council and President of the Board of Police, and to pay a tribute of respect to his memory, do hereby

Resolve, That in the death of Mancel Talcott the city has lost one of its oldest and most valued citizens - a landmark in its history - who, while serving it was most faithful to its interests, and a determined foe to all dishonesty and municipal corruption.

Resolved, That in the deceased we recognize one who has grown up with our city and has stood by it with unflinching integrity, through prosperity and adversity, one who never "gave out an uncertain sound," but who was marked for his individuality, candor, honesty and liberality.

Resolved, That we tender our deepest sympathies to the widow and family of the deceased in their great affliction, and that a copy of these resolutions be sent to them.

June 24 Mayor Heath sent to the Council the names of John A. Farwell for City Comptroller, Joseph F. Bonfield for Corporation Counsel, A. N. Linscott for Prosecuting Attorney, Michael C. Hickey for General Superintendent of Police, Joseph H. Dixon for Deputy Superintendent of Police, Louis Wahl, John C. Haines, and Charles G. Hammond for Inspectors of the House of Correction, Matthias Benner for Fire Marshal, W. H. Heafford for City Collector, L. D. Cleveland for Superintendent of Buildings, F. Bensinger for Sealer of Weights and Measures, Emory Cole for Oil Inspector, Dr. W. P. Dunne for City Physician, John D. Murphy for Inspector of Steam Boilers, Dr. Siebel for Gas Inspector, and James L. Allen, W. J. English, D. A. Kohn, George B. Armstrong, and Thomas Brennan for members of the Board of Education. The names of Messrs. Allen and Kohn were subsequently withdrawn. The other appointments were all confirmed with the exception of M. C. Hickey, John C. Haines and F. Bensinger. The Committee on Police, to whom the appointment of Mr. Hickey was referred, reported recommending that he be confirmed, but the Committee on the Bridewell reported adversely to the confirmation of Mr. Haines. July 8 the Council concurred in the report as to Haines by a vote of 25 ayes to 7 nays, and Hickey was rejected for Superintendent of Police by a vote of 22 to 11. July 15 Mayor Heath sent in the name of V. A. Seavey for General Superintendent of Police, and the appointment was confirmed by the Council July 22, by a vote of 32 to 2. Other appointments made by Mayor Heath during the last year of his administration were E. S. Chesbrough, as Commissioner of Public Works, A. C. Bartlett and James Frake, members of the Board of Education, F.

C. Hotz, O. S. A. Sprague and W. J. Onahan, Directors of the Public Library, Luther L. Mills, Inspector House of Correction, Theodore Karls, Sealer of Weights and Measures, John

D. Murphy, Boiler Inspector. August 12 Mayor Heath announced that he was about to leave the city for a short time and requested the Council to elect one of their number to act as

Mayor pro tern during his absence. The Council proceeded to elect a Mayor pro tern by ballot, and on the second ballot Aid. James H. Gilbert was elected, receiving 19 votes out of a total of 33. August 26 the acting Mayor announced that R. B. Hayes, President of the United States, and His Excellency the Mexican Minister at Washington would visit Chicago September 3 and 5, respectively, and on motion Aid. Pearsons, Cary, Tully, Seaton and Jonas were appointed t© co-operate with the Citizen's Reception Committee. December 30 the Council passed an or. dinance organizing and re-organizing the Department of Public Works as a department of the city government existing since the adoption by the city of the "Act to provide for the Incorporation of Cities and Villages," in force July 1, 1882. Under the provisions of this ordinance E. S. Chesbrough was appointed Commissioner of Public Works, January 13, 1879, his bond being signed by W. H. Bradley, Mark Skinner, E. W. Blatchford and George Armour.

About this date a great hue and cry was raised by the press about "bunko steerers" and it was charged that they openly plied their business of "roping in" unsophisticated people on the public streets. On motion of Aid. Cullerton Mayor Heath appointed a special committee consisting of Aid. Cullerton,. Phelps and Waldo to ascertain if public gaming houses were permitted to run in the city. The bunko men were subsequently thinned out by the police.

Comptroller Farwell in his estimate of expenses for the fiscal year January 1, 1879 to December 31, 1879, made to the Council January 27, 1879, had the following to say in reference to the. city finances :

"In making my estimates for the current year, I have been guided by the amounts expended by the several departments during the past year, with an addition in most cases of 10 per cent., to meet estimated loss in collection. My estimates for 1879 aggregate $3,277,673.36. Deducting therefrom the estimated miscellaneous receipts and cash in the treasury applicable thereto, in all amounting to, say, $400,000, would leave $2,877,- 6^^.2)6. These calculations are made on the assumption that the margins of unexpended appropriations for 1876, 1877, and 1878 yet uncollected will be re-appropriated so far as may be required, and 1 should hope that whatever excess of receipts might be realized from these sources during the present year over and above the unfilled purposes of the original appropriation could be brought forward and used in cash during the next fall and winter, thus saving to that extent the issuing of warrants against the appropriations for 1879. This course pursued for a few years, with strict economy and a rigid adherence to the principle of always keeping a margin of, say, 10 to 15 per cent, within the appropriations, the city would then have practically but little difficulty in meeting its current expenses in cash."

The City Treasurer reported a balance in the Treasury January 1, 1879, of $791,916.58. The expenditures during the preceding year had aggregated $5,967,295.83. The net balance in the Treasury January 31, 1879, as shown by the Comptroller's report, was $886,029.21. March 12, 1879, the Council passed an appropriation bill for the fiscal year January 1, 1879, to December 31, 1879, which contained items aggregating $3,975,597.55, and March 17 Mayor Heath vetoed the bill, on the ground that a number of the items were unnecessary, and that the total appropriations, including cash and miscellaneous receipts, footed up $4,387,597.55. Another bill was adopted by the Council March 18, in which the sum total of the appropriations was $3,- 776,450.79. This amount was inserted in the ordinance for the tax levy. April 4 the Comptroller reported that the amount of money actually in the Treasury at the close of the books February 28, 1879, was $1,061,690.78.

Mayor Heath's final message, read by him in the presence of both the incoming and outgoing Council April 28, 1879, was as follows : "To the Hon., the City Council of the City of Chicago:

"Gentlemen - In pursuance of the duty imposed by the Charter, and being about to retire from the office of Mayor of this city, it is my desire and duty to place before you for the purpose of information and future reference some of the most important of the permanent results accomplished by and during this administration. I was elected Mayor July 12, 1876; on that day the bonded debt of the city was $13,457,000.00; the bonded debt is now $13,043,000.00; reduction $414,000.00; on July 12, 1876, the outstanding illegal certificates of indebtedness were $3,- 01 1,329.63 ; we have paid and taken up of these certificates since that date $2,762,329.63 ; balance now outstanding $249,000.00. At that date (July 12, 1S76) the credit funds of the treasury had been overdrawn to meet deficits in, and drafts upon other funds owing to failures in collections and other causes, about $1,800,- 000.00 ; these overdrafts have since been paid and restored, to the amount of about $900,000.00; leavinga balance still due credit fund of $900,000.00 ; at that date also (July 12, 1876) there were no funds in the treasury to pay the salaries of employes, about five months' pay being due. We have since, by legislation legalized the tax levies for 1873 and 1874, then declared void, and have procured judgments for the delinquent taxes of such years in both the County and Appellate Courts. The legality of these new levies will be finally argued in the Supreme Court in J une next. If the legality of these taxes is sustained in that Court, we are certain to collect within a short time from the taxes of these years upon real estate alone, to wit :

"Cash on deposit with County Treasurer on appeals $45,450.- 89 ; on forfeitures to the state, drawing interest at 10 per cent. $901,000.00 ; on forfeitures from the taxes of 1875, $283,000.00; total good assets and taxes legalized during this administration $1,230,388.33. Deducting from these assets the amount of outstanding certificates to wit, $249,00000, and restoring outstanding overdrafts on the treasury, to wit, $900,000.00, we will have a net balance in the treasury from these sources of $81,388.33. In addition to the above assets we hold tax deeds and certificates of 1871 and 1872, amounting to $116,922.37 ; in forfeitures of 1876 $162,814.99 ; in forfeitures of 1877 $275,196.15 ; total net assets, after paying all outstanding liabilities on illegal certificates and restoring credit funds heretofore overdrawn, $636,3.21.84.

"I do not estimate in the above doubtful assets from delinquent personal property taxes, which will undoubtedly yield some revenue, though the amount cannot well be estimated. The estimated net reserve from the appropriations of 18/8 is about $400,000, of which sum about $ 1 50,000 will be collected during the fiscal year. This reserve is not taken into consideration in the above enumeration of assets nor in the appropriation bill for 1879, but will, as collected, be placed to the credit of appropriate funds of this year, and may be expended and kept as a cash reserve to be added to the reserve for 1879 m 1880. During this administration, also, we have paid off floating obligations against the city for deficiencies under condemnation and other special proceedings held void in 1869-70 and subsequent years, and which amount in all to several hundred thousand dollars. With one or two exceptions, all claims of this character are now adjusted and satisfied. During the past year the powers of the corporation have been so thoroughly settled and defined in the courts that it is not likely that very grave mistakes will hereafter occur through ignorance of the law. For 1873, as appeared on the face of the appropriation bill itself, sixteen per cent, of the levy was illegal ; for 1874, fourteen per cent, was illegal, and for

1875 nine per cent, was held void. After a series of suits, we have procured finally from the Supreme Court decisions affirming the right of the city to anticipate by a proper warrant the collection of current taxes to pay current expenses ; and also the right of the city to refund to the holders of illegal certificates the amount of money advanced by them to the city, and represented by such certificates out of the taxes as collected for the year and fund in and upon which they were drawn. The certificates thus drawn in 1875 and 1876-7 were held to be void ; while those drawn on the levy for 1878 were sustained by the Court as legal drafts upon the treasury. Very important decisions have also been announced settling the law, and procedure governing special proceedings for taking and assessing private property for public use and improvements. The Supreme Court has also sustained the power of the city to levy taxes for school purposes and affirmed the legal existence of that body. The right of the city to license, regulate and control the management of establishments within or near the corporate limits of the city engaged in rendering, fertilizing, etc., has also been fully sustained. It has also been decided in our own and the Federal Supreme Court that the city is not liable to adjacent property owners for damages by reason of building the Washington and LaSalle street tunnels nor to riparian owners claiming to be specially injured thereby ; but it is claimed the present constitution has again unsettled the law governing questions of this nature, and that the city is now liable for injuries to property abutting upon viaducts and tunnels ordered and built since August 1870. The Department of the Interior at Washington, before which the title of the city to all the land between Randolph street and Park Row and east of Michigan Avenue, including also Dearborn Park, was litigated by parties locating Valentine Scrip thereon, has finally, after a protracted contest, rejected all the locations and confirms the title in the city. The improved financial condition of the city enabled us, during the last year, to commence the building of the City Hall, which work, though somewhat delayed by adverse litigation, has progressed rapidly, the second story above the foundation being now nearly completed."

The message closed with citations of reductions which had been made in the expenses of the principal departments. The Council adopted resolutions thanking Mayor Heath and City Clerk Caspar Butz for their able and efficient services.

abled in my administration to do anything for the good of the city, it has been because I have had the co-operation of the Council. If I could, I would like to have a resolution passed thanking the Council for its hearty support of my administration. I thank you, gentlemen, and will now announce the induction of the new members. The Clerk will call the roll."

Monroe Heath was born in a little New Hampshire town in 1828. He came West in 1847, remained a few months, and then returned to New England. In 1849 ne joined the exodus to the gold mines of California, and early in the fifties he came to Chicago, where he embarked in his present business, being the senior member and head of the extensive house of Heath & Milligan, dealers in paints, oils, etc. Mr. Heath enjoys a well-earned and enviable reputation as a substantial businessman. He was elected alderman of the Twelfth Ward in 1871 and re-elected in 1873, and has held many positions of honor and trust. At the date of this writing he resides at Arlington Heights, and while still an active business man, he has taken no active part in politics since the conclusion of his term as Mayor.

Chapter Ix

OF CONKLING NOMINATING GRANT - GARFIELD'S NOMINATION OF SHERMAN - THE BALLOTING - WASHBURNE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT - THE NATIONAL AND STATE CAMPAIGNS.

There were three full city tickets in the field at the municipal election of 1879, and the campaign was a memorable one in the annals of the city. The Republicans were squarely defeated by the Democrats, whose ticket was headed by a man who rallied and united their scattered forces, and who maintained party cohesion locally for eight years, being himself elected Mayor four times in succession, - a record unprecedented by the most popular of his predecessors, and who by reason of his marked individuality, great executive ability and political acumen speedily became and has remained the best-known Mayor in the United States. An important feature of the campaign was that it developed the full strength of the Socialist element in Chicago politics, the culmination of its power being also the signal of its decline. Prior to the holding of the Republican city convention there was considerable dissatisfaction existing among the adherents of that party, one faction favoring the re-nomination of Monroe Heath and another demanding the nomination of a new leader in the person of Abner M. Wright. The latter received the nomination, Mr. Heath declining to allow his friends to use his name. At this time the Greenbackers and the Anti-Monopolists had entered into a fusion with the view of placing a city ticket in nomination, and in a convention held at Greenebaum's hall late in March they nominated Carter H. Harrison for Mayor. The Democrats met in convention and Carter H. Harrison being satisfactory as a candidate they nominated him also, thereby ratifying his nomination by the Greenebaum's hall convention. The Socialists, through their ward organizations, sent delegates to a convention, in which also was represented a small labor faction that was dissatisfied with Mr. Harrison's nomination by the

Greenebaum hall party, and this convention placed in nomination as the Socialist candidate for Mayor, Dr. Ernst Schmidt, a former Republican. While Socialism had spread through many of the wards and had a large foreign-born following in the fall of 1878, when Sylvester Artley was elected to the State Senate and Leo Meilbeck and Christian Meyer to the lower House, and John McAuliffe in the then First Congressional district, and George A. Schilling and John Sebolski in the Second, with other candidates, had polled several thousand votes, it was not until the spring of 1879 that the Socialist party could be considered fully organized. Carter H. Harrison had been a County Commissioner, and had twice been elected to Congress from the then Second district as a Democrat, and therefore at this time had some experience in campaigning. He went vigorously into the contest and by his superior qualities on the stump, and a spirited and aggressive campaign, he made great headway among the voters, and in the election achieved a splendid majority. The election took place Tuesday, April 1, and resulted as follows :

Socialist Ticket

The total number of votes cast in the election, including 321 scattering, was for Mayor, 58,331 ; Treasurer, 58,033 ; Attorney, 58,269 ; Clerk, 57,767. Eighteen Aldermen were elected, the votes for the various candidates being as follows : First Ward, Arthur Dixon, Rep., 1,697; J.Ward Ellis, Dem., 722; N. H. Jorgensen, Socialist, 115; Second Ward, Addison Ballard, Rep., 1,296; Samuel Engel, Dem., 1,130; George A. Schilling, Socialist, 222 ; Third Ward, John M. Clark, Rep., 1,428; A. F. Seeberger, Dem., 730; H. L. Hull, Ind., 124; Fourth

At the installation of the new Council, April 28, 1879, tne first business was the approval of the official bonds of the officers elect. Mayor Harrison's bond, in the sum of $10,000, was signed by John C. Richberg, Caroline D. Harrison and Murray F. Tuley ; City Treasurer Seipp's bond, in the sum of $4,500,000, by Conrad Seipp, Peter Schoenhofen, Berthold Loewenthal, Frederick Mahla, George Schneider, Louis A. Huck, William Metzger, John Buehler^ Peter Schuttler, Peter Wolf, and H. J. Christoph ; City Attorney Grinnell's bond in the sum of $5,000, signed by Horace A. Hurlbut and William M. Hoyt ; City Clerk Howard's bond in the sum of $5,000, signed by Harvey T. Weeks and M. J. Corboy. The inaugural address of Mayor Harrison to the Council was as follows :

"Gentlemen of the Common Council: - The welfare of nearly 500,000 people depends, to a large extent, upon the manner in which you may, during the next twelve months, discharge your official duties. A city sprung into existence within your own memory, but already the third in America in population, and in commercial importance ranking among the ten leading cities of the world, will have its growth and progress more or less advanced or retarded by your action. Its citizens have, within the past eight years, struggled under difficulties sufficient to paralyze any other people. Those difficulties with them have only called forth unexampled energies. They know not how to despair. To manage the affairs of such a community is worthy of a proud ambition, and should beget in its representatives a sense of deep and earnest responsibility. Rising from the ashes of two conflagrations unequaled in the past, Chicago and her people, burdened by an enormous debt, were at once confronted by a financial revulsion, which has disturbed the social foundations of nations. Labor has struggled for bread, and has often been forced to go without sufficient food. Real estate, the foundation of wealth, which furnishes four-fifths of the city's revenues, has been laid under a heavy load of taxation. Rents being low, and sales practically impossible, land has been unable to meet its obligations. Taxation locks up money in the hands of the money dealer, where it escapes the eye of the collector, thus forcing legitimate enterprise to bear an unequal burden. This stifles energy, deters investment, and will, unless checked, dry up the sources of revenue. Chicago expects you to give her relief. She will forgive honest mistakes, but she demands of you worthy and earnest diligence. On me, gentlemen, devolves the duty and responsibility of carrying out your will, and of enforcing the laws. I accept the responsibilities with diffidence, and shall endeavor to perform the duty with an eye single to the good of the public. I have but one policy to declare. That is, to protect the lives, the property and health of the city at all times and in every emergency, and to do it in an honest and economical manner. I recognize but one science in finance. That is, to collect the revenues and live within them. Debts can be wiped out in but one way, by payment. Surplus can be acquired only by saving. Saving can be made only by. honest expenditures for wise and legitimate purposes, and by preventing all leakage. The bonded debt of Chicago amounts to about $13,000,000. If you will aid me, gentlemen, in an economical administration of affairs, I believe it will be possible to fund a part of this debt so as to save from one to two per cent, per annum. The people will cheerfully submit to many temporary inconveniences for so permanent a relief. Life and property in cities are protected by the police. A corrupt police is a gnawing cancer. The citizen lying down at night should not only be protected, but should feel secure. Apprehension of a fancied danger is as disgusting as that of a real one. I shall endeavor, as far as may be possible in my short term, to make the police department brave, honest and efficient. It will be my aim to have the star worn by none but proper men. "Ours is a cosmopolitan people, aggregated from many nationalities within a little more than one generation of man. Each of the several elements has its own ideas of social and religious life, its own civilization. They have one bond of union, devotion to republican institutions, and energy in pursuit of fortune. Each should study to accommodate itself as much as possible to the social life and prejudices of each of the others, and of the whole. For any one to attempt to make a Procrustean bed, to which the others should be forced to fit, would be both ungenerous and unwise. Time alone can make them all homogeneous. I can not hope to satisfy all. I shall endeavor, however, to irritate none unnecessarily, but shall try to so execute the laws and ordinances as to do the greatest good to the greatest number, avoiding doing an injury to any rightly acting man. A good sanitary condition is indispensable to the prosperity of the city. But sweet scents may not be its necessary concomitant ; nor is the converse necessarily true. Too many are alarmed at an unpleasant but innocuous odor, and inhale with pleasure a sweet perfume laden with disease. I shall endeavor to foster healthfulness, and yet not destroy our great commercial interests. Cleanliness is indispensable to health, but the people should remember that Chicago has no money in her treasury, is forbidden to borrow, and is forced to live on revenues not collectable for nearly a year. She will perform wonders, but impossibilities must not be expected. The constitution of the land guarantees to all citizens the right to peaceably assemble to petition for redress of grievances. This carries the right to free discussion. It also guarantees to the people the right to keep and bear arms. But it does not give to any one the right to use arms to threaten or to resist lawful authority. The genius of our institutions rests on law. To it and its officers, all good citizens should appeal for protection. I will protect all in their lawful rights. Some persons fear an organized resistance to authority in Chicago. I do not. I do not believe that there is in our midst any consid- erable body of men mad enough to attempt such folly. For they must know they would be but as chaff compared to the solid masses who love our institutions, and are determined that law and order shall reign. If, however, there be any so ignorant as to think differently, or so rash as to attempt violence, they will quickly find that they have made a fatal blunder. Our honest citizens and brave police can, and will, protect the city. Gentlemen, in sending to you names for confirmation for positions, I shall be guided first and above all by the interests of the city, secondarily by the interest of true Democracy. I have been chosen to fill this chair by a great political party. But its 25,685 voters expect and demand that I be the Mayor of the whole people."

During the first year of his administration Mayor Harrison made the following important appointments, all of which were confirmed : - Francis Adams, Corporation Counsel ; Simon O'Donnell, General Superintendent of Police ; D. J. Swenie, Fire Marshal ; Charles S. Cameron. Prosecuting Attorney ; W. P. Dunne, City Physician; T. T. Gurney, City Comptroller; Alexander Kirkland, Superintendent of Buildings ; W. J. Onahan, City Collector ; Charles S. Waller, Commissioner of Public Works ; William Curren, M. A. Delaney, J. C. Richberg, P. O. Stensland and I. N. Stiles, Members of the Board of Education ; R. H. Forrester, Berthold Loewenthal, A. B. Mason, Harry Rubens and D. L. Shorey, Directors of the Public Library ; Luther L. Mills, Inspector of the House of Correction ; Logan D. Wallace, Police Magistrate South Division ; W. J. Clingen, Clerk, Jeremiah Flynn, Bailiff; David Walsh, Police Magistrate West Division, John Blom, Clerk ; William Meyer, Clerk, vice John Blom, resigned ; William Whalen, Bailiff; S. D. Baldwin, Gas Inspector; Walter Macdonald, Sealer of Weights and Measures; Mathias Franzen, Oil Inspector.

May 19 majority and minority reports from the Committee on Licenses in reference to the question of closing saloons on Sunday were received. The majority report opposed any interference on the part of the Council with the "personal liberties" of citizens, and instanced the furore created by similar attempts under the Mason and Medill administrations. This report was signed by Aids. Ryan, Niesen, Eizner, and Lodding. The minority report, signed by Aid. Cullerton, advised the passage of an ordinance framed to enforce the state law and close all saloons on Sunday. On motion of Aid. Stauber, the latter report was laid on the table and on motion of Aid. Meier the majority re- port was adopted. June 9 Mayor Harrison sent a communication to Fire Marshal Benner calling attention to the fact that the Legislature had passed a law restricting the issue of warrants or scrip to 75 per cent, of the tax levy ; showing how this would reduce the city's revenue and requesting him to reduce the expenses of his department correspondingly. Mr. Benner maintained that he had no power to force his men to agree to a reduction and that it must be voluntary on their part, and in this view he was sustained by the Corporation Counsel, who in an opinion rendered to the Mayor, declared that unless the firemen voluntarily consented to a reduction in salaries, salaries could only be reduced by discharging the men and employing others in their stead at lower salaries ; and it was shown that the Mayor could not discharge the men, and that they could only be discharged by the Fire Marshal by and with the concurrence of the First and Second Assistant Marshals. Fire Marshal Benner accordingly issued an order to chiefs of battalions directing them to ascertain how many of the men were willing to serve during the succeeding six months of the year at a reduction of 5 per cent, from their salaries as appropriated. Out of the 352 men belonging to the force but three were willing to accept the reduction ; 344 were opposed to it, and five were absent on sick leave. Mayor Harrison took offence at the attitude and action of Chief Benner, and demanded his resignation. Benner replied that he would consider the matter. Mayor Harrison thereupon peremptorily discharged him and appointed D. J. Swenie as chief of the department. Several meetings of citizens were held and protests were entered against the removal of Benner, both by these meetings and also by the Board of Underwriters. July 12 the Council by a vote of 28 to 6 disapproved of the action of the Mayor in removing Benner. At the next meeting of the Council, July 14, Benner's official bond as Fire Marshal, in the penal sum of $25,000, signed by L. Z. Leiter, M. W. Powell, James A. Kirk and Louis Haas, was approved by the Council by a vote of 27 to 4.

July 21 Comptroller Gurney made his first report to the Council of the money actually in the treasury May 31, 1879. The statement in brief was as follows :

Warrants of former years redeemed by Treasurer in June, 1879, $118,141.34. Amount of warrants outstanding June 30, 1879, payable on demand, $10,532.74.

July 21 the Council granted the Knights Templar permission to erect a temporary building on the lake front for the meeting of the Grand Encampment of the United States, and pitch tents for the use and comfort of Templar guests during the great Triennial Conclave in August, 1880. August 4 the Mayor called the attention of the Council to the fact that the various water pumping engines were insufficient to supply the city in case of emergency. While the demand was but 68,000,000 gallons per diem and the nominal capacity of the engines 104,500,000 gallons, if one engine were stopped for repairs, the head was not sufficient to supply high buildings and remote sections of the city, and complaints were frequent. He recommended the purchase of two new pumping engines and the building of pumping works on the West side. August 25 a special election for Alderman of the First ward to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Aid. M. F. Tuley was called for September 24. The candidates in this election were Dr. Swayne Wickersham, Dem., David J. Lyon, Rep., and George Gaide, Ind. The vote was, Wickersham 684, Lyon, 367, Gaide 30. Aid. Wickersham was duly installed September 29. October 27 the Council accepted an invitation to attend the reception to Gen. U. S. Grant, upon his return from his tour around the world. This reception occurred in November and took the form of a popular demonstration. It was the greatest ovation ever paid any American citizen and was entered into by the people of all classes, without reference to political affiliations. The festivities extended over several days and included a grand procession, representing the military, civic societies and the trades ; a banquet at the Palmer house, at which speeches were made by many famous orators, and a re-union of the Army of the Potomac. Not less than 150,- 000 strangers visited the city and the monster procession wended its way through a throng of not less than half a million people, who waited patiently along the line of march from noon until 5 o'clock in the evening, the procession occupying nearly five hours in passing a given point.

Western Indiana Railroad the right of way on Stewart Avenue, over which a celebrated contest and* resort by the propertyowners to force to protect their rights, arose. After referring to the rights conferred, the message continued :

"This company may, therefore, at first acquire only the west tier of lots, or the west twenty- five feet. This would be sufficient for a double-track road. The owners of the remaining three tiers of lots, for over one mile, would be left between the upper and nether millstone, and would be forced to sell their lots at such prices as the company would choose to offer, or to seek redress through tedious and expensive litigation. These owners are generally poor people, and illy able to bear the expense and delay necessarily attending lawsuits. The ordinance should have made it a condition precedent that the company should acquire the entire one hundred feet. * * * The corporators of this road are few, and I am informed, have no great available responsibility, and are but the straw representatives of far more powerful persons, who will reap the rich harvest this ordinance will offer, and yet escape the responsibilities and liabilities it will entail. The road and its present and prospective property are burdened by a mortgage fully covering its value. When it pushes to Van Buren street, and has damaged a thousand property owners to a million of dollars, where will they look for redress? They will vainly appeal to a soulless corporation ; they will sue, and after heartsickness and expense, they will obtain judgment, and find executions worthless. There will be but one consolation left, and that we will hear ; that only consolation will be in curses - loud, deep, and long - upon the city government which handed them over bound hand and foot to the tender mercies of their destroyers."

The great damage that would result to property interests was dwelt upon and the evils of stoppage of traffic and resultant expense and loss of time to citizens were enumerated, and the history of various other railroads entering the city was gone into, and it was recommended that measures be taken to require all roads to concentrate their tracks and enter at Union depots. The Council, notwithstanding this able and public-spirited message, passed the obnoxious ordinance over the Mayor's veto. December 8 Mayor Harrison sent to the Council a communication setting forth the difficulties encountered by the police in enforcing the 12 o'clock, midnight, saloon-closing ordinance, and recommending in the interest of upward of 3,000 working men employed at night in the business district that saloons be allowed, upon payment of $104, in addition to the regular license fee, to remain open all nigh*. A communication was also sent in by the Mayor embodying official records of the police department and conclusively proving that there had been no increase in crime and lawlessness, as had been charged by certain newspapers. December 15 the Mayor called attention to the "smoke nuisance" and recommended the passage of an ordinance for its abatement. December 22 the Council extended the freedom of the city to Charles Stewart Parnell and John Dillon, in the following resolution :

Resolved, That the Mayor be, and is hereby authorized to extend the hospitalities and freedom of the city of Chicago to the representatives of the oppressed people of Ireland, Messrs. Parnell and Dillon, now en rotde to this country.

February 9, 1880, the Council accepted an invitation from ths Irish Land Reform and Relief Association to attend the public demonstration and reception to Mr. Parnell and his associates, Monday, February 23. January 19 the Mayor appointed Aldermen Wickersham, McNally, Swift, Meier and McAuley a special committee to arrange for the reception of Parnell and Dillon. The Mayor at the head of this committee, with other city and county officials and representatives of Various orders and societies, went to Kensington and received Messrs. Parnell and Dillon, and escorted them to the city, where in the evening there was an immense demonstration, and the Irish orators addressed a great concourse of people at the Exposition building. January 30 the Council met in special session to take action concerning the death of the Hon. S. S. Hayes, ex-City Comptroller under Mayor Colvin. In calling the Council to order the Mayor said :

"You have been convened because of the death of one of Chicago's oldest and most energetic citizens - the Hon. S. S. Hayes - who died suddenly Wednesday night, with only half an hour's premonition. He had been sick, but thought himself nearly well. He has been taken from our midst, and it was deemed proper that you should be called together in order that you might express sympathy for the family ; called together because in the history of Chicago few men have held more responsible positions than Mr. Hayes, or have been to a larger extent identified with the growth and prosperity of this great city of the West."

Resolved, That we have received with deep sorrow the announcement of the death of one who has been for nearly thirty years an honored citizen.

Resolved, That our city has occasion to mourn the loss of one long identified with its government in different official positions, one whose rigid honesty and strict integrity was never questioned, and one whose conduct, in official and private life, was such as to endear him to all with whom he came in contact ; active in all public affairs, again and again called upon to fill positions of great responsibility ; an energetic, enthusiastic man, he devoted the best portion of his life to the advancement of the interests of Chicago.

Resolved, That this Council, as a mark of respect to the memory of S. S. Hayes, attend his funeral in a body, and that the Mayor be requested to close the various departments of the City Government on the day of the funeral.

March 29 Mayor Harrison vetoed items in the first appropriation bill coming under his hands, amounting to nearly $400,000, and in reference to practices of economy had the following to say :

"Permit me most respectfully to say that not one cent of savings of past years should be spent for ordinary expenses of the current year. It would have been more prudent to have found out exactly what the levy would be, and then resolutely to so restrict ordinary expenses as to bring them within the limitation. A city such as Chicago is constantly liable to unforeseen demands upon its treasury. Savings should be sacredly held to meet such demands, or for wiping out the debt. A demand is now and has been pressing upon us in the nature of an emergency. I refer to the floating debt, which can be wiped out only from savings, and can be met only by issuing scrip. This scrip is a badge of disgrace, and entails a loss upon the corporation or its employes, variously estimated at $150,000 and upward. In past years it has perhaps reached $200,000 to $300,000 per annum. Denied the right to pay cash, the city is often forced to negotiate with only a few, who set such prices upon their wares as they wish. The open market is closed to Chicago. As an illustration of the effect of this I need only refer to coal purchased last year for the Water Department which cost $3.62^ per ton, while other coals, to be paid for in scrip cost $4.50 per ton. The real difference between cash and scrip did not exceed 4 per cent., but cash dealers refused to bid. This scrip blot will and must rest upon us as long as you force expenditures of savings. High salaries of minor offices and employments is the bane of American politics ; the city pays at least 50 per cent, more for all ordinary capacity than the same could earn in private business. The result is that thousands dance attendance around the public crib and demoralize the primaries. The great mass has to eat the bread of disappointment. The longer the waiting the more necessary the ultimate fruition, and consequently the more urgent the pressure and the more unscrupulous the means used to reach success. The pay is too little for brain, and too much for muscle. The best brain seeks private fields for employment, where the reward is measured by the talent furnished. The state or the municipality gets meager ability, or if by chance it obtains real worth it keeps it only so long as love of honor or ambition may be gratified, and loses it when experience has been added to native capacity."

16 ; Tenth Ward, H. Schroeder, Dem., 444 ; J. H. Cruver, Rep., 426; D. Nelson, 368 ; R. Beck, 101 ; H. Ackhoff, 67 ; Eleventh Ward, Thomas N. Bond, Rep., 1,206 ; P. Ryan, Dem., 78 ; A. M. Glasgow, 12 ; Twelfth Ward, Alvin Hulbert, Rep., 1,421; R. P. Williams, 1,189; Thirteenth Ward, O. M. Brady, Rep., 941 ; John E. Dalton, Dem., 877; C. G. Dixon, Socialist, 110; Fourteenth Ward, Frank A. Stauber, Socialist, 1,410; J. J. McGrath, Rep., 1,379; Fifteenth Ward, W. S. Young, Rep., 860; D. Long, Dem., 796; John R. Soller, Socialist, 567; Sixteenth ward, Anton Imhoff, Dem., 1,046; Henry Stahl, Rep., 801 ; Seventeenth ward, John Murphy, Dem, 1,039; P- Tierney, Rep., 896; A. Gould, y^ ; Eighteenth ward, A. H. Burley, Rep., 1,309; J. E. Geohegan, Dem., 1,291. In this Aldermanic election the vote as canvassed of the Fourteenth Ward gave J. J. McGrath, Rep., 1,379 ; Frank A, Stauber, Socialist, 1,410. The Seventh precinct, was not counted because of erasures by the judges. No result was declared by the Council and a contest ensued, Stauber presenting the affidavits of 116 voters in the Seventh precinct affirming that they voted for him. McGrath held the seat for a time, but Stauber was finally seated. The case was a celebrated one, Stauber securing legal victories over McGrath in both the Circuit and Appellate Courts, and McGrath then appealed to the Supreme Court. March 7, 1881, when the roll was called in the Council on various matters, Stauber, who was present by advice of counsel, when the Fourteenth ward was reached each time, invariably demanded to have his name called by the clerk in place of that of McGrath. Great disorder ensued. Stauber was backed up by the other Socialist Aldermen and a delegation of sympathizers in the lobby, and Mc- Grath by his friends. At one time a free fight was narrowly averted, and the Socialist Aldermen in high dudgeon withdrew from the Council chamber in a body. After they retired Stauber's name was on motion stricken from the rolls. March 9 an opinion was rendered by Corporation Counsel Adams to the effect that after the judgment of ouster against McGrath in the Circuit Court and the refusal of the Appellate Court to grant him a supercedeas, it was Stauber's due that the Council take some action toward according him his rights. The Council thereupon adopted a resolution rescinding one of July 26, 1880, which seated McGrath, and declaring Frank A. Stauber the duly elected Alderman from the Fourteenth ward.

al Superintendent of Police ; Jas. L. Allen, Bernard Callaghan, L. W. Kadlec, and John B. Walker, Directors of the Public Library ; J. C. Burrows, M. J. Dunne, Philip A. Hoyne, E. G. Keith, F. A. E. Maas and Conrad Neihoff, members of the Board of Education ; Enos Ayres, Mark Kimball and John G. Shortall, Appraisers of School Lands; O. P. Ingersoll, Magistrate ; Charles B. Hefter, Bailiff, and Redmond Sheridan, Clerk of the Southwest Division Police Court ; M. A. La Buy, Clerk of the West Division Police Court; H. T. Howe, Butter and Cheese Inspector; Patrick H. Tierney, Boiler Inspector. The newly elected members of the Council took their seats May 10. Aid. Ballard presented resolutions declaring James H. Hildreth ineligible, which, on motion of Aid. Peevey, were laid on the table by a vote of 21 to 9. Mayor Harrison submitted a message reviewing the operations of the various departments. Reference was made to the fact that the city had reached a stage where the issuance of scrip was unnecessary, and that its credit was restored, and on a substantial footing. A financial exhibit prepared by Comptroller Gurney, and incorporated in the message, showed $781,000 of the bonded debt, and $462,070 of interest on bonds to be due July 1, 1880; back taxes collected during 1879, $5,052,414; taxes due and uncollected, most of which was supposed to be ultimately collectable, $4,322,098. The exhibit showed that the amount due from David A. Gage, and still included in the assets, was $456,545 ; due from Duncan, Sherman & Company, $35,542 ; amount of George Von Hollen defalcation, $134,085. Cash balance December 31, 1879, $1,951,386. Expenditures during 1879, on account of old certificates of indebtedness, $249,000 ; interest on same, $26,643. Amount of funds of 1879 expended on appropriations to March 31, 1880, $2,247, - 970. A considerable portion of the message was devoted to the subject of street pavements, and the employment of macadam was recommended, and also the passage of an ordinance requiring trucks, drays, and carts to have wide wheel tires. The good management and serviceable condition of the Police and Fire Departments were referred to in high terms of praise. The Public Library was stated to be in a prosperous and excellent condition, but in pressing need of a safer, more commodious and accessible building. A considerable saving in the consumption of gas was noted ; the sanitary operations of the Health Department were shown to have been carried out at a total expense for the year of $53,470.37, the death rate being in the ratio of 17.23 to each 1,000 of population. Three new school buildings with a capacity for 2,640 pupils, had been opened ; two more would be opened May 3, and two September 1, 1880; the number of teachers employed was 895 ; number of pupils enrolled nearly 57,000; increase for the year, 3,446. The House of Correction expenditures had been $32,695.92 ; earnings over general expenses, $199.32. The Fullerton Avenue conduit had been completed about the beginning of the year, and had performed the purpose for which it was constructed - the cleaning out of the North Branch. Complaints had been made that the impurities were drawn into the lake crib and distributed throughout the city to consumers of water, but the Mayor was satisfied that the impurities came from the sewage emptying into the main and South Branches of the river, and not from the North Branch.

The year 1880 was full of political interest for Chicago, as for the rest of the country. This city had come to be recognized as a great political center - the "City of Conventions." The unequaled hall, hotel, railroad and telegraph facilities offered by Chicago, made this city the choice of a majority of the members of the Republican National Committee as the place for holding the Seventh National Convention of the Republican party - the greatest ever held by the party with the possible exception of the historical Convention which nominated the immortal Lincoln, which was held in Chicago twenty-four years previously. The efforts to secure this Convention for Chicago were inaugurated in the main by James P. Root, member of the National Committee for Illinois, and John B. Jeffery. The interest and influence of other prominent citizens were eniisted ; a large delegation was sent to Washington to present the claims and attractions of Chicago to the National Committee, which met in that city December 1 7, 1879. Members of the National Committee representing the Western and Southwestern states, were invited to stop over in Chicago, when on their way to Washington, that they might look over the ground and see for themselves the superiority of the Garden City over other cities as the place for holding the Convention. A special palace car conveyed the local delegation and their guests to the national capital. The local delegation consisted of Messrs. James P. Root, Chairman ; Jno. B. Jeffery, Secretary and Treasurer; C. B. Farwell, Daniel Shepherd, W. K. Sullivan and C. A. Snowdon. Among the members of the National Committee : Hon. Elihu Enos, of Wisconsin ; P. B. S. Pinchbeck, of Louisiana ; John A. Martin, of Kansas; J. Y. Stone, of Iowa; Joseph N. Carey, of Wyoming ; Wm. Rule, of Tennessee ; Gen. L. W. Heath, of Michi- gan ; Gen. John T. Averill, of Minnesota; G. M. Buchanan, of Mississippi; Newton Edmunds, of Dakota; E. W. Keyes and Gen. Hazelton, of Wisconsin, and others. At Washington, the headquarters of the Chicago delegation were established at the Arlington House, where handsome parlors and suites of rooms, worthy of Chicago and its distinguished guests, had previously been engaged. The local delegation was ably assisted, while in Washington, by Senator John A. Logan, and Congressmen William Aldrich, George R. Davis, Hiram Barber, and other members of the Congressional delegation from Illinois. The Convention was secured for Chicago ; an Executive and Finance Committee and sub-committees of well-known citizens were formed, and the magnificent Convention hall, within the Exposition building, capable of seating 15,000 people, was completed, at a large outlay of time and money. The Executive Committee was composed as follows : Jesse Spalding, Chairman; John B. Jeffery, Secretary; William H. Bradley, Treasurer; Lyman J. Gage, Chairman of the Committee on Finance ; Gen. Wm. E. Strong, Chairman of the Committee on Lumber; William E. Johnson, Chairman of the Committee on Hardware ; Gen. John L. Beveridge, Chairman of the Committee on Transportation ; Gen. Anson Stager, Chairman of the Committee on Telegraphy; William Henry Smith, Chairman of the Press Committee ; A. N. Eddy, Chairman of the Committee on Hotel Accommodations and Music ; George M. Bogue, Chairman of the Committee on Selection of Employes; James P. Root, Chairman of the Committee on Printing, Decorations and Hall. May 26, 1880, seven days prior to the meeting of the Convention, the Convention Chamber was turned over to a sub-Committee of the National Committee, and upon the assembling of the Convention Gen. Wm. E. Strong was unanimously elected Sergeant-at-Arms. This Convention is worthy of mention at length for the reason that it was the great Convention of the Republican party, and fairly inaugurated the era of conventions in Chicago. The efforts of the supporters of James G. Blaine to nominate that great leader and to defeat the movement of the Grant men, in favor of the "Old Commander;" the gallant stand of the "306" ; the "Third Term" cry; the fact that Elihu Washburne was made an unwilling candidate in Cook county against Grant, and that the bitterest fight in the Convention was caused by party differences in Illinois - all contribute to make it of the greatest local importance. It is maintained by many politicians that the defeat of Blaine and the downfall of the Republican party four years later, can be traced to the differences growing out of this Convention, and that Grant would have been nominated had there been no contest in Cook county. The Convention was opened at 12 o'clock noon of Wednesday, June 2, 1880, by J. Donald Cameron, Chairman of the Republican National Committee. During the first day's proceedings Gen. John A. Logan introduced the following resolution :

Resolved, That the committee on the distribution of tickets is hereby instructed to furnish each day to the chairman of the Veteran Soldiers' Association, five hundred tickets of admission for distribution among the veteran Union soldiers.

Gen. Logan : - I desire to say one word, sir, in reference to that resolution. The veterans have had a meeting in the City of Chicago, and are here, and have expected that at least they would be treated as they have been in former national conventions. In 1868, in the city of Chicago, I was Chairman of the Veteran Association, and marched into the National convention at the head of these veterans, and that by the invitation of the National Republican convention. Application was made to the National Committee for their admission to this Republican convention, and I am told, however, not being a member of that committee, I cannot vouch for the truth of the statement, that it was voted down in that committee. If that be true, I ask this convention to do for them that justice which has been done by every other convention where the application has been made. On looking around and observing seats unoccupied all day today, I ask, What Republican will say that the veteran soldiers, many of them wearing wooden legs - the men that saved your nation - should not be furnished with tickets of admission to this convention? It is not for that that I ask their admission ; but it is that these men, who in time of trial went forth and saved their country, and nine-tenths of whom are Republicans, should not be denied their rights. Mr. Chairman, I do not wish to complain, nor do I complain of the National Committee, but sir, this morning when I entered this convention, although a delegateat-large from Illinois, I had to enter it without a ticket of admission as a delegate, excepting a provisional ticket given me by a man appointed by that committee. I went to every member of that committee whom I could find, and they finally said that they gave no such instructions. No man questioning my right to a seat in this hall, I was not permitted to enter this hall with a. delegate's ticket. I entered with a ticket signed by James P. Root. Now, sir, I do not say this by way of complaint - I am here ; but I want to see admitted these men that have asked this committee to be permitted to look upon the convention. They do not desire to come here to cheer for any man, but ask merely that they may be permitted, as men who have served their country faithfully, to look upon this convention that nominates the candidates for whom they are asked to vote.

The resolution was seconded by Gen. Kilpatrick, of New Jersey, and was adopted. In regard to the status of the contest between Illinois delegations there were majority and minority reports of the Committee on Credentials. The majority report was as follows :

Fourth - Illinois. The committee recommend the admission of the following delegates and alternates within the state of Illinois in the place of sitting members : - First Congressional district - William J. Campbell, Elbridge G. Keith. Alternates, Arthur Dixon, Louis Hutt ; Third Congressional district - Washington Hesing, Elliott Anthony. Alternates, George Struckman, John A. Mason ; Fourth Congressional district - C. W. Marsh, Lot B. Smith. Alternates, D. M. Marsh, A. C. Fassett ; Fifth Congressional district - Robert E. Logan, W. H. Holcomb. Alternates, J. H. Mosier, J. S. Kosier; Sixth Congressional district - James K. Edsafi, John P. Hand. Alternates, L. J. Hume, William Jackson ; Ninth Congressional district - John A. Gray, W. Seldon Gale. Alternates, C. Ballance, John Lackey; Tenth Congressional district - Henry Tubbs, John Fletcher. Alternates, William Venable, J. P. Graham ; Thirteenth Congressional district - F. Low, E. D. Blenn. Alternates, R. D. Smith, W. E. Gapen ; Seventeenth Congressional district - William E. Kueffner, E. Guelich. Alternates, H. M. Kimball, C. W. Thomas.

The committee rind that a state convention was held at Springfield, Illinois, on the iothday of May, to elect delegates to the National convention. During the convention the delegates from each of the foregoing Congressional districts assembled and organized district conventions, and elected two delegates and two alternates to the Chicago convention, by a clear majority of all the delegates elected to the state convention, in each of said districts, as is shown by the credentials accompanying this report. The state convention, by means of a committee of one from each Congressional district, selected, and afterward assumed to elect, forty-two delegates to the National convention, including the sitting members from the foregoing districts, the delegates from each of which filed in the state convention, protests against said elections by the state convention.

Fifth - The Committee report against the validity of the contest in the Second district of Illinois, of the seats of sitting members, A. M. Wright and R. S. Tuthill.

Minority Report

With reference to the state of Illinois, the minority respectfully submit to this convention, and through the convention to the country, the following conclusions :

"It was understood, when notice was given of this contest in the Convention, that the contest related merely to delegates in the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Ninth, Tenth, Thirteenth and Seventeenth Congressional districts ; but upon the assembling of the Committee a memorial was presented to it, very general in its character, signed by the contesting delegates and their alternates, challenging the rightfulness of the entire delegation, and to this general memorial, in which this general challenge is embodied, we first address ourselves. The leading feature of that memorial maybe stated to be a very vehement and sweeping denunciation of the State convention for the state of Illinois, held at Springfield on the 19th day of May; sweeping and vehement charges of unfairness on the part of its presiding officers ; sweeping and vehement assertions of a conspiracy formed prior to the convention, to perpetrate, through the action of the convention, a fraud upon the Republican electors of the state of Illinois.

"Of these charges so positively made, not one syllable of proof has been adduced before the committee. We cannot regard the unsupported declarations of these contesting delegates as furnishing even the slightest proof satisfactory to us, or to the convention, or to the country, of the truth of the charges which they make. * * * Not a syllable of evidence was adduced, and an examination of the record of the proceedings of that convention, so far from furnishing any evidence on which to base these charges, in our judgment completely and decisively refutes them.

" It is asserted in the memorial to which we have referred that an agreement was entered into on Sunday, the 9th day of May, to 'bolt' the county convention held in Cook county. No evidence of any such agreement has been furnished to us, nor to the committee, although during the session of the committee a call was made by the representatives of the seated delegates for the production of such evidence, if any existed. The memorial neglects to state what clearly and conclusively appears to be the fact, that not only was there no 'bolt' premeditated, but that there was none in point of fact. We deem it unnecessary to enter into the details of either the Cook county convention or of the primary election which preceded the meeting of that convention. * * * It appears that the Republican State Committee of the state of Illinois, in 1876, adopted for Cook county the plan of having its delegates vote in said convention, not as a county, but by Senatorial districts. Within the territorial boundaries of Cook county there are seven Senatorial districts from the First to the Seventh, both included. In State convention these Senatorial districts vote as such, and the county, as a county, is not known. Notwithstanding the gross frauds practiced at the primaries at those elections, the delegates known as the Grant delegates carried three Senatorial districts, the First, Third and Fourth; and had a positive and decided majority in the Second. This entitled them to thirty-six delegates to the State convention, that being the number of delegates to which those Senatorial districts were entitled to vote. These primaries were held on Saturday, the 8th of May, and it appears in the issue of the daily papers on Sunday, the Chicago Tribune among the number, the right of these thirty-six delegates was not even questioned, but during that day a scheme was concocted in violation of all the precedents and traditions of the party in Cook county, to smother these Senatorial districts, to deny them the right to select their own delegates, and to send a solid 'anti-Grant' delegation to Springfield, notwithstanding the fact that when the call for Cook county was reached, these Senatorial districts were independently called. This corrupt and dishonest scheme was proclaimed by the public press in the city of Chicago on Monday morning, and a full history of the conference which led to it given in the Chicago Tribune. Mr. Horace M. Singer, whose integrity seems to be unquestioned, a steadfast and life-long Republican, is chairman of the Cook County Central Committee, and as such chairman it devolved upon him to call the convention to order. With the utmost fairness this he proceeded to do, after having consulted with various gentlemen, representing all interests, as to the policy he should adopt. He decided to himself as presiding officer, in effecting a temporary organization, to place in nomination Mr. George Struckman, a well-known citizen and a prominent ' Washburne ' delegate. Calling the convention to order, he proceeded to nominate Mr. Struckman. He was at once interrupted, was unable to be heard ; a scene of great con- fusion ensued. Some one in the body of the hall proceeded to make another nomination, which was declared carried. Mr. Singer was violently hustled from his position, but returned, and beseeching order, announcing, as he himself, and as the Chicago Tribune, in its detailed report of the proceedings of this convention states, his desire only to submit the name of Mr. Struckman to the con vention for its action ; but utterly unable to secure order, and as Mr. Singer declares, the proceedings being so riotous and tumultuous that no business could be conducted, declared the convention adjourned to meet at the Palmer house club rooms. The fact that Mr. Singer declared this convention adjourned is studiously and steadily ignored by the contestants and their representatives, but the fact exists nevertheless, and upon this point we submit the statement made by Mr. Singer himself. It is absurd to call these proceedings thus far the result of any premeditation ; there was no conspiracy whatever, except the conspiracy which the Chicago Tribune promulgated to stifle the voice of three Senatorial districts in that convention, and to deprive them of their riofht to the selection of delegates to the State convention. At the close of the description of this conspiracy thus to stifle the voice of three Senatorial districts, the Chicago Tribune in its article already referred to, says : ' In the appointment of this committee, the business of the morning was ended, so far as preliminaries were concerned, and the delegates marched through the pouring rain to Farwell hall, where the scalping was expected to commence at 10 o'clock sharp.' This is all the conspiracy, and the only conspiracy, of the existence of which any proof was offered to this committee. Upon the adjournment of the convention by Mr. Singer, a large body of delegates repaired, pursuant to the adjournment, to the club rooms of the Palmer house, where they were called to order by Mr. Singer, and an organization was effected. Ninety-two delegates were selected by Senatorial districts, and upon the assembling of the State convention appeared there, contesting the right of the so-called ' Farwell hall ' delegation. The fragment left of the ' Farwell hall ' convention proceeded to its work, threw out the regularly elected delegates from the Twelfth ward, thus securing a majority of the Second Congressional district; seated the fraudulently elected delegates of the First ward, thus securing another Congressional district ; selected their ninety-two delegates to Springfield, and it is proper to remark, selected their delegates by Senatorial districts, the result being that the delegates from the First, Third and Fourth Senatorial districts were selected by the dele- gates from the other Senatorial districts, thus recognizing the call of the State convention, and thus recognizing clearly and emphatically the right of each Senatorial district to elect its own delegates. Appearing before the State convention, the State Central Committee, recognizing the contest, gave to both delegations the privilege of seats in the gallery of the convention hall. A Committee on Credentials was selected, composed of one from each Congressional district, to which committee the whole question was submitted, and three reports were made, one recommending the seating of fifty-six of the ' Farwell hall' delegates, and thirty-six of the ' Palmer house' delegation ; another recommending the seating of the entire ' Palmer house' delegation, upon which no action was taken by the convention; and a third recommending the seating of the entire 'Farwell hall' delegation. There certainly was no effort to stifle discussion on this contest before the Committee on Credentials in the State convention. That committee had the question under consideration for nearly a day and a half before submitting these reports. Upon the presentation of these reports to the State convention time was allotted to each side there represented to present its case through its own chosen representatives, and both sides were fully and thoroughly heard. First, upon the report recommending the seating of the entire Farwell hall delegation, which was rejected by a majority of eighty, which has been erroneously stated to be a majority of only thirty-eight. The question then came up on the report recommending the admission of fifty-six of the Farwell hall delegation, and thirty-six of the Palmer house delegation, which was adopted by the convention by a majority of eighty ; whereupon the admitted delegates immediately took their seats in the convention, and participated in all the subsequent proceedings. A permanent organization being effected, a resolution was offered that the delegates to the National convention be selected by a committee of one from each Congressional district, to be appointed by the chair. This motion led to long and animated discussions, consuming many hours, and was finally adopted by a positive majority. The chair named a committee, and that committee recommended as delegates to the National convention the re-seated delegates, selecting two from each Congressional district pursuant to the call of the National Committee, and four delegates from the state at large. Upon the motion to adopt the report of that committee discussion was had, and the report was adopted by a decisive and positive majority. All the delegates thus selected, and whose selection was thus reviewed and in- dorsed by the action of the State convention, appear before this convention with their credentials regularly signed by the President and Secretary of the State convention. The names of no other delegates were submitted to that convention for its action, and we can only know that other delegates were selected in any other form by the statements which have been made before the committee, for it is conceded upon all hands that, whatever other selections of delegates may have been made, such selections were never presented to the convention for its action, and no report of such selections was ever made, or evidence furnished to the State convention, save such as may be embodied in the protests filed by these various Congressional districts as the convention was about closing its deliberations."

Then followed a copy of the call for the State Convention with comments thereon, and citations of many precedents in the history of party usage in Illinois, the report concluding : - We cannot recognke the action of the minority, even when it is taken separately and in detail, and we are confident in the belief that this Convention can take no step more certain to lead to the most disastrous results in the future than the denial to the Republican electors of the state of Illinois of the right of a majority of those electors to express in this Convention their will, and in their fashion, and through their selected agents. Thus confidently believing, we respectfully submit to this Convention, and through the Convention to the country, that the regularly elected and now seated delegates, should retain their seats in this body. All of which is respectfully submitted.

The question occurred upon the division of the report, and was debated as to all the states presenting contests. Gen. Greene B. Raum, Elliott Anthony, and Emory A. Storrs were heard upon the question of the adoption of the majority report relating to Illinois.

Gen. Raum, of Illinois. - Mr. President: I rise on behalf of the sitting delegates, whose seats the majority report, if adopted, will vacate, and confer upon other gentlemen. My distinguished friend who has taken his seat, has been vehement in presenting what he understands to be the traditions and laws of the Republican party in the state of Illinois, in respect to the selection of delegates to the National convention of the United States. I say to you, Mr. President, and to the honorable gentlemen of this Convention, that the sitting delegates from the state of Illinois are willing to rest their rights upon the law of this case, and upon the precedents which have been established by long usage of the party in the state of Illinois. We are here, Sir, asking for justice. We ask for nothing more. We expect that gentlemen, when they come to vote upon this great question, will not be biased by the interests of their respective candidates, but treat this question in a dispassionate, fair-minded and just manner. It has been well said by various gentlemen who have addressed this Convention, that there is not to-day, and never has been, a uniform rule in all the states in respect to the selection of delegates in the National convention. Whenever a uniform rule shall be adopted by the authoritative declarations of the Republicans of the United States, the Republicans of Illinois will cheerfully acquiesce in that rule ; but I say to you, Mr. President, as is said in this minority report, that we do not wish to be subjected to an expost facto rule - a rule adopted after the facts. We want this case tried by the law as it exists today, that law having been established by the usages of the Republican party since 1856. I say to the distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conger) that he is in error in regard to his facts. 1 say to him that there is an unbroken line of precedents in the state of Illinois, to the effect that the state conventions from time immemorial have selected the delegates, instructed the delegates, and sent them to the Republican National conventions of this country. Why, Mr. President, the usage of both of the parties in the state of Illinois, has been the same for the last forty years, and to my individual knowledge - for, Sir, I was born and raised in this great state, and to my certain knowledge since 1852, no convention - Whig, Democratic, or Republican - sending delegates to the National conventions in this country, have acted otherwise than through a state convention. I assert it as a fact that cannot be controverted, that there never was a district convention held in the state of Illinois to select a delegate to a National convention.

"Gentlemen may say that the committee of a State convention, going out under the instructions of that convention to perform certain duties, are Congressional conventions. I deny the statement in toto. What constitutes a convention? What are the preliminary steps which lead to the organization of a convention? Did you ever hear of a convention meeting in the state of Illinois unless there was a call issued for that convention ? Think, if you please, of a convention meeting, electing, instructing those delegates, and sending them to a national convention, unless there was a call for that convention. Mr. President, the call under which the sitting delegates were selected was a call for a state convention. The Republicans in the various counties of the state of Illinois were requested to send delegates to a state convention, for the purpose of nominating state officers, for the purpose of sending delegates to the National convention, for the purpose of selecting electors, and creating a State Republican Central Committee. This has been the practice in the state of Illinois since the organization of the Republican party. In i860, when Lincoln, of sainted memory, was presented by the Republicans of Illinois for the suffrages of the people of this country, the delegates were selected by a state convention, and I had the following resolution adopted: - 'Resolved, That Abraham Lincoln is the choice of the Republican party of Illinois for the Presidency, and the delegates from this state are instructed to use all honorable means to secure his nomination by the Chicago convention, and vote as a unit for him. And the said delegates shall have power to fill all the vacancies.' Mr. President, we have recognized Abraham Lincoln as a man possessed of some little political sense and experience. There is the resolution, under which the Republican delegates sent to the National convention, acted when Abraham Lincoln was nominated in i860. In 1864 the delegates were selected in the same way, by a state convention, and a similar resolution was passed, instructing the delegates to that convention to vote for Abraham Lincoln as a unit. In 1868, when the Republican convention of this state met at Peoria, I happened to be a delegate to that convention. I was on the Committee on Resolutions, and I assisted in the preparations of the letter of instructions to those delegates. Those delegates were selected by the State convention. They took their instructions from the State convention, and went to the National convention, and assisted in the nomination of Ulysses S. Grant. And how were those delegates selected? They were not selected otherwise than by a committee ; a committee selected under the orders of the convention composed of one delegate from each Congressional district in the state ; they retired ; they considered of the subject intrusted to their care, and they reported the necessary delegates, and their report was received by the convention, and was adopted. How was it in 1872 ? I state these facts, Mr. President, from actual knowledge, because I was a delegate at these conventions. In 1872 Ulysses S. Grant was again presented by Illinois to the suffrages of the people of this country. I had the honor of penning the letter of instructions to the delegates to use all honorable means and vote as a unit for Ulysses S. Grant. How were the delegates se- lected ? They were selected in 1872 by a committee. That committee was raised under the orders of the convention - one member from each Congressional district. They reported the names of the delegates ; that report was received by the convention, and it was ratified, and those delegates performed the duties with which they were intrusted. * * * Why, Mr. President, the fact that the Republicans of Illinois have always and everywhere claimed the right to instruct their delegates is conclusive evidence that they also claim the right of selecting delegates that would obey their instructions. What was the issue in Springfield convention ? When we went down to Springfield, we found a minority in that convention who were threatening up and down the streets of that city, and through the corridors of the hotels, that unless we conducted the affairs of that convention according to their will and pleasure, they would bolt the convention. There was an issue. The majority of that convention was in favor of selecting delegates to support Ulysses S. Grant, and the minority of that convention told us in the convention itself, in the course of debate, that they would not obey the instructions that that convention might give them, to vote for Ulysses S. Grant.

"When Abraham Lincoln sitting at the capitpl of the state of Illinois, had his friends to instruct the delegates to vote for him as a unit ; when, at the second term, the same course was pursued; when, in 1868, the same course was pursued, when in 1872 the same course was pursued in regard to instructions, you have a line of precedents which conclusively shows that the Republicans of the state of Illinois have at all times claimed, in convention assembled, to hold in their hands the authority of selecting delegates to carry out their will. When the majority at Springfield found that the minority selected as delegates to this convention would disobey their instructions, they concluded, and rightly concluded, to give expression to the great majority of the Republicans of the state of Illinois by selecting delegates who would carry out the will of. the Republicans of Illinois. These delegates come here to-day. They occupy these seats. They are regular delegates. They represent the great voice of the Republicans of the state of Illinois. I ask you, Mr. President, and I ask honorable gentlemen of this convention, and I wish them to take it deep into their hearts this night, whether by revolutionary means inaugurated after the fact, they propose to put these eighteen delegates out by adopting an expostfacto law in their case. Why, Mr. President, we have been told by the honorable chairman of the

Committee on Credentials that there were fifty contests here in this National convention. Why these contests? Why is it that from one end of this country to the other you find that there are contests for seats in this National convention ? I will tell you, Mr. President, why. It is because you are seeking to invade, to overturn and destroy, the ordinary methods of the Republican party in these states. I say to you that these are revolutionary measures. This convention can turn these eighteen delegates out ; you have the power to do it, but I say to you, that if this revolutionary spirit is carried forward another four years, the hour has struck for the destruction and overthrow of the Republican party. I will support your candidate, I will go forward and ask the people of Illinois to support him ; but I warn you, Mr. President, and I warn you gentlemen of the Convention, that the Republican party cannot stand such a strain another four years. We ask these delegates in the National convention assembled, to do us justice. We ask them to administer the law, and I have stated the law. We are willing to learn from New England. We are willing to learn from adjacent states. We are willing to be taught our A B C's in politics. I have been in politics now these thirty years, and I find that I do not know anything about it. I find that the whole thing is to be learned over again. I find that if a State convention meets, and nobody objects, why then they can send delegates to a National convention. But if somebody gets into one corner of a hotel, and gathers two or three around him, and files a protest, and comes with credentials, and says, 'Here was a district convention, and you must not stifle the voice of a district convention,' then your State convention is of no validity. [A voice from the gallery, Is that your experience at the Palmer house] ?

Gen. Raum. - "The gentleman in the gallery has alluded to the Palmer house. That is not pertinent to this inquiry. But, Mr. President, it seems to excite some curiosity, and it would seem from what has just passed that I would be afraid to speak of the Palmer house. I have no fears of alluding to what occurred here in Cook county some few weeks ago. I do not live in Cook county. I live 350 miles south of Cook county. I have nothing to do with broils in politics here ; but there is one important feature in this Cook county affair that does not seem to be understood by the gentlemen who have come up to this convention from a distance. When the primary elections were held in the county of Cook, and in the great city of Chicago, it was found that that candidate that lives in the northeastern corner of this nation was unable to carry Cook county against Ulysses S. Grant, and it was found necessary to drag another name into that race against his consent, and to drag him into that race in a manner that is calculated to cause those who are not his friends to say that it was an ungracious act, and an act of ingratitude ; and they did this for the purpose of uniting all elements against Ulysses S. Grant. Why, Mr. President, when this popular uprising we have heard so much talk about occurred, one-fourth of the votes were cast - just one-fourth of the votes - and Ulysses S. Grant beat James G. Blaine about two thousand. [A delegate - Three thousand.] Three thousand ; and he beat E. B. Washburne by a large majority. Why, if the ninety-two delegates had been voted for at large in the county of Cook, every one of them would have been elected as Grant delegates - every one of them. They would have been elected according to the poll that was made at that election. And when the returns came in it was found that Ulysses S. Grant had a large majority in three of the Senatorial districts. * * * Now, Mr. President, when these contesting delegates went down to the city of Springfield they were met by six hundred dispassionate men who had nothing to do with this contest. They sat upon that contest two days, and laying aside the form of that county convention, but looking to the substance of primary electjon, they gave to these parties the number of delegates they were entitled to according to the votes that were cast at that primary election. Why, my distinguished friend here [Mr. Conger] stickles, severely stickles, to have delegates close up to the people. Here were delegates that were close to the people. Here were delegates which by the voice of three Senatorial districts in the county of Cook were chosen by the great majority of the people of these districts. Much has been said of the action of that State convention, Mr. President. I was not a delegate to that convention. I visited Springfield on business and to look at the proceedings of that convention. I have attended nearly all the conventions in this state since the war. After two days in that great mass of excited men it was believed that I would be able better to control these elements than any other gentleman there. I undertook that duty, and I performed it as well as I could with my inexperience as a presiding officer. I did justice as I saw it. I tried to do justice to every man in that convention. But, sir, I call your attention to the fact that it was a very exciting convention. It lasted three days and two nights. We had one continuous session from seven in the afternoon until nearly two at night, which was filled with debate, and excited debate at that. Laying aside that convention, Mr. President, I come again to state to these delegates of the National convention that we want you to do us justice ; and in doing us justice you will leave those eighteen men in their seats."

The President. - The Chair informs the Convention that Mr. Elliott Anthony, a contestant from the Third Congressional district, desires to occupy a portion of the time assigned to that side of the question. Gentlemen of the Committee on both sides agree to that. Is there objections? The Chair hears none.