Chicago City (part 12 of 57)

On the Lake front the Anarchists were wont to assemble under the red flag, which they described as the emblem of universal liberty. But there was but one flag of liberty - that was the Stars and Stripes ; and it would always remain such if the gentlemen of the jury had the courage to uphold the law. Threats had been mouthed, dire vaporings were spread from one group to another to fill the people with terror, so that the social revolution might the more easily be accomplished. Mr. Grinnell holds that Spies wrote the "Revenge" circular premeditatedly. He reads it to the jury commenting on various passages contained therein, and makes it plain to the jury that Spies had an ulterior and sinister purpose in view when he penned the famous dodger. There were only two officers at McCormick's when the mob Spies was addressing broke loose and attacked the non-union men. The police were called, but why ? To protect the McCormick property and the two officers from the fury of the mob as well as to save the non-union men from being killed. It was this sight - the coming of additional police - that made the blood of the valorous Spies boil. Knowing that no fatalities had taken place, or not knowing that any had occurred, Spies posted down town, and the "Revenge" circular was written by him and in the hands of the printer before 5 o'clock that same afternoon. Balthazar Rau's name was mentioned every day time and time again by the defense, but he was not called as a witness. They were afraid to put him on the stand. It was Rau who invited Spies to address the Haymarket meeting, and he was present when Spies made his speech. That was a kind of Marc Antony address, and to be understood one must read it between the lines. It was artfully calculated to inflame. It was a significant opening. The working men were told to come armed. Waller did come armed. The police should have broken up the meeting in its incipiency. If Bonfield had not gone down there at the time he did the riot would have been general. The reason more bombs were not thrown was that the other fellows in the conspiracy had not time to reach the scene. The man who threw the bomb obtained it from Lingg or Spies and hurled it according to directions received from one or other of these men. Did Fielden shoot that night ? For years past he has called the police bloodhounds ; he said he would march down Michigan avenue with the red flag or the black flag, and preached "death to the capitalists and the police, our despoilers." This must be understood above all things ; that the bomb was thrown in furtherance of the common design, no matter who threw it. Gilmer said Spies handed the bomb to Schnaubelt. Is that improbable ? For years he preached the throwing of bombs. An article over his own signature is in evidence, and in this he gives directions as to the manner in which bombs should be ignited and hurled at the enemy. Who was Schnaubelt ? Schwab's brother-in-law. He is the man who was arrested before the conspiracy was known and let go, then shaved off his whiskers, and has not been seen since. A peculiar circumstance, and the most significant of the case, was that when Spies was arrested he left the traces of his crime in his office. Bonfield arrested him. Spies said he went over to the Central station unsuspectingly. Had he known what was going to have happened he would have destroyed the "Ruhe" manuscript. It was the little mistakes that brought the criminal to justice, and there never was a criminal, big or little, that did not leave traces of his crime behind him.

Mr. Grinnell concluded by saying his labor was over ; the jury's was just begun. They had the power to exact the lives of some of the prisoners, to others they might give a term of years in the penitentiary, and some again they might acquit. He would not ask the jury to take the life of Oscar Neebe. He would not ask the jury to do what he would not do himself. The proof was not sufficient to convict Neebe, but some of them, Spies, Fischer, Lin^or Engel, Fielden, Parsons, and Schwab, ouorht to have the extreme penalty administered to them.

" Personally," said Mr. Grinnell, " I have not a word to say against these men. But the law demands that they be punished. They have violated the law, and you, gentlemen of the jury, stand between the living and the dead. Do your duty. Do not disagree. If you think that some of them do not deserve the death penalty give them a life sentence, but do not disagree. Gentlemen, this is no pleasant task for me, but it is my duty; do yours."

In his instructions to the jury Judge Gary said : "The Court instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall suffer the punishment of death, or imprisonment in the penitentiary for his natural life, or for a term of not less than fourteen years. If the accused are found guilty by a jury they shall fix the punishment by their verdict.

" The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that, in considering' the case, the jury are not to go beyond the evidence to hunt up doubts, nor must they entertain such doubts as are merely chimerical or conjectural. A doubt to justify an acquittal must be reasonable, and must arise from a candid and impartial investigation of all the evidence in the case, and unless it is such that, were the same kind of doubt interposed in the graver transactions of life, it would cause a reasonable and prudent man to hesitate and pause, it is insufficient to authorize a verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the evidence, you can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of the charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt.

" If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires you to convict whosoever is found guilty. The case of each of the defendants should be considered with the same care and scrutiny as if he alone were on trial. If a conspiracy having violence and murder as its object is fully proved, then the acts and declarations of each one of the conspirators, before or after May 4, which are merely narrative as to what had been or would be done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect the object of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the person who made them. What are the facts and what is the truth the jury must determine from the evidence, and from that alone. If there are any unguarded expressions in any of the instructions which seem to assume the existence of any facts, or to be any intimation as to what is proved, all such expressions must be discouraged and the evidence only looked to to determine the facts.

" The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that an accessory is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who, not being present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, has advised, encouraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of that crime. He who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages shall be considered as a principal and punished accordingly. Every such accessory when a crime is committed within or without this state by his aid or procurement in this state, may be indicted and convicted at the same time as the principal, or before or after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted or amenable to justice or not, and punished as principal.

" If the defendants attempted to overthrow the law by force and threw the bomb, then the defendants who were in the conspiracy were guilty of murder. If there was an Anarchistic conspiracy, and the defendants were parties to it, they are guilty of murder, though the date of the culmination of the conspiracy was not fixed. If any of the defendants conspired to excite by advice people to riot and murder, such defendants are guilty if such murder was done in pursuance of said conspiracy ; the impracticalness of the aim of. the defendants is immaterial.

"Circumstantial evidence is competent to prove guilt, and if defendants conspired to overthrow the law and Degan was killed in consequence, the parties are guilty, and it is not necessary that any of the defendants were present at the killing.

"All parties to the conspiracy are equally guilty. Circumstantial evidence must satisfy the jury beyond reasonable doubt. In such case the jury may find defendants guilty. When defendants testified in the case they stood on the same ground as other witnesses."

The Verdict

The jury retired at 2:50 o'clock Thursday, August 19. The first intimation that an agreement had been reached was when word was sent to the Revere house to prepare supper for the jury, it having been understood that unless a decision as to the fate of the prisoners was reached before 10 o'clock, supper would not be served at that time. Friday morning the excitement of the crowd in front of the Criminal Court building was something intense while the verdict was being awaited. There was none of the joking and laughing that is heard on the only otfier occasion that brings a mob to stand without those dreary walls - the execution of a convicted criminal. Such conversations as were held were in a low tone, and related solely to the one topic - the probable conviction of the eight prisoners who were waiting for the hour which was to mean life or death to them. Both sides of the street were lined with people who awaited anxiously for some tidings from the court within. An army of bailiffs and policemen guarded the big doors, and the surging masses were only kept back by sheer force. The limited number who obtained admission to the courtroom were the reporters and the immediate friends and relatives of the defendants. The gaily-dressed women who had attended the trial since the start were not there. The court officials decided that the relatives of the prisoners should be allowed in the courtroom, and at 9:15 o'clock the sister of Spies, with another young woman, made her appearance. Shortly afterward the mother of Spies, accompanied by a younger son, also entered the courtroom and took a seat on the back benches. At 9:20 Mrs. Parsons entered the courtroom, accompanied by a woman who attended her throughout the trial. She was given a seat between two policemen. The row of seats far- thest removed from the judge were occupied by a force of police officers. Next below, seated in the order named, were Henry Spies; Mrs. Spies, the prisoner's mother; Miss Spies; Chris Spies, and a young lady friend. Next below was Mrs. Martin. The ladies looked anxious. Mrs. and Miss Spies and Mrs. Parsons looked worn out, though the latter tried to appear unconcerned, and occupied her time in reading the newspapers. It was 9:50 o'clock when the Judge came in. He looked nervous and excited. He was barely seated when Captain Black entered. The Captain took a seat near his wife. He had just paid a visit to his clients.

A moment or two later the prisoners were brought in. They were not given their usual seats, but placed in a row on a bench against the wall at the Judge's left, in the narrow aisle leading to the passage way to the jail. They sat in the same old order. Spies was at the head, next to the Judge. All looked haggard and excited. Even the usually stoical face of Lingg wore an expression of anxiety. Fischer was deathly pale and trembled visibly. These pale and trembling wretches were the braggarts who a few short weeks before were boldly proclaiming the doctrines of Socialism and Anarchy on the Lake front, in Zephf's hall and the beer saloons of the North and West sides. They were the men who were advocating force and the use of dynamite, and the total annihilation of law and order, the theft of property, and murder of citizens. Their vapid mouthings were thrust upon assemblages of decent working men, their policy was Communism, their banner was the banner of blood, and their teachings were death and destruction. Bold and fearless as lions they appeared when indulging in flights of incendiary oratory. Like dumb, obedient beasts they bowed in submission before the most powerful scourge the law can wield - the death verdict.

The jurymen filed in and took their seats in the jury box. They looked determined and resolute. There was a death-like silence in the court. In a low voice the Judge asked : " Gentlemen, have you agreed ?" F. E. Osborne, the foreman, rose and replied: " We have, your Honor." Taking out two sheets of foolscap from his side coat-pocket, he handed them to Clerk

Chicago, Cook Countv, And Illinois

Doyle, who glanced at them and handed them to the Judge, who slipped them apart, trembling so that the leaves shook violently. A whispered consultation between the Judge and the Clerk followed, and the document was returned to Mr. Doyle, who read :

" We, the jury, find the defendants, August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg, guilty of murder, as charged in the indictment, and fix the penalty at death.

" We find the defendant, Oscar W. Neebe, guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fix the penalty at imprisonment in the penitentiary at fifteen years."

Not a sound came from the spectators. For a moment the courtroom was silent as the tomb. The prisoners were struck with horror. Spies1 face blanched white as the paper on which his death sentence was written. His lips quivered, and he mechanically tapped the floor with his foot and nervously stroked his moustache. Neebe was completely stunned. The blood rushed to his face, and the perspiration stood out on his forehead in great drops. Schwab's yellow face seemed to look into vacancy, and he had a wandering, stupid stare. Parsons was visibly affected, but he kept himself up better than the rest, and maintained a certain air of nonchalance. He made an effort to flaunt a red handkerchief out of the window at the crowd on the outside, but was promptly checked by a bailiff, Fielden fairly quaked. He shook like an aspen leaf, and in every way showed his great fear. Fischer was ghastly. When the verdict was first being read he held a half-consumed cigar in his mouth, but when the death penalty was reached the weed fell from his lips to the floor. Lingg appeared sullen and stoical, but when the sentence was read his face flushed, and he was seen to tremble. Engel betrayed no emotion. When the verdict became known to the thousands assembled outside a great cheer rent the air.

Captain Black asked that the jury be polled. The jurymen answered with firm voices. Captain Black said he would desire to make a motion for a new trial. State's Attorney Grinnell said it would be impossible to dispose of the motion during the present term, but by agreement, the motion could be argued at the September term. This was agreed to by the defense.

The Court. - " Let the motion be entered and continued until the next term, and let the defendants be taken back to jail." Judge Gary then arose and addressed the jury as follows : sacrifice of time, and some hardship. I hope that everything has been done that could possibly be done to make those sacrifices and hardships as mild as might be permitted. It does not become me to say anything in regard to the case that you have tried, or the verdict you have rendered ; but men compulsorily serving as jurors, as you have done, deserve some recognition of the service you have performed besides the meager compensation you have received."

The Foreman of the jury said : " The jury have deputed to me the only agreeable duty that it is in our province to perform, and that is to thank the Court and the counsel for the defense and for the prosecution for your kindly care to make us as comfortable as possible during our confinement. We thank you.v

The jury then filed out, and scarcely had they left the room when a shrill shriek was heard, and Mrs. Schwab fell heavily to the floor. She was taken out into the fresh air by policemen, and soon revived. Mrs. Spies followed up this scene by going into hysterics, and also had to be assisted from the room. The other women kept their nerves, and after the first shock maintained composure. In the meantime the crowd had closed in on the prisoners, and were examining them from head to foot. The bailiffs, however, promptly put a stop to this, and led the condemned men away to their cells.

The Condemned

August Spies was born in Friedewald, in the province of Hesse, Germany, in 1855. He was educated by a private tutor during his earlier years, after which he studied at a polytechnic institute. At the age of sixteen he took up the study of forestry. A year later he sailed for America. He came to Chicago immediately, and secured a position in an upholstery establishment, where he remained some time, afterward going to Fairbury, in this state. He returned to this city soon after, and was engaged in various occupations until 1880. In that year he was a candidate for the position of West Town Collector, on the Socialistic ticket. In the spring of 1880 he took charge of the business management of the Arbeiter Zeitung, shortly afterward assuming the position of editor.

Samuel Fielden was born in Todmorden, Lancashire, England, February 25, 1847. He worked in a cotton mill in various capacities from the time he was eight years old till he reached his majority. When he was eighteen years old he went to Westlyn, and joined the Methodist Episcopal Church, becoming a Sunday-school superintendent, and afterward a local preacher. He came to the United States in 1866. After working East he went to Olmstead Falls, near Cleveland, Ohio, removing to Summit, Cook county, in 1869, where he worked upon the farm of " Long" John Wentworth. He then went South, and took up his residence in Chicago in 1871.

Albert R. Parsons is a Southerner. He was born in Montgomery, Ala., June 20, 1848. He came from good stock. His father was Samuel P. Parsons of Maine, and his mother was from New Jersey. His ancestors were English, and came to this country in 1632. His mother died when he was two years old, and his father three years later. In 1853 he went to live with his brother, General W. H. Parsons, in Tyler, Texas, and was raised by him. He was apprenticed to the Galveston News in 1859, f°r seven years, and learned the printer's trade. When the war broke out, in 1 861, he became a member of the Lone Star Grays, on the Confederate side, and later on became a scout. In 1868 he went to Waco, Texas, and started the Spectator, afterward becoming connected with the Houston Daily Telegram. It was in Houston that he met his wife, and married her in 1872. He came here with her in 1873, and worked as a printer until he was arrested, in 1877, on account of his interference in the strikes. He ran for several offices on the Socialistic ticket, and finally started the Alarm.

Michael Schwab first saw the light of day in Kibringer-onthe-Main, Bavaria, August 9, 1853. He attended public school when he was five years old, until twelve, and then went to Latin school until sixteen. His mother died when he was eight, and his father when he was two. In 1869 he learned the bookbinder's trade in Wunsenberg. He afterward lived in various German and Bavarian cities and became a Socialist while in Wunsenberg. He came to America in 1879, and Chicago in the same year. After a sojourn in Milwaukee and the West he returned here in 1882, and went on the Arbeiter Zeitung as a reporter at a salary of $12 per week. His position was finally raised to associate editor, and his salary to $18.

Louis Lingg, the youngest of the doomed Anarchists, is only twenty-one years old, having been born in Baden, Germany, in 1864. He secured a common school education in Germany. After leaving his native country he went to Switzerland, where he remained several years, arriving in America in August, 1885. He is a carpenter by trade, and unmarried.

of age, and has lived in this country for the last thirteen years. He is a printer, and worked at his trade while in America. For the last seven years he has been a compositor on the Arbeiter Zeitung. He is married, and the father of two children.

George Engel is a native of Germany, having been born in Kassel, Hesse, Germany, in 1839. Early in January, 1872, he came to America, and afterward to Chicago, where he has since lived, working as a painter.

Oscar W. Neebe is of German descent, but was born in New York City, in 1850. In 1865 he came to Chicago, where he worked at his trade of tinsmith. In 1870 he went to New York, and from there to Philadelphia, where he remained two years, returning to Chicago in 1875. He nas since resided with his family in this city.

The Jurors

The twelve good men and true, who sat in judgment for so many long and weary days, are all Americans by birth. Frank S. Osborne, foreman of the jury, is a widower of thirty-nine, and the father of three sons. He is head salesman of the carpet department of Marshall Field's retail store, and came here from Columbus, Ohio. He is an Episcopalian.

Major James H. Cole, of Lawndale, the first juror accepted by both sides, was born at Utica, N. Y., forty-three years ago, and served throughout the Rebellion in the Forty-first Ohio Infantry. He came to Chicago from Chattanooga, Tennessee, six years ago, and though a bookkeeper by profession, is at present out of employment.

J. H. Brayton, principal of Webster School, lives at Engelwood with his family, although a native of Lyons, N. Y. He had arranged a hunting and fishing excursion for the summer, which the trial ruined.

A. H. Reed is of the firm of Reed & Sons, of Reed's Temple of Music, 136 State street. He was born in Boston fortynine years ago, but has been in the music business here for twenty-three years, living with his wife at 3242 Groveland Park. Mr. Reed is a Freethinker, but not an Atheist.

Andrew Hamilton, dealer in hardware, has lived in Chicago twenty years of the forty-one he has been on earth, and now lives with his wife at 1521 Forty-first street.

C. B. Todd, forty-seven years old, was born in Elmira, N. Y., lived in Minnesota for sixteen years after the war, but is now a salesman in the Putnam Clothing House. He served in the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery. Mr. Todd lives at 1013 West Polk street.

H. T. Sanford is but twenty-four years old, and is a son of the late Lawyer Sanford, compiler of the Superior Court reports of New York. For fifteen months past he has been voucher clerk for the Chicago & Northwestern, but before coming to Chicago he was a petroleum broker at New York. He and his wife live at Oak Park.

S. C. Randall, the youngest man on the jury, was born in Erie county, Pennsylvania, in 1864, and in the three years he has been in Chicago he has been a hotel waiter, a milk peddler, and is now a salesman for J. C. Vaughan & Co., seedsmen, 45 LaSalle street.

Theodore Denker, shipping clerk for H. H. King & Co., is twenty-seven years old, and lives at Woodlawn Park. He has lived in Chicago twenty-five years and is not married.

John B. Greiner is a clerk in the freight department of the Chicago & Northwestern Road, and lives at Humboldt Park. He is twenty-five years old, and single.

G. W. Adams, twenty-seven years old, travels in Michigan selling paint for a Clinton street firm. He is a painter by trade and lives with his brother at Evanston.

Name Op Officer Nature Of Wounds, And Circumstances

Shell wound in left leg, slight; injury to toes left foot and shell wound in left thigh. Wife and two children; wife very sick at County Hospital.

Nature Of Wounds, And Circumstances

shot. Single, Shell wound in right side, bullet wound in right hip, wounds inside both hips, bullet wound in call of leg. Wife. ', children. Instantly killed. Widower: father, mother and three sons. Slight injury to left leg; reported for duty. Wife. Bullet wound in left thigh, shell wound in right side of head and

Wife and one child. Bullet wound in left leg; serious. Wife and seven children. Bullet wound in left thigh, not removed, slight shell wound on left

Wife and two children. Struck with club and trampled upon; on duty. Wife. Shell wound in left breast, shell not removed. Single. Right leg amputated above the knee. Three shell wounds on left leg. Wife and one child. Bullet wound just above left knee. Has four children (Widower). Right collar bone fractured, and slight injury to left knee; not serious. Wife and five children. Shot in calf of left leg; serious. Wife and three children. Shot in arm, near shoulder; very serious. W7ife and two children. Shell wound on calf of left 'eg, shell not found; ball wound left leg, near knee; very serious. Wife and two children. Shot in right arm and two wounds on right leg. Wite, five children. Shot in right ankle, bullet not removed; serious. Single. Shot in both legs, ball not extracted. Single. Shot in left elbow. Wife and two children. Slight shot wound in left arm. Wife. Slight bruise on left knee. Wife.

children. Shot in right leg; not serious. Single. Shot in right knee. Wife and two children. Slightly injured in leg and hack. Wife and six children. Shot in* right leg; quite serious. Wife and six children. Slightly wounded in back; not serious. Single. Right knee sprained ; not serious. Wife and three children. Shot in right leg; at hospital. Single. Seriously Injured in abdomen by shell, and in left hand; very serious. Wife and five children. Shot in calf of risht leg and in left hand. Wife and daughter. Shell wound in left thigh. Wife and two children. Wounded in leg; not serious. Married. Shell wound on back of left hand. Wife and three children. Slight wound by shell, left hand. Wife and three children. Finger hurt by shell. Married.

The citizens raised a purse of nearly $55,000 to administer to the wants of the families of the policemen who were killed and wounded, and the treasury of the Policemen's Mutual Aid Association was materially benefited.

Story Of The Conspiracy

means employed to ferret it out will not be known until the trials of the big- batch of Anarchists indicted for conspiracy alone are brought to a close. Captain Frank Schaack, in whose district the headquarters of the Northwest Group were located, had but six detectives to assist him in the work of unearthing their connections. By May 7 the work had narrowed down to certain quarters, and was progressing favorably.

It was not until the informer Thielen had disclosed the inwardness of the conspiracy, the " Ypsilon '' call, and the " Ruhe " signal, that the hard work actually commenced. Detectives Schuttler and Loewenstein and some officers in uniform were sent to two houses on Sedgwick street, one of which was Seliger's (No. 442), and the other a few doors off on the opposite side of the street. Oppenheimer, the escaped informer, said that when the officers were going toward Seliger's he and Lingg were standing on the opposite sidewalk, and that they discussed the feasibility of making a rush for the house and getting in in time to arm themselves and kill the officers in case they were actually bound for Seliger's. But the unconscious officers were too quick in their movements and got to the house first. Then Lingg said he would hide, and instructed Oppenheimer to send his trunk to No. 71 West Lake street in case the officers did not take it away. It was then that Schuttler and Loewenstein found the Lingg-Seliger arsenal and all the infernal machinery for bomb manufacture. The officers held possession of the place until everything was taken to the station. Seliger was found at work at Meyer's carpenter shop the same evening, and was lodged in the East Chicago avenue station. This was the first arrest of importance as leading directly to the conspiracy. That night Thielen came to see what his friend Seliger was arrested for, and he, too, was put under lock and key. It was then that Lingg first was heard of. Thielen was the first informer, but it was some days before he willingly told anything. His talk the first night, however, regarding Seliger's lodger, Lingg, and Seliger's talk on the same subject, led Schaack to believe that Lingg was an important factor in the case. Schuttler and Loewenstein then bent all their energies to Lingg's capture. They traced him first by an express wagon he had hired to deliver his tool-chest at Twelfth and Clark streets. Then they traced him to Canal street, and then to the lumber district, frequently losing the trail and then catching it again. Finally, on the 14th they located him in the little cottage on Ambrose street, where they arrested him. Lingg was an unconscious informer. He was defiant ; he desired to conceal nothing regarding himself, and in his reckless moods he disclosed many things that were valuable. Then Thielen squealed. A host of conspirators were hunted down by the six detectives and arrested. Assistant States-Attorney Furthman, whom Schaack describes as better than any two detectives in the city, interviewed the prisoners daily and nightly in their native tongue, and kept a record of all their statements.

Rudolph Schnaubelt

Rudolph Schnaubelt, the man who is believed to have thrown the devastating dynamite bomb, and who escaped after being once arrested, was first discovered in the Arbeiter Zcitung office on Fifth avenue the morning after the Haymarket riot. The police raid was made at about 1 1 o'clock. Schnaubelt, who was a very tall, well-built man, with yellowish, bushy whiskers, stood behind the desk talking to his sister, Mrs. Schwab. This woman, by the way, very much resembles him in appearance, and was the woman who carried the red flag in front of the Anarchist procession the night of the demonstration on the Board of Trade. Lieutenant Shea, Chief of Detectives, says :

" We arrested Fischer and the printers in the office and took them to the Central. Schnaubelt was not arrested then. The next day Detectives Palmer and Cosgrove brought him into the Central, and I talked to him for a while. He could speak but little English, and was very straightforward in his answers. He acknowledged that he was at the Haymarket meeting, and said that when the bomb exploded he got down from the wagon and went home. I asked him if he was a Socialist, and he promptly replied that he was. I knew of no reason then to hold Schnaubelt. We had arrested about forty Socialists already, and had no use for the most of them. We even let Neebe go once.

" I heard the witness Gilmer's story about three days after the riot. He described a man with bushy whiskers. Well, the first time I saw Schnaubelt was when Palmer and Cosgrove brought him into the Central. He had shaved his beard off then, and of course I did not recognize Schnaubelt from Gilmer's description. It was perhaps two weeks later betore we discovered that Schnaubelt had left town. Not until then did we connect him with the bomb-thrower Gilmer had described. I think he left town a day or two after we had him in the Central station. With two weeks the start of us it was hard to track him, and we have never found any positive trace of his whereabouts. He may be dead and he may be in the far West. The only place where he is certain not to be is in Chicago."

The Grand Jury

The grand jury that indicted the Anarchists was composed of a representative body of men. The following is an abstract of their report in reference to the Haymarket massacre :

To the Hon. Judge John G. Rogers: In presenting the bills of indictments which we have the honor herewith to submit, in what are known as the "Anarchist cases," we deem it proper to accompany the same with a few words of explanation. We have endeavored in our deliberations and in our findings to be guided strictly by the instructions delivered to us by the Court in regard to the liability of a citizen under the law for the abuse of the privilege of free speech. We have in this connection, upon the evidence adduced, found true bills only against such persons as had, in their abuse of this right, been more or less instrumental in causing the riot and bloodshed at Haymarket square, the particulars of which we were called upon to investigate. We have in some cases refused to find bills for the reason that persons against whom evidence was presented seemed to be the weak and ignorant tools of designing men, and that it was our belief should they continue their evil associations and practices after this calamity shall have shown them to what it leads, that some future grand jury would give their cases proper attention. So far as we are informed this is the first appearance of dynamite as a factor in the criminal annals of this state, and this is also the first organized conspiracy for the destruction of human life, and the overthrow of law in any part of this country that has employed this new and dangerous agency. It is not surprising that the fatal and appalling success which has attended this, its first introduction, should have inspired terror in this community.

We find that the attack on the police on May 4 was the result of a deliberate conspiracy, the full details of which are now in the possession of the officers of the law, and will be brought out when the cases shall be reached in court. We find that this force of disorganizers had a very perfect force of organizers of its own, and that it was chiefly under the control of the coterie of men who were connected with the publication of their English and German newspaper organs, the Alarm and Arbeiter Zeitung. The evidence' has shown conclusively to us that these men were manipulating this agitation from base and selfish motives, for the power and. influence which it gave them, and for the money which they could make out of it ; that the large majority of their followers were simply their dupes, and they have collected in this way large sums of money from those followers, and from the working men of this city. That their plan was to involve, so far as they could, not only the Socialist and Communist organizations, with whom they claim some kindred, but also the labor societies and trades unions, to the end that in the midst of the excitement they were creating they could not only rely upon them as a source of revenue, but also have them to fall back upon in the event of their finally being made amenable to the law. Witnesses have come before us under protest and with fear and trembling lest their appearance before this jury should draw down upon them or upon their families the secret vengeance of this unknown enemy. Branches of industry in the city have remained paralyzed after all causes of disagreement between the employer and the employed had been adjusted, by the same fear inspired among the workmen, coupled with the feeling that the law as administered was impotent to afford protection to a man ready and willing to work for the support of his family. So exaggerated has been the popular notion as to the magnitude of this force that politicians have cringed before it, and political parties have catered to its vote. Processions have been tolerated upon our public streets carrying banners and inscriptions which were a shame and a disgrace to our city, and an affront to every law-abiding citizen. Public harangues have been permitted that were an open menace to law and order, and which in logical sequence have reached their culmination in the bloody outrage known as the Haymarket massacre. We believe that a proper enforcement of the law, as expounded by your Honor in the charge made to this Grand Jury at the beginning of its session, would restore confidence, correct existing evils, preserve the peace, and protect this community from the recurrence of a like disorder.

In conclusion, we desire, as citizens and as members of this Grand Jury, in this public way to express our most grateful acknowledgments of the debt owing to the officers and men of the police force of Chicago. By their heroic bravery and their conscientiousness and devotion to duty we believe that they have saved this city from a scene of bloodshed and devastation equal to, or perhaps greater than that witnessed during the Commune in Paris. We wish further, from the evidence that has been placed before us, to express our fullest confidence that the same force that has protected us by its bravery in the face of the enemy, aided by the skill and legal ability of our Prosecuting Attorney and his assistants, is quite competent to hunt these public enemies down, and to bring them before our courts of law with sufficient evidence of guilt to insure what they so richly deserve. Wednesday, May 19, there appeared before the grand jury as a witness one Krendl, who is in the service of the City Water Department. This witness, it was said, testified that he saw a machinist, whose name was withheld, talking with Spies and Schwab at the Haymarket the evening of the tragedy. The witness watched the trio closely and saw them go toward Halsted street and then return to the wagon so frequently referred to in connection with the massacre. Upon their return the witness noticed that the machinist had something in his right coat-pocket which filled it up as an apple or base-ball might. His attention was directed to this fact because of the persistent manner in which the machinist kept guard over the mouth of the pocket with his hand.

M. M. Thompson followed the above witness, and described a certain person who was with Schwab and Spies during the early part of the evening, and this, in connection with Krendl's testimony, was considered important by the jury. It was stated at the time that Krendl was able to give the machinist's name, from having once been a Socialist.

It was afterward discovered that Schnaubelt was the machinist referred to. Fred. P. Rosbeck, a manufacturer of light machinery at No. 224 East Washington street, stated that Schnaubelt had been in his employ about five weeks previous to the Haymarket riot. He was a good workman, but a pronounced Socialist and Anarchist, and his rabid utterances had led many others in the shop to incline to his views. Schnaubelt had a companion, August Lambrecht by name, who came to work for Rosbeck about the same time he did. They were very intimate, going and coming together, and carrying on a close relationship. Tuesday, May 4, Schnaubelt asked his employer for the day, saying he had some important business to attend to. He was granted a leave of absence, but returned to work promptly Wednesday morning. Seeking to enlist him in conversation, Mr. Rosbeck said :

" Rudolph, they had a big time at the Haymarket last night." "Yes," said Schnaubelt, "a devil of a time." Intending to further draw him out, the employer continued : "You Anarchists didn't half do your job, though. Why didn't you use more bombs ?"

That evening Rosbeck told this story to a friend, who informed the detective, and the arrest was made Thursday morning. Wednesday Schnaubelt had a heavy beard and moustache. At the time of his arrest Thursday he had no beard and his moustache had been trimmed close to his lip. After his release by the police Schnaubelt returned to the shop and resumed work, but that Thursday night he informed Rosbeck that he might not return the next day. He said that he feared the detectives might search his house and then arrest him. He said Mrs. Schwab was his sister, and he was often at her house. If they searched Schwab's house it might lead to his (Schnaubelt's) arrest. He has not been seen since that Thursday night. His tools and clothes remained in the shop, as also did his unpaid wages. Rosbeck thought Lambrecht had knowledge of his friend's whereabouts. About the middle of May Lambrecht informed Rosbeck that Schnaubelt had instructed him to draw his salary and take possession of his clothes.

In his evidence before the jury M. M. Thompson declared that he saw either Spies or Schwab - and he felt almost certain it was the latter - hand Schnaubelt the bomb while the trio were about fifteen feet from the wagon. Schnaubelt, he said, was in waiting for them when they came from Halsted street. Krendl testified that in his opinion Schnaubelt could not have been handed the bomb at the place designated, because he saw him go to Halsted street with the speakers, and return. He admitted, however, that Schnaubelt had something in his outside pocket when near the wagon.

Schnaubelt, when arrested by Detective Palmer, admitted to Lieutenant Shea that he was with Schwab that Tuesday night, but insisted that he left the wagon on which they were standing when it commenced to rain.

Various rumors as to Schnaubelt's whereabouts were received. A letter, said to be in the fugitive's handwriting, was received by the police some weeks after the riot, from Portland, Oregon. The writer poked fun at the chief and said that the fact that he was so far away was due to the stupidity of the detective force and Lieut. Shea's gullibility.

Subsequently the body of a man was found in the canal at Erie, Pa., which in features and in the clothes upon it corresponded to the description of Schnaubelt, and it was thought he had left Chicago as a stowaway in a vessel and had been drowned in trying to get ashore at Erie at night. The authorities, however, became convinced that this was not Schnaubelt. Some of the police have always believed that Schnaubelt left the city with Parsons the night after the bomb throwing, and after remaining in hiding with the latter near Omaha until Parsons decided to appear and stand trial, continued his flight South or West. September 15, 1886, H. F. Schaffer, a conductor on the Mexican Central Railroad, on his way to his home in Ohio, called on Chief of Police Ebersold and informed him that from a picture of Schnaubelt in the Police Nezvs, he thought he had identified the fugitive in the person of a jeweler in the City of Mexico, who spoke English with a German accent. Mr. Schaffer and a companion visited the jeweler frequently and endeavored to draw him out upon the subject of the Haymarket massacre, but the suspected person would not talk about the Anarchists. It is understood the police took measures to investigate this supposed clue.

Cost Of The Anarchist Trials

It is estimated that the trials of the Anarchist conspirators for connection with the Haymarket massacre will cost Cook county and Chicago about $100,000. A calculation made by county officials at the close of the murder trial in August, placed the average cost since the night of the bomb throwing at $24,- 800 per month. Another estimate itemizes the daily expenses as follows :

Criminal Court Clerk's office and other expenses . . 100 This makes a total of $700 a day, or $70,000 for the 100 days which the trial covered. The trials of the twenty-six persons indicted for conspiracy in connection with the murders will bring the total cost up to $100,000.

In an interview Chief of Police Ebersold praised the brave and steady action of the police at the Haymarket, but for quick and active fighting gave the palm to the six officers who held a mob of two or three thousand men at bay. at the McCormick works the day before the Haymarket affair. A mob tried to hang Officer Casey to a lamp-post, and he fought hand to hand against great odds until rescued. Vaclav Dejnek, Frank Broda and a young man named Hess were indicted for this affair, and Dejnek was sentenced to serve one year in state's prison.

The Arbeiter Zeitung

The Arbeiter Zeitung, which was suppressed the morning after the riot, was re-issued almost immediately, and in one issue had the following comments on the trial :

" Has it come to this, in the land of Washington, Franklin and Jefferson? It is the iron Must of historic development. Only those men who are economically independent can be truly free. Where there are poor and rich political freedom is a wretched lie. Mammon, the powerful idol, lowers freedom to a kitchen wench. As in Rome at the time of its decay Praetorian bands of foreigners upheld the rule of the Caesars, so now the chief support of the money kings is the police force of the large American cities, which consists mainly of foreigners. The downfall of the Republic is nigh. It will fall like all countries whose foundations crumble away in the course of time. All the weeping and wailing cannot delay catastrophe. The present is without hope, so we must strengthen ourselves by looking at the future. A new life will bloom from the ruins of the present social order. The society of the future will bridge over the abysses which open to-day before our eyes. All men will be equal. They will remember with a shudder the time when Praetorian bands could plot the massacre of thousands. Mammon will be cast down from his usurped throne, and Freedom will take the place with conquering power, to dwell with happy humanity forever and ever."

After the verdict was rendered Mr. Grinnell, in behalf of the State, sent word to the new publishers of the Arbeiter Zeitung that care must be taken by them that no attacks either on the jury or Judge Gary should appear in their paper, notifying them that if any such article should appear, the managers of the paper would be prosecuted for contempt of court.

Gets Fifteen Years

"A Motion for a New Trial Made ! "The jury, through Osborne, its foreman, presented their verdict to Judge Gary this morning. When the result became known the detectives, who mingled freely with the crowd on the street, set up a loud cheering, and the Judge became very pale - he did not expect such a demonstration. Grinnell, on the other hand, evidently expected such a verdict, and presumably with cause. Marshall Field and men of his stripe have entirely too much money. What do the people say to this verdict ? They will look upon it as being impossible - incredible. We were not inclined to believe it at first, but we soon became convinced. Captain Black instantly made a motion for a new trial, which Grinnell did not oppose, and Judge Gary will hear this motion next term. If he overrules the motion, an appeal will be taken. We are not in a proper frame of mind to say more to-day."

The verdict of the jury was unanimously commended both by the American and foreign press, and it was held that if sentence were executed, a death-blow would be dealt Anarchy in this country. The Chicago Socialists held numerous meetings to raise money to appeal the case to the Supreme Court, and in these meetings Dr. Ernst Schmidt, the Socialist candidate for Mayor in 1879, was a prime mover. Joseph Gruenhut and other Socialist leaders, set to work to organize a political party to take action in the fall election, and at a convention held in the North side Turner hall, Saturday, September 25, a contest ensued between the radical Socialists and the various reputable labor organizations, for control of the convention. A test vote was taken on the election of a chairman, and the Socialists were found to control the convention by a large majority, their choice being C. G. Dixon.. Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Spies and her daughter, Mrs. W. P. Black and other relatives and sympathizers with the condemned Anarchists, had seats on the stage. The convention adjourned to meet Monday following at Greenebaum's hall, where a full state and county ticket was named, composed in part of Socialists, laboring men, and members of the old parties. At this convention the representatives of upward of twenty reputable labor organizations, not in sympathy with the Socialists, were blacklisted, and these held a convention at the North side Turner hall, Monday, October 4, in which the action of the Socialists was repudiated.

The Anarchists and Socialists of New York held several meetings and passed resolutions of sympathy with their Chicago brethren. September 22 Mrs. Black, wife of the leading counsel for the defense, published a letter in which she predicted an immediate revolution and widespread destruction of life and property if the Anarchists should be executed.

September 27 Capt. Black served notice of his motion for a new trial upon State's Attorney Grinnell. Accompanying the motion were a number of affidavits in its support, among them being the complaint that the verdict was contrary to the law and the evidence ; that the Court erred in giving- instructions asked on behalf of the people ; that errors were committed in the refusal of the Court to give instructions asked on behalf of the defendants ; that the Court erred in admitting improper, incompetent, irrelevant, and immaterial evidence, and in excluding testimony offered on behalf of the defendants, and that the verdict was not rendered by an impartial jury. They also alleged misconduct on the part of officers in the selection and summoning of the jurors, and that those summoned upon the special venires were prejudiced against the defendants. The motion also alleged error on the part of the Court in its rulings as to the qualifications of jurors and their competency, and in barring certain questions asked by the defendants' counsel, and allowing the State more than twenty peremptory challenges. The motion also alleged error on the part of the Court in overruling the motion of Spies, Fielden, Schwab, and Neebe for a separate trial. Great strength is placed in the statement of an Indianapolis man, John Philip Deleuse, who, some time ago, in his saloon, was asked by a man how the labor agitation was progressing in his city ; that after some conversation the man remarked : " I came from New York, and I guess I will go to Chicago ; you will hear of some trouble there very soon." And, pointing to his satchel, added : " I have something here that will work ; you will hear of it." Deleuse says the appearance of the satchel indicated that its contents were heavy. A few days afterward he heard of the Haymarket bomb-throwing, when he concluded that the man who acted so strangely a couple of days previous had something to do with it. The affidavit of Deleuse is corroborated by J. L. Biller, a prominent commission merchant of Indianapolis, and Oscar Sputh, a gymnast of the same place. The affidavit is also accompanied with the attests of C. B. Feibleman, a Justice of the Peace before whom the affidavit was sworn, and by Moses G. McLain, the County Clerk, to certify that Feibleman is a legal justice of the peace. This is the principal affidavit in support of the motion, and very little consideration is made of them by the State's Attorney. The affidavit of Thomas J. Morgan of Woodlawn Park is also presented to support the charge that from the utterances of juror Theodore E. Denker he was so prejudiced as to be unable to render a fair verdict. Morgan says that he was on May 6 conversing with Denker upon the Woodlawn Park depot platform, and that upon being shown a portrait in a paper of Spies he said : " It don't make any difference whether it looks like him or not, he and the whole the affiant, makes affidavit that he remembers the incident, and corroborates his father's statement as to Denker's utterance upon seeing the picture of Spies. John Sovell also makes affidavit that Scott G. Randall gave utterance to remarks in substance that all of the eight Anarchists ought to be hung. This is alleged to have been on a Sunday morning soon after the Haymarket massacre.

The motion for a new trial was argued at the October term of the Criminal Court. Counsel for the Anarchists, with the view of being prepared for argument before the Supreme Court, had the record written up of the question put to certain of those called to serve on the jury, but it was only a partial record, made up of points favorable to the defense. To offset this, State's Attorney Grinnell decided to present the record complete, and under his instructions official stenographer James M. Purcell with six assistants wrote up the questions put to and the answers of the 1,191 men who were called to serve as jurors before the desired twelve were secured. This work required six weeks, and comprised more than 5,000 type writer pages, of 300 words to the page.

On Friday, October 1, Capt. Black and Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler began their arguments for a new trial for the condemned, They endeavored to strengthen their cause by submitting a number of affidavits impeaching the character of the witnesses for the prosecution. The most important of these were those of A. P. Love, of LaGrange, and Orrin Blossom, 2961 Wentworth avenue, who made affidavits to the effect that on the night of the Haymarket massacre they were in a saloon at the corner of Halsted and Van Buren streets, with Harry L. Gilmer for some time before the hour the explosion took place, and that the party remained there long after the bomb exploded. This was to impeach Gilmer's testimony. He swore he saw Schnaubelt throw the bomb, and testified Spies was present in the alley at the time.

State's Attorney Grinnell had a bombshell ready for the defense. He produced counter affidavits from A. T. Love and Orrin Blossom. Love swore that he was not in company with Orrin Blossom on the night of the Haymarket massacre ; that he was not in the city after six o'clock that night, and that he never saw Gilmer. He signed the affidavit read in court, but did not swear to it.

and he received it. He said that one evening after the affidavit was made one Lewis L. Smith was given a check for $91 in Mr. Zeisler's office ; that this money was obtained at the International bank ; that the affiant was paid $30 ; that Blossom was paid $30, and that $30 was kept by Smith, and the remaining $1 was spent for cigars.

Blossom's affidavit was to the same effect. He was not in company with Love that night ; he did not know Gilmer, and was induced to sign the affidavit on the promise of money. Blossom in his affidavit acknowledged having received $30 from Smith, that the latter kept $30 himself, and that the other $30 was paid Love.

Mr. Zeisler, speaking of the check for $91 paid to Lewis Smith, maintained that the money was paid to him for his services as a detective looking up Gilmer's actions. Mr. Zeisler said he did not know what Smith did with the money ; that was not his business. If Love and Blossom were out any time for their services it was only proper that they should be paid. He said that the defense had nothing to hide or conceal, and that the money was paid to Smith in a legitimate way.

The Motion For A New Trial Overruled

The arguments for a new trial occupied three days, and on Thursday, October 7, Judge Gary rendered his decision. The decision overruled the motion for a new trial and was a remarkably clear and terse statement of the essential points in the case, generally acknowledged to be divested of every trace of prejudice, and including a complete analysis of the evidence, and fair and reasonable deductions therefrom. Judge Gary said :

In passing upon this motion for a new trial the case is so voluminous, there is such a mass of evidence, that it is impossible, within anything like reasonable limits, to give a synopsis or epitome. I do not understand that either upon the trial before the jury or upon the arguments of this motion before me there have been any arguments tending or intended to deny that all of the defendants, except Neebe, were parties to whatever purpose or object there was in view - that the other seven were combined for some purpose. I, of course, do not wish to attribute to the defendants1 counsel any admissions which they have not made, but my impression is that there has been no argument tending or intending to deny that all the other seven, except Neebe, were engaged in the pursuit of some object. What it is the counsel have debated before the jury and before me. Now, it is important to know what that object was, whether it was as counsel for defense have stated - merely to encourage working men to resist, if unlawful attacks were made upon them - or whether it was something else. There is no better way to ascertain what the object was than to read what they have spoken and written as the object, while the events were transpiring. Now, from the files of their newspapers, which go back a good way, a good deal can be taken, which must of necessity be taken as the truth of what their object was. I have not had time and opportunity to arrange either the translations of the Arbeiter Zeitung or the files of the Alarm, and pick out those which in the fullest shape show what they were proposing to do. These translations from the Arbeiter Zeitung now come to my hands for the first time. I have here a translation of the Arbeiter Zeitimg, January n, 1885, headed "To Arms.1'

The Court proceeded to read numerous and lengthy extracts from translations offered in evidence of articles in the Arbeiter Zeitung, in which revolution by force was advised, and the approaching revolution, it was declared, would be greater than that of the last century. Among the extracts read were the following :

"The day draws near when the working people erf America, in an outburst of passion and ungovernable rage, will revolt and demand the total abolition of the existing state of things which brings to the working classes so much misery and death. Have you all prepared yourselves with knives, pistols, guns and dynamite for the unavoidable conflict between labor and capital ?"

"It was decided at the last mass-meeting at No. 54 West Lake street that the next meeting will be devoted to the consideration of the military laws and necessity of using force in the warfare between capital and labor."

"Those who want to talk to capitalists in earnest must be prepared to attain their object by killing them. This can only be accomplished by systematic organization. The time for all this is short - look out - "

" In addition to all this," continued Judge Gary, "there is the testimony of witnesses that there was a combination which was formed as early as 1884, and that combination had for its purpose the changing of the existing order of things, the overthrow of government, and the abolition of all law. There can be no question in the mind of any one who has read these articles or heard these speeches, which were written and spoken long before the eight-hour movement was talked of, that this movement which they advocated was but a means in their estimation toward the ends which they sought, and that the movement itself was not primarily any consideration with them at all. The different papers and speeches furnish direct contradiction to the arguments of counsel that they proposed to resort to arms merely to resist any unlawful attacks which the police might make upon them, because these all show that their object was this : If during the eight-hour movement strikes occurred, and if the employers chose to employ other men in the place of those who had struck, then these men so employed must be prevented by force from going to work, and if the police then undertook to resist the force so employed on behalf of the strikers, if the police undertook to prevent this force from being so employed, that that was the ground which it was expected the police would furnish for the exercise of these arms and these explosives, and that was the ground on which the police force was to be destroyed. There can be no doubt that that was an unlawful combination. It is impossible to argue that any set of men have the right to dictate to others whether they should work or not, and if they chose to work in defiance of their dictation, drive them away by force, and if the police undertook to prevent that force, then kill the police. It is impossible for an instant to support any such principle as that. The members of this combination publicly announced that they had no hope of winning the majority over to their side by argument, and no hope of attaining their object by getting rid of this majority by violence. There is no doubt that seven of the defendants were in the combination formed for that purpose. As to Neebe's part, there is the evidence of witnesses that he presided at meetings called by the class of people from whom this combination was drawn, and that he called meetings of the people who were engaged in the movement. There is evidence that he marched in the Board of Trade procession, the object of which was said to be the demolition of that building."

The Court proceeded to discuss all the evidence against Neebe, which tended to show that he was associated with the rest of the defendants in the encouragement of the movement which had for its object the destruction of the government. The Court resumed : ants, or any of them, did anticipate or expect the throwing of the bomb on the night of the 4th of May, is not a question which I need to consider, because the instructions did not go upon that ground. The jury were not instructed to find them guilty if they believed that they participated in the throwing of the bomb, or encouraged or advised the throwing of that bomb, or had knowledge that it was to be thrown, or anything of that sort. The conviction has not gone upon the ground that they did have any actual participation in the act which caused the death of Deegan, but upon the ground, under the instructions, that they had generally by speech and print advised a large class to commit murder, and had left the occasion, time and place to the individual will, whim and caprice of the individuals so advised, and that in consequence of that advice, and in pursuance of it, and influenced by it, somebody not known did throw the bomb that caused Deegan 's death.

"There is no example in the law books of a case of this sort. No such occurrence has ever happened before in the history of the world. I suppose that in the Lord George Gordon riots we might find something like this. Lord George Gordon was indicted for treason, and the government failed in its proof upon the trial as to what he had done. Very likely they did not want to prove it very strongly against him ; I do ifot know ; it is none of my business. If the bomb was thrown in pursuance of the prisoners' advice, the instruction as to the law of accessories before the fact applied to the case, and the instruction to the jury was proper. If the radical Prohibitionists should make up their minds that the only way to stop the liquor traffic was by destroying the saloons and killing the saloon-keepers, and if some crank should blow up a saloon with a bomb for whose manufacture these radicals had furnished specific directions, and in the explosion a saloon-keeper was killed, there could be no question but that the radical temperance men were guilty of murder. But there was no question that when some one said ' Hang McCormick,' or ' Hang Gould,' the reply was given to make no idle threats, but when they got ready to do anything, to do it."

'' Now, the general advice throughout was to each individual man - I mean the general teachings on this subject of associated revolution - was to each individual man to do it himself, without combination ; that men working together in deeds of violence were to be avoided ; that they were to go alone where one man only was required to accomplish the work, and where more than one man was required, as few as were necessary should be taken. Now, under these circumstances, in the inflamed state of the public mind at the time, each of these orators was still more inflaming the public mind when he advised the people to use force, and some man - I do not say identified, but unidentified - some man in that crowd, when the police approached, with a bomb of Lingg's manufacture, kills Deegan ; all who have advised such action are guilty of his murder. If anything can be proved by circumstantial evidence, that is proved ; that he threw that bomb in consequence of the influence of these teachings, this advice by speech and printing over a course of two years ; that the man who threw that bomb had been educated up to it by the teachings of these defendants. The case, as I said before, is unprecedented. There is no example of any such crime having been committed ; there is no precedent of any case like this having become the subject of judicial investigation ; but the principle of law is well fixed. It is the boast of people who profess to admire the common law, that it adapts itself to human events, and that no situation or no new form of industry can arise but the common law has principles which may be applied." The prisoners spoke in their own behalf before sentence was passed. The court room was crowded us usual. The police department was represented by Chief Ebersold, Capt. Schaack, and twenty officers. The prisoners wore a look of even greater anxiety than at the morning session. Parsons appeared particularly thoughtful and gloomy. The greater part of the session he sat with his cheek resting in his hand and taking less note of the proceedings than usual. Spies was laboring under great excitement. Before he began his speech Judge Gary repeated the caution he had before given the auditors to refrain from any demonstration of approbation or disapprobation during the session. He insisted that every one in the court should be seated, and seeing two men at the rear of the room seated on a table he compelled them to take chairs or sit on the floor. Everything was quiet as the grave when Spies began his address. During the impassioned passages he raised his voice and indulged in violent gesticulation. Neebe's utterance was quite rapid, and he spoke like one at home before an audience. His speech would have produced an impression on any jury. His voice is clear and resonant, and he has a better presence than any of the other de- fendants. Fischer spoke hesitatingly, and would probably not have spoken at all but for an uncontrollable desire to express his opinion of the State's Attorney and all representatives of the law. Lingg's rather handsome face was flushed, and his eyes flashed as he poured out his denunciation of Messrs. Grinnell and Bonfield. When he took his seat his face was covered with perspiration. He made the walls ring, and as each sentence had to be translated by Prof. Fick, he had ample opportunity to deliver each sentence with renewed emphasis. Schwab read his speech in a clear, resonant voice, and it had been evidently prepared with much care.

"In addressing this Court I speak as the representative of one class to the representative of another. I will begin with the words uttered five hundred years ago on a similar occasion by the Venetian Do^e Faliero, who, addressing the court, said: 'My defense is your accusation ; the causes qf my alleged crime, your history.' I have been indicted under the charge of murder as an accomplice or accessory. Upon this indictment I have been convicted. There was no evidence produced by the State to show or even indicate that I had any knowledge of the man who threw the bomb, or that I myself had anything.to do with the throwing of the missile unless, of course, you weigh the testimony of the accomplices of the State's Attorney and Bonfield, the testimony of Thompson and Gilmer, by the price they were paid for it. If there was no evidence to show that I was legally responsible for the deed, then my conviction and the execution of the sentence are nothing less than a willful, malicious and deliberate murder - as foul a murder as may be found in the annals of religious, political, or any other sort of persecution. Judicial murders have in many cases been committed where the representatives of the state were acting in good faith, believing their victims to be guilty of the charge or accusation. In this case the representatives of the state cannot justify themselves by a similar excuse, for they themselves have fabricated most of the testimony which was used as a pretense to convict us - convict us by a jury picked to convict before this Court and before the public, which is supposed to be the State. I charge the State's Attorney and Bonfield with a heinous conspiracy to commit murder.

"I will now state a little incident which will throw light upon this charge. On the evening on which the praetorian cohorts of the Citizens' association, the Bankers' association, the Bar asso- ciation, and railroad princes attacked the meeting of workingmen on the Haymarket with murderous intent - on that evening about 8 o'clock, I met a young man, Legner by name. My brother was with me at the same time, and never left me on that evening until I jumped from the wagon a few seconds before the explosion came. Legner knew that I had not seen Schwab that evening. He knew that I had no such conversation with anybody as Mr. Marshall Field's protege,Thompson, has testified to. He knew that I did not jump from the wagon and strike a match and hand it to the man who threw the bomb. He is not a Socialist. Why didn't we bring him on the stand ? Because the honorable representatives of the State, Grinnell and Bonfield, spirited him away. These honorable gentlemen knew everything about Legner. They knew that his testimony would prove the perjury of Thompson and Gilmer beyond any reasonable doubt. Legner's name was on the list of witnesses for the state. He was not called, however, for obvious reasons. First, as he stated to a number of friends, he had been offered $500 if he would leave the city, and threatened with direful things if he should remain here and appear as a witness for the defense. He replied that he could neither be bought nor bulldozed to serve such a foul, damnable, dastardly plot. But when we wanted Legner he could not be found. Mr. Grinnell said - and Mr. Grinnell is an honorable man - that he himself had been searching for the young man, but had not been able to find him. About three weeks later I learned that the very same young man had been kidnapped and taken to Buffalo, N. Y., by two of the illustrious guardians of the law, two Chicago detectives. Let Mr. Grinnell, let the Citizens' association, his employer, let them answer for themselves, and let the people - let the public - sit in judgment upon these would-be assassins. No, I reply, the Prosecution has not established our legal guilt, notwithstanding the purchased and perjured testimony of some, and notwithstanding the originality of the proceedings of the trial. And as long as this has not been done, and you pronounce the sentence of the appointed viligante committee acting as a jury, I say that you, the alleged servant and high priests of the law, are the real and only lawbreakers, and in this case you go to the extent of murder. It is well that the people know this. And when I speak of the people I do not mean the few conspirators of Grinnell, the noble patricians who are murderers of those whom they please to oppress. Those citizens may constitute the state. They may control the state; they may have their Grinnells, Bonfields, and their hire- lings. No, when I speak of the people, I speak of the great mass of working beasts, who unfortunately are not yet conscious of the rascalities that are perpetrated in the name of the people - in their name. They condemn the murder of eight men whose only crime is that they have dared to speak the truth. This murder may open the eyes of these suffering millions, may wake them up indeed. I have noticed that our conviction has worked miracles in this direction already. The class that clamors for our lives, the good and devout Christians, have attempted in every way, through their newspapers and otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case, by designating the defendants Anarchists and picturing them as a newlydiscovered tribe or species of cannibals, by inventing shocking and horrifying stories of their conspiracies.

"I believe with Buckle, with Paine, with Jefferson, with Emerson, with Spencer, and with many other great thinkers of this century, that the state of caste and classes, the state where one class dominates and lives upon the labor of another class and calls it order, should be abolished. Yes, I believe that this barbaric form of social organization, with its legalized thunder and murder, is doomed to die and make room for free society - volunteer associations if you like - universal brotherhood. You may pronounce your sentence upon me, honorable judge, but let the world know that in the year A. D. 1886, in the state of Illinois, eight men were sentenced to death because they had not lost their faith in the ultimate victory of liberty and justice. Read the history of Greece and Rome ; read that of Venice. Look over the dark pages of the church and follow the thorny path of science. No change i No change !

"You would destroy society and civilization, as ever, upon the cry of the ruling classes. They are so comfortably situated under the prevailing system that they naturally abhor and fear even the slightest changes. Their privileges are as dear to them as life itself, and every change threatens these privileges. But civilization is a record whose steps are monuments of such changes. Without these social changes, always brought about against the will and against the force of the ruling classes, there would be no civilization. As to the destruction of society, which we have been accused of seeking, it sounds like one of Asop's fables - like the cunning of the fox. We, who have jeopardized our lives to save society from the fiend that has grasped her by the throat, that seeks her life-blood and devours her substance ; we, who would heal her bleeding wounds, who would free her from the fetters you have wrought around her, from the misery you have brought upon her - we are enemies. We have preached dynamite, it is said, and we have predicted from the lessons history has taught us, that the ruling class of to-day would no more listen to the voice of reason than did their predecessors. They would attempt by brute force to stay the march of progress. Was it a lie, or was it the truth that we stated ? -* * * I have been a citizen of this city fully as long as Mr. Grinnell, and am probably as good a citizen as Grinnell. At least I should not wish to be compared to him. Grinnell has appealed time and again, as has been stated by our attorneys, to the patriotism of the jury. To that I reply, and I will simply use the words of an English litterateur, 'Patriotism is the last resort of the scoundrel.' My friends' agitation in behalf of the disinherited and disfranchised millions, and my agitation in this direction, the popularization of the economic teachings in favor of the education of wage-workers, is declared to be a conspiracy against society. The word 'society' is here wisely substituted for state, as represented by the patricians of to-day. It has always been the opinion of the ruling classes that the people must be kept in ignorance. They lose their servility, modesty, and obedience to the arbitrary powers that be as their intelligence grows. The education of a blacksmith a quarter of a century ago was a criminal offense. Why? Because the intelligent slave would throw off his shackles at whatever cost, my Christian gentlemen. Why is the education of the working people to-day looked upon by a certain class as treason against the State ? For the same reason ! The State, however, wisely avoided this point in the prosecution of the case. From their testimony one would really conclude that we had in our speeches and publications preached nothing else but destruction and dynamite. * * * You, gentlemen, are the revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social conditions which have tossed you by fortune's hand into a magnificent paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one else has a right in that place. You insist that you are the chosen ones, the sole proprietors of forces that tossed you into the paradise. The industrial forces are still at work. They are growing more active and intense from day to day. Their tendency is to elevate all mankind to the same level, to have all humanity share in the paradise you now monopolize. And you, in your blindness, think you can stop the tidal-wave of civilization and human emancipation by placing a few policemen, a few Gatling guns, some regiments of militia on the shore. You think you can frighten the rising waves back into their unfathomable depths by erecting a few gailows in the perspective. You, who oppose the natural forces of things, you are the real revolutionists. You, and you alone, are the conspirators and destructionists.''

Adolph Fischer

"Your Honor, you asked me why the sentence of death should not be passed upon me. I will not talk much. I will only say a few words, and that is that I protest against my being sentenced to death, because I committed no crime. I was tried here in this room for murder and I was convicted for Anarchy. I protest against being sentenced to death, because I have not been found guilty of murder. I have been tried for murder, but I have been convicted because I am an Anarchist. Although being one of the parties who were at the Haymarket meeting, I had no more to do with the throwing of that bomb, I had no more connection with it than State's Attorney Grinnell had perhaps.

"As I said, it is a fact, and I do not deny that I was one of the parties who called at the Haymarket meeting.but that meeting - (At this point Mr. Salomon stepped up and spoke to Fischer in a low tone, but Fischer waived him off and said : Mr. Salomon, be so kind. I know what I am talking about.) Now, that Haymarket meeting was not called for the purpose of committing violence and crime. No ; but the meeting was called for the purpose of protesting against the outrages and against the crimes of the police committed on the day previous out at McCormick's. The next day I went to Wehrer & Klein and had twenty-five thousand copies of the hand bills printed, and I invited Spies to speak at Haymarket meeting. It is the fact, and I don't deny it, in the original of the 'copy' I had the line 'Working men, arm !' and I had my reasons, too, for putting those lines in, because I didn't want the working men to be shot down in that meeting as on other occasions. But as those circulars were printed and brought over to the Arbeiter Zeitung office, my comrade, Spies, saw one of those circulars. I had invited him to speak before that. He showed the circular and said : 'Well, Fischer, if those circulars are distributed I won't speak.' And I admitted it would be better to take those lines out ; and Mr. Spies spoke. And that is all I had to do with that meeting. I feel that I am sentenced, or will be sentenced to death because I am an Anarchist, and not because I am a murderer, I have never been a murderer. I have never committed any crime in my life yet ; but I know a certain man who is on the way to becoming a murderer, an assassin, and that man is Grinnell - the State's Attorney Grinnell - because lie brought men on the witness stand whom he knew would swear falsely ; .and I publicly denounce Mr. Grinnell as being a murderer and an assassin if I should be executed. But, if the ruling classes think that by hanging us, hanging a few Anarchists, they can crush out Anarchy, they will be badly mistaken, because the Anarchist loves his principles more than his life. An Anarchist is always ready to die for his principles."

" It is not much I have to say, and I would say nothing at all if keeping silence did not look like a cowardly approval of what has been done here. To those, the proceedings of a trial of justice would be a sneer. Justice has not been done. More than that, could not be done. If one class is arraigned against the other class it is idle and hypocritical to talk about justice and fairness. Anarchy was on trial, as the State's Attorney put it in his closing speech. A doctrine, an opinion hostile to brute force, hostile to our present murderous system of production and distribution. I am condemned to die for writing newspaper articles and making speeches. The State's Attorney knows as well as I do that the alleged conversation between Mr. Spies and me never took place. He knows a good deal more than that. He knows all the beautiful works of his organizer, Furthmann. When I was before the Coroner's jury two or three witnesses swore very positively to having seen me at the Haymarket when Mr. Parsons finished his speech. I suppose they wanted at that time to fix the bomb-throwing on me, for the first dispatches to Europe said that M. Schwab had thrown several bombs at the police. Later on they found that would not do, and then Schnaubelt was the man. Anarchy was on trial. Little did it matter who the persons were to be honored by the Prosecution. * * *

"As soon as the word is applied to us and to our doctrine it carries with it a meaning that we Anarchists see fit to give. 'Anarchy' is Greek, and means, verbatim, that we are not being ruled. According to our vocabulary Anarchy is a state of society in which the only government is reason; a state of society in which all human beings do right for the simple reason that it is right, and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such a society no compulsion will be necessary. The Attorney of the State was wrong when he exclaimed 'Anarchy is dead!' Anarchy up to the present time existed only as a doctrine, and Grinnell has not the power to kill any doctrine whatever. Anarchy, as defined by us, is called an idle dream, but that dream was called by God a divine blessing. One of the three great German poets and a celebrated German critic of the last century has also defined it. If Anarchy was the thing the State's Attorney makes it out to be, how could it be that such eminent scholars as Prince Krapotkine should say what he has said about it? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the present. It will be realized, for reason will grow in spite of all obstacles. Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human development has already reached its culminating point? I know our ideal will not be accomplished this year or next year, but I know it will be accomplished as soon as possible, some day in the future. It is entirely wrong to use the word Anarchy as synonymous with violence. Violence is something, and Anarchy is another. In the present state of society violence is used on all sides ; and therefore we advocated the use of violence against violence, but against violence only as a necessary means of defense. I have never read Herr Most's book, simply because I didn't find time to read it; and if I had read it, what of it? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible, nevertheless. I have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb at the Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use violence that or any other night."

Oscar Neebe

"Your Honor: I have found out during the last few days what law is. Before I didn't know it. I did not know that I was convicted because I knew Spies and Fielden and Parsons. I have met these gentlemen. I have presided at a meeting, as the evidence against me shows, in the Turner hall, to which meeting your Honor was invited. The judges, the preachers, the newspaper men, and everybody was invited to appear at that meeting for the purpose of discussing Anarchism and Socialism. I was at that hall. I am well known among the working men of the city, and I was the one elected chairman of that meeting. Nobody appeared to speak, to discuss the question of Labor and Anarchism or Socialism with laboring men. No, they couldn't stand it. I was chairman of that meeting ; I don't deny it. I had the honor to be marshal of a labor demonstration in this city, and I never saw as respectable a lot of men as I saw that day.

"They marched like soldiers, and I was proud that I was marshal of those men. They were the toilers and the working men of this city. The men marched through the city of Chicago to protest against the wrongs of society, and I was marshal of them. If that is a crime, I have found out - as a born American - what I am guilty of. I always thought I had a right to express my opinion, to be chairman of a peaceable meeting, and to be marshal of a demonstration. My friends, the labor agitators, and the marshals of a demonstration - was it a crime to be marshal of a demonstration ? I am convicted for that. I suppose Grinnell thought after Oscar Neebe was indicted for murder the Arbeiter Zeitung would go clown. But it didn't happen that way. And Mr. Furthmann, too - he is a scoundrel, and I can tell it to you to your face. There is only one man that acted as a lawyer, and he is Mr. Ingham, but you three fellows have not.

"I established the paper and issued it to the working men of the city of Chicago, and inside of two weeks I had enough money from the toilers - from hired girls, from men who would take the last cent out of their pocket to establish the paper - to buy a press. I could not publish the paper because the honorable detectives and Mr. Grinnell followed us up, and no printing house would print our paper, and we had to have our own press. We published our own paper after we had a press, bought by the money of the working men of the city. That is the crime I have committed - getting men to try and establish a working man's paper that will stand to-day, and I am proud of it. They have not got one press - they have got two presses to-day, and they belong to the working men of this city. When the first issue came out, from that day up to the day now, your Honor, we have gained 4,000 subscribers. There are the gentlemen sitting over there from the Freie Presse and Staats Zeitung - they know it. The Germans of this city are condemning these actions. They would not read our paper. There is the crime of the Germans. I say it is a verdict against Germans, and I, as an American, must say that I never saw anything like that.

"Them are the crimes I have committed after the 4th of May. Before the 4th of May I committed some crimes. I organized trades unions. I was for the reduction of the hours of labor and the education of laboring men and the re-establishment of the Arbeiter Zeitung. There is no evidence to show that I was connected with the bomb throwing ; that I was near it or anything of that kind. So I am only sorry, your Honor, if you can stop it or help it, I will ask you to do it - that is, to hang me, too ; and I think it is more honor to die certainly than to be killed by inches. I have a family and children, and if they know their father is dead they will bury him. They can go to the grave and kneel down in front of it ; but they can't go to Joliet and see their father convicted of a crime that he hasn't anything to do with. That is all I have got to say. Your Honor, I am sorry I do not get hung with the rest of the men."

Louis Lingg

[Translated by Prof. H. H. Fick.] "Court of Justice : With the same contempt with which I have tried to live humanely upon this American soil I am now granted the privilege to speak. If I do take the word I do it because injustice and indignities have been heaped upon me right here. I have been accused of murder. What proofs have been brought in support of it ? It has been proved that I assisted some man by the name of Seliger in manufacturing bombs. It has been furthermore stated that with the assistance of somebody else I have taken those bombs to 58 Clybourn avenue, but although one of these assistants has been produced as a State witness it has not been shown that one of these bombs was taken to the Hay market. * * * * What is Anarchy ? * * * The points that we are driving at have been carefully withheld by the State. * * * But it has not been said that by their superior force we are driven to our course. Contempt of court has been charged against us. We have been treated as opponents of public order. What is this order ? Such order as represented by police and detectives ? On the slightest occasion the representatives of this public order have forced themselves into our midst. The same -police that aim to give protection to property embraces thieves in its ranks.

* * * I have told Capt. Schaack that I was at a meeting of carpenters at Zephf's hall on May 3. He has stated that I admitted to him that I learned the fabrication of bombs from Most's book, 'Science of Warfare.' That is perjury. * * * It has been proved that Grinnell has used Gilmer for his purpose intentionally. There are points which prove that. * * * I say that these seven persons here, of which I am one, are murdered purposely by Grinnell. * * * Grinnell has the courage to call me a coward, right here in this court of justice, and Grinnell is a person who has connived with miserable subjects to go against me, to get testimony against me, to kill me. * *