Chicago City (part 4 of 57)

lovejoy's speech. " So far as the question of argument is concerned, it has been exhausted. A son does not argue or appeal to decide as to the propriety of killing the assassin of his mother ; neither do the sons of the republic need long-winded arguments to induce them to put down this accursed rebellion. We want men, not speeches ; men with muskets in their hands, not hurrahs from their throats. I have but little reputation as a conservative man, so far as I have been informed. Some people go so far as to say I am slightly tinctured with fanaticism in my views of the slavery question. For myself, I claim to be a sort of an anointed prophet of the Lord. I have faith in God, and next to Him, in the American people. Let us not fall into the error of the man, who, standing by the side of a bayou or arm of the sea, and witnessing the ebb of the tide, exclaimed that the sea was becoming dry land again. Rather let us say that behind and beyond the temporary reverses now afflicting us, there will come up the great uprising of popular patriotism, which in its certain flood shall cover with its proper element and spirit the ground lost in those temporary reverses. It is not for any of us to say that during the trying emergency in which we are at present placed, he could manage the ship of state more satisfactorily than the one who is now at the helm. Let us each seize a rope and do what we can to prevent its destruction. We must not allow French intervention in Mexico, nor allow a descendant of that old British tyrant, George the Third, to plant his throne in Southern soil within the boundaries of the Republic. We must therefore defend our soil if every foot of the domain is consecrated with the blood of a slain hero. We must preserve our nationality, and for myself, I don't want to survive the permanent dismemberment of these United States. I had a thousand times rather lay down my life on the battlefield than outlive such a dreadful event. I don't know what God wills, but I have a shrewd suspicion that He wills what we will. The maintenance of the government and the perpetuity of the Union are a necessity. What ! consent to dismemberment? Suppose we allow the Confederates to secede, what do we gain ? We gain a Confederacy more despotic than any monarchy of Europe. With Canada on the north and this hated Southern Confederacy on the south, with all the power and hate of England to back her, v/e are ground to powder between the upper and nether millstone. How is our nationality to be preserved ? By every man, woman and child consecrating themselves to the great work till the rebellion is suppressed. This is a matter that cannot be settled by resolutions or meetings, nor ballots ; it's got beyond that ; it's bayonets and bullets now. War has hardly touched us yet in the great Northwest ; it has not yet laid upon us its bloody hand, that we feel its withering, blighting curse. We must buy and sell and conduct ourselves as usual, but the one grand idea must ever be prominent - the suppression of this rebellion. We must make this war the great business of our lives till it is ended."

The three speakers at this meeting were re-elected to Congress from their respective districts in the ensuing November election by increased majorities. Isaac N. Arnold was elected over Francis C. Sherman, Democrat, by 10,025 votes to Sherman's 8,387 in the First district. John F. Farnsworth defeated Neil Donnelly, Democrat, in the Second district, receiving 12,612 votes to his opponent's 4,785. Owen Lovejoy was returned from the Sixth district over two opponents, the vote standing, Lovejoy, 11,683 > Thomas J. Henderson, 11,020; Benjamin Graham, 617.

Chapter Vi

THE COPPERHEADS VALLANDIGHAM AND WENTWORTH - CAMPAIGN OF 1864 - STATE AND CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS REPEAL OF THE BLACK CODE MAYOR JOHN B. RICE - ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN CAMPAIGN OF I 868 FIRST FALL CITY ELECTION THE GREAT FIRE - MAYOR R. B. MASON.

By the adoption of the revised city charter of 1863 the term of the Mayoralty was made two years instead of one year as formerly, and the territory of the city was extended to Thirty- Ninth street on the south ; Western avenue on the west, and Fullerton avenue on the north ; while to the eastward the limits included one mile of the bed waters of the Lake. This area was divided into sixteen wards. In 1862 Francis C. Sherman, who had served a term as Mayor twenty-one years before, and had ever maintained a popular standing, was again nominated for Mayor by the Democratic city Convention, and he was elected April 15, and was re-elected April 21, 1863, when the two-year terms began, and thus was the first Mayor who served a two years' term. His life and public services have already been dwelt upon. It was during his last term that the so-called "Chicago Conspiracy" culminated, and also that the celebrated meeting between " Long" John Wentworth, then Police Commissioner, and Clement L. Vallandigham of Ohio, took place. In January, 1863, during the second year of the war, a well-defined plan to separate the West from New England had been developed. The Knights of the Golden Circle were organized, and Clement L. Vallandigham was recognized as their oracle. The leaders used sophistical arguments of which " peace at any price" was the keynote, and many were drawn into the organization who did not understand its scope or the intentions of its leaders. To them the Golden Circle was one of peace and restored fraternity. Governor Richard Yates in his message to the Legislature referred to the machinations of this order. The "Chicago Conspiracy" was for the purpose of liberating the rebel prisoner) ers at Camp Douglas, and raising an insurrection in Illinois and Indiana against the authority of the Government to prosecute the war. The number of prisoners in the camp at that date was 8,352, and the total strength of the garrison was 796 men. Col. Sweet, in command of the camp, was prepared for the revolt, suppressed it, and placed the ringleaders in more secure confinement. This insurrection was planned from Windsor, Canada, by Jacob Thompson of Mississippi, who was Secretary of War under President Buchanan. The organized bodies were variously called "American Knights ;" " Knights of the Golden Circle ;" " Sons of Liberty;" and the " Society of the Illini ;" the latter being made up of " Copperhead" sympathizers with the movement. The order was stronger in Indiana than elsewhere, although there were branches in Ohio and Missouri. The "Sons of Liberty" in Chicago first held their meetings in a building at the corner of Clark and Monroe streets, and at the time of the conspiracy in the fifth story of McCormick's block, corner of Randolph and Dearborn streets. There were about 2,000 members of the order in Chicago, James A. Wilkenson being Grand Seignior. The armed forces were to be under the immediate command of Charles Walsh, Brigadier-General of the Sons of Liberty. Walsh was an Irish citizen of Chicago, at one time the Democratic candidate for Sheriff of Cook county. Early in the war he was an active Union man, but later joined the Sons of Liberty. The Democratic Convention was to have been held in Chicago July 4, but was postponed until August 29. On that date the city was full of armed men who had come secretly from Canada, Indiana and Southern Illinois, with headquarters at the Richmond House, Chicago, the Canada contingent being under command of Capt. Thomas H. Hines, formerly of Morgan's guerillas.

In Indiana the strength of the Sons of Liberty was placed at upward of 12,000 by Gen. Carrington in a report to Governor Morton. Many of the Indiana leaders were delegates to the Supreme Grand Council, called to meet at Chicago July 1.

It has been charged that the deliberations of the Chicago National Convention were controlled by the order of the "Sons of Liberty." During its session Dr. Olds, a leading member of the order, an outspoken traitor, boldly announced that the " Sons of Liberty" were in session in the city, and might have a communication to present to the Convention before its adjournment.

Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. I 25

unanimously, and it was upon his motion that McClellan was declared the nominee of the Convention. The essential portions of the platform had been previously adopted by the Grand Council of the Order at a meeting held at Indianapolis on the 1 6th of February, 1864, as is shown by a resolution found on the secret records of that order, in the safe of Dodd, the Grand Commander for Indiana. The corresponding portion of the Chicago platform reads : Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly declare as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity, or war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the States.

Any outbreak, if one were contemplated, was headed off by the prompt action of Col. Sweet, who telegraphed for reinforcements, and before the time of the session of the convention the 196th Pennsylvania Infantry, numbering 750 men, with four companies of another regiment, and the 24th Ohio Battery - 1,200 all told, were sent to his assistance. Small details were posted at various points about the city, and a detachment of 150 men was stationed near the University building with orders to occupy it if Camp Douglas were attacked.

The Democrats had a majority of both Houses of the Legislature and of the Committee on Federal Relations in 1803. The majority of this Committee reported to the Assembly resolutions in favor of the restoration of peace and fraternal relations, and the minority submitted counter resolutions, favoring a steadfast prosecution of the war, and no compromise until the U nion had been restored. The majority report recommended the calling of a Convention at Louisville, or elsewhere, to be indorsed by Congress or the legislatures of the several states, to consider measures looking to the cessation of the war. Stephen T. Logan, Samuel S. Marshall. H. K. S. O'Mulveny, W. C. Goudy, Anthony Thornton and John D. Caton were by the majority report recommended as Commissioners to confer with Congress, the President and the several state Legislatures in reference to the holding of the proposed Convention. February 12, Mr. Lawrence moved to substitute the minority report for that of the majority, which was lost by a vote of 27 yeas to 52 nays, when Mr. Burr moved the previous question upon the adoption of the majority report, and it was adopted by a vote of 52 yeas to 28 nays. The resolutions were the same day transmitted to the Senate for the concurrence of that body. Pending action, Senator Rogers, Democrat, died, leaving the Senate a tie, the presiding officer, who had the casting vote, being a Republican. February 14 both Houses took a recess until June 2. The Assembly then met pursuant to adjournment, and a complication arose over a joint resolution introduced proposing to adjourn sine die on the 10th inst. Both Houses failed to take definite action, and on the morning of the 10th Governor Yates transmitted a message to both bodies proroguing the General Assembly till January, 1865. This action was denounced by the Democrats, who issued a stirring protest setting forth their grievances. The question of the legality of the action of the Governor was presented in various forms to the Supreme Court by eminent lawyers, but that body never rendered a decision directly on the question. The Judges then constituting the Supreme Court were Sidney Breese, Pinkney H. Walker and John D. Caton, and the latter was not present when one form of the cause was passed upon. Justices Breese and Walker wrote separate but concurring opinions, and Justice Breese said that admitting, in the language of the protest, the action of the Governor was " illegal, outrageous and unconstitutional," both Houses having adopted it and dispersed, they thereby put an end to the session, having at the time no intention to resume it. This, for all practical purposes, was an adjournment sine die.

In August, 1864, Clement L. Vallandigham visited Chicago, and on Friday evening the 24th inst. addressed a large gathering in the Court House square. At its close "Long John" Wentworth, then a Police Commissioner, replied to Vallandigham in a remarkable speech, full of patriotism, scathing sarcasm and convincing argument, and this speech brought Vallandigham's efforts to naught, and inspired many citizens to efforts of renewed patriotism.

Chicago was represented in the Twenty-third General Assembly of 1863 by William B. Ogden and Jasper D. Ward in the Senate, and by Ansel B. Cook, Amos G. Throop, William E. Ginther, Melville W. Fuller, Michael Brandt, Francis A. Eastman and Lorenz Brentano, in the House. Michael Brandt

Chicago, Cook County And Illinois. I 27

This assembly elected as the successor of the lamented Stephen A. Douglas in the United States Senate, William A. Richardson, who received 65 votes to 38 for Richard Yates. Mr. Lincoln was re-nominated for president by the Republicans at Baltimore, June 7, 1864. Chicago, as has been shown, was selected as the place of holding the Democratic Convention, and the great gathering of Northern Democrats on August 29, nominated Gen. George B. McClellan, of New Jersey, for President, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-president. McClellan was nominated ostensibly as a war Democrat, but the platform adopted was known as a peace platform, and called for a cessation of hostilities. The ill-ballasted party ship found the inevitable haven of defeat, which in the speeches and songs of the campaign was designated " Salt River." The state campaign was enlivened by the rivalry between William Bross and S. Corning Judd, who were candidates on the opposing state tickets for the office of Lieutenant-Governor. Governor Bross ran slightly behind his ticket, but received 188,842 votes in the state to 158,- 244 for Mr. Judd. John Wentworth was returned to Congress from the First District, receiving 18,557 votes to 14,277 for his opponent, Cyrus H. McCormick. John F. Farnsworth was again returned from the Second district, his vote being 18,298, and that of his opponent, M. C. Johnson, 5,237. The highest vote in the state for the presidential electors was, for Lincoln, 189,521; for McClellan, 158,829. Arno Voss was a McClellan elector and John V. Farwell, John I. Bennett and Francis A. Hoffman were Lincoln electors. The Republicans were in the ascendancy in both branches of the Legislature. Lieutenant Governor Bross was the presiding officer of the Senate. Governor Richard Yates was elected United States Senator, and at this session the "black laws" were repealed, and appropriations were made for the care of soldiers' orphans and for the purchase of the tract in which the remains of Stephen A. Douglas are interred.

Of the repeal of the Black Code, Zebina Eastman thus wrote : " This is one of the immutable laws, that stand forever ! Every pigeon-hole of the legal archives was ransacked, and every taint of color in our laws searched out and buried forever." The following is the repealing act without the formal caption :

Chapter 30, of the Revised Statutes of the State entitled ' Criminal Jurisprudence;' and Chapter 74 of said Revised Statutes, entitled ' Negroes and Mulattoes,' and an act of the General Assembly of this State approved, February 12, 1853, entitled ' An act to prevent the immigration of free negroes into this State' be, and the same are hereby repealed ; also, Section 23, Chapter 40, Revised Statutes, entitled, ' Evidence and Deposition.' Sec. 2. This act to be in force from and after its passage." Approved February 7, 1865.

Although the issues in the great campaigns already dealt with involved the questions of the repression of slavery, state rights, the doctrine of the right of secession, the preservation of the Union and maintenance of National Sovereignty, and led up to the crisis of the Civil War ; the most tremendous contest of arms the world has ever known, in which deeds of herculean valor were performed on both sides, it is not the intention here to enter into a review of the memorable battles and the excitements and alarms that characterized the war period. Illinois throughout, more than any other state in the nation, furnished the men and the minds that controlled the issues and directed the contest. Chicago at all times was the center of these movements. Here Hooper Warren and Zebina Eastman supported the Abolition movement; here the name of Elijah P. Lovejoy was a household word ; here Douglas and Lincoln entered upon their immortal debates ; and Lincoln was here presented to the nation as a leader in its hour of greatest peril. The names of Grant, Owen Lovejoy, Lyman Trumbull, Ficklin, McClernand, Browning, Ingersoll, Shields, Yates, John M. Palmer, Richard Oglesby and John A. Logan are of national fame and import. The grand achievements and resplendent fame of Lincoln, the director, and Grant, the executor, are emblazoned on the endless scroll of time, and need no commemoration in enduring monuments of stone and bronze. Illinois furnished in the war 226,- 592 soldiers, and of this number Cook county's quota was 22,436. Ellsworth's first Zouaves, the Chicago Light Artillery, Board of Trade Battery and many regiments of infantry did splendid service in the field, and remained in the service as long as there was any fighting to do. Camp Douglas was one of the greatest military prisons in the North, and the sanitary work carried out for prisoners here and Union men in the field was unequaled in any other city. There was no call made for men or money or any of the sinews of war, that was not promptly and liberally responded to by the loyal citizens of Chicago.

Chicago, Cook County And Illinois. I 29

The unswerving purpose of President Lincoln to preserve the Union at all hazards, his martyrdom in the hour of triumph, the pall of gloom that overhung the country and the mournful pageant that extended from Washington to Springfield, are circumstances so universally known and well remembered as to need no extended mention here. His untimely death was lamented by all alike as a national calamity, and it was especially exasperating to all loyal citizens because procured by such foul and unnatural means. His remains arrived in Chicago April 29, 1865, and were placed upon a splendid catafalque and accompanied by mourning thousands through the city, departing Tuesday evening, May 2, for Springfield, where at 9 a. m., on the morning of May 3 they were received by his old friends and neighbors and placed in the state capitol, where they laid in state one day, and were then interred in Oak Ridge Cemetery, where a stately monument commemorates his life and deeds.

The Mayor of Chicago from 1865 to 1869 was John B. Rice, a prominent business man, and an old and esteemed citizen. He was first elected April 18, 1865, four days after the assassination of President Lincoln by J. Wilkes Booth, at Ford's Theater, Washington. The universal horror and grief over this act paralyzed for the time being all feeling of a partisan nature, and Mr. Rice was elected without opposition. His opponent on the Democratic ticket was Leonard Rothgerber, who, out of consideration for the public feeling, drew out, and Mr. Rice with equal consideration for this act of courtesy on Mr. Rothgerber's part, ascertained the amount of preliminary expense he had incurred, and sent him a check for the amount. Mr. Rice was re-elected Mayor for another term of two years April 16, 1867. March 10, 1869, the General Assembly passed an act for the redistricting of the city, and changing the time of holding the city election from April to November. Under the provisions of this act the city was divided into twenty wards. Mayor Rice and his colleagues held over in office until the first Monday in December, 1869. Mr. Rice was elected to Congress from the First District in 1872. His death occurred in December, 1874, at which time the city Council passed resolutions eulogizing his memory.

The National campaign of 1868 opened at Chicago in May. Gen. U. S. Grant, of Illinois, and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, were nominated by the Republican National Convention, May 20, for president and vice-president. The Democratic National Convention was held at New York, July 4, and Horatio Seymour was nominated for President, and Francis P. Blair for Vice-presi- dent. Local issues were lost sight of in national questions. John M. Palmer was the Republican candidate for Governor, and John R. Eden the Democratic. John A. Logan was the Republican, and William W. O'Brien the Democratic candidate for Congressman at large. Logan's vote was 249,422 in the state, and O'Brien's 199,789. In the First Chicago district, Norman B. Judd, Republican, defeated M. R. M. Wallace, Democrat, for Congress by a vote of 27,414 to 19,233, and in the Second district John F. Farnsworth, Republican, defeated A. M. Herrington by a vote of 20,725 to 6,307. The Seymour electoral ticket received 199,143 votes in the state and the Grant electors 250,- 293. The electors were :

Seymour Electors Grant Electors

John C. Dore and Jasper D. Ward were elected to the state Senate from the Chicago districts, and Cook county was represented in the House by H. B. ("Buffalo") Miller; L. L. Bond, J. S. Reynolds, F. Munson, John C. Knickerbocker, Iver Lawson and E. S. Taylor, the latter a resident of Evanston. James P. Root, of Cook, was elected Clerk of the House over J. Merrick Bush, of Pike county, by a vote of 56 to 23.

The first city election to be held in the fall of the year took place November 2, 1869, and Roswell B. Mason was elected Mayor on the " Peoples' ticket," which has sometimes been confounded with the noted " Peoples' party " of 1873. On the ticket with Mayor Mason David A. Gage was elected City Treasurer ; I. N. Stiles City Attorney, and Charles T. Hotchkiss City Clerk. Corruption in various departments was known to exist, and the best citizens, with the unanimous commendation of the press, united in support of the " Peoples'" ticket. During the first year of his term Mayor Mason endeavored to bring about a number of reforms, and in this effort was partially successful. His term was made historic by the great Chicago fire; his able administration of the city's affairs at that trying period won for him universal encomiums.

The most important happening in the history of Chicago was the great fire of 187 1. It is not the intention here to give at length the harrowing details of this terrible calamity, but no history of the city would be complete without mention of the greatest fire in the history of the world, which in a few hours almost completely wiped out all of our public institutions; crippled private fortunes; ruined many of our wealthiest citizens, paralyzed trade, and disordered the functions of municipal government. At 9:20 o'clock, p. m., October 8, 1871, an alarm of fire was struck from box 342, and the Fire Department responded, to quell a blaze in a cow-shed in the rear of 137 De Koven street. This was the beginning of the great Chicago fire. The generally accepted theory of the origin of the fire is that a cow belonging to Mrs. O'Leary, owner of the premises, kicked over an oil lamp, which started a blaze that destroyed property valued at hundreds of millions of dollars, and rendered many thousands of people homeless. During the six days previous to October 8 the Chicago Fire Department had responded to twenty-seven alarms and had worked at twenty-four fires. The department had just passed through what is known as " the Saturday night fire," in the lumber district, where the loss was $276,140. The section from which the alarm of the great fire was sounded was known to be a dangerous one ; a dry season of six weeks' duration had prevailed, and a heavy gale was blowing. The fire spread rapidly ; a general alarm was sounded, and all of the department was soon engaged battling with the flames. Their efforts were of no avail to quell the conflagration. Borne on the high wind, red-hot cinders and pieces of burning boards were carried from four blocks to half a mile toward the center of the city ; new fires started, and the whole made fearful and rapid progress. In one hour and fifteen minutes the fire had reduced thirty-two blocks, covering an area of eighty acres, to ruin. About this time it crossed the south branch of the Chicago river and attacked a quarter of wooden buildings known as " Conley's Patch." From here the fire advanced in two columns, one toward the very heart of the city, and the other veering slightly to the east. The gale had become a roaring hurricane, and the elements appeared to have combined to wipe the proud city off the face of the earth, and make man's puny efforts to stay the progress of the fire seem weak and futile. The columns of fire widened out as they advanced, and immense business blocks, great stores full of goods, banks with their vaults of wealth, churches, schools and public buildings melted down one after another, in the hot blast. The fire reached the Board of Trade about 1 : 20 a. m., and soon thereafter attacked the Court House, and when the walls fell and the great bell came clanging down from the toppling dome, it seemed to ring the knell of Chicago. The fire raged until 1 130 a. m. Tuesday, October 10, when its force was spent, but it had swept over an area of over 2,000 acres, destroyed 25,000 buildings, and entailed a loss of upward of $300,000,000 upon the city. The process of recuperation was slow, and difficulty was experienced in the collection of the taxes, and the city government necessarily lacked funds to carry on the great works demanded. For several years our leading capitalists, who had an abiding faith in the future of the city, and who set to work to rebuild their buildings and restore their fortunes, were hampered by mortgages and the demands of borrowed capital. Many never recovered from the blow, but even in their impoverishment they beheld with pride the queenly city arise from her desolation and again sit securely enthroned beside the great lake, midway of the continent, wielding the scepter of commercial power, and resplendent in new grandeur.

Mayor Mason's second message, read before the Common Council December 5, 1870, set forth in regard to the finances that there was no floating debt ; the total amount of cash in the city treasury was $3,236,090. 78 ; the total bonded debt of the city December 1, 1870, was $13,934,000, less $4,820,000 principal and interest provided to be paid out of the revenues from the waterworks, and $2,500,000 expended for deepening the canal, which was to be reimbursed by the state, leaving net city debt December 1, 1870, to be paid from taxation, $6,611,000. It was stated that the work on the canal would be completed early in 1 87 1. The message proceeded as follows: " Besides the advantage of drainage gained by the work, the navigation of nearly one-third of the entire canal will be much improved, and if a comparatively small outlay be made on other portions of the canal to obtain a greater depth of water, the tonnage of boats can be increased from almost 150 to 200 tons' burden.

"And in the completion of the Illinois river improvement, so as to give good water communication between Chicago and St. Louis during the entire season of navigation, the business of the present canal, I am quite sure, would be more than doubled, and it would regulate to a greater or less extent the rates of Eastern bound freight between St. Paul and St. Louis. There is no public work within my knowledge that can be completed with so small an expenditure, and the advantages of which would be so widely diffused as the Illinois river improvement. By the completion of the lock and dam near the head of Peoria lake, which is now being constructed by the state, and is in rapid progress, the canal will be substantially extended to Peoria, and, it is to be hoped, at a very early day, to the mouth of the Illinois river. The city of Chicago is deeply interested in the completion of this work, not only in a commercial point of view, but as a means of reimbursing itself at an early day for the large expenditure now being made on the canal. * * * Assuming that the total of saloon licenses issued for the year ending July i, 1871, will be 2,300, and that our population is 300,000, this gives one saloon for every 130 inhabitants, including men, women and children. If we assume one-fifth of the population to be men over twenty-one years of age, this gives one saloon for every twentysix men in the city. That this state of things should be remedied in some way, I think, does not admit of a doubt, and it may be done by limiting the number or increasing the rate of saloon licenses. I earnestly recommend the subject to your careful consideration." Prominent among Mayor Mason/s appointees were J. K. Botsford, Appraiser of School Lands ; J. E. Chadwick, Fire Commissioner ; Grant Goodrich, C. G. Hammond and Louis Wahl, Inspectors of the House of Correction; G. H. Laflin, Guardian of the Reform School.

The last regular meeting of the Council prior to the fire was held October 2. A special meeting was called for October 10, when an ordinance was passed to prevent extortion in the sales of food to sufferers by the fire. The price of a 12-ounce loaf of bread was fixed at 8 cents, and a penalty provided for any violation of the ordinance. October 1 1 another special meeting was held, and it was announced that at an informal meeting of members of the Council and city officials it had been decided to select the High School and the Ogden Primary School on West Monroe street as a place wherein to organize the city government. This action not being satisfactory to all, a committee of nine was appointed to select a suitable building wherein to locate the city offices. Seven members of this committee presented a report in favor of the Madison street police station for the meeting of the Council; the erection of temporary buildings on the Court House square, and that the Board of Public Works cause plans to be prepared for the erection of a permanent building on the City

Hall site. The minority favored the use of the High School building. Business having gone mainly to the West side after the fire, many believed that section could be made the business section of the new Chicago. The West side Aldermen voted in favor of the adoption of the minority report, but the majority report was carried by a vote of 15 to 12. At this meeting a communication was received from Mayor Mason, stating that inasmuch as all the offices of the city government were located by law in the South division, he had located his office temporarily at the corner of Wabash avenue and Hubbard court, which he hoped would give general satisfaction. Mayor Mason thought if temporary city buildings were located on the City Hall site business blocks would spring up around them, and capital, knowing there was to be no change in the center of business, would at once seek investment in the rebuilding of the former trade center.

Roswell B. Mason was born in Hartford, Oneida county, N. Y., in 1806. When seventeen years of age he became connected with the construction of the Erie canal, and studied civil engineering. In 1825 he was made Chief Engineer and Superintendent of the Morris canal, which position he retained for six years. In 1837 he became associated with the Housatonic railroad in the capacity of Chief Engineer. He held this position for ten years, and then became Chief Engineer and Superintendent of the New York and New Haven railroad. In 185 1 Mr. Mason came West to superintend the construction of the Illinois Central railroad, which was completed in October, 1856. The building of this road was regarded as a splendid feat of engineering skill, and much of the credit of the enterprise accrued to Mr. Mason. In i860 he assumed the superintendency of the Chicago & Alton railroad, and in 1861 he was appointed Controller of the Land Department of the Illinois Central, which office he held until 1867. In 1865 he was appointed a member of the Board of Public Works, from which he resigned in 1869 to accept the office of Mayor.

Hoyne-Colvin Contest

In December, 1869, delegates having been elected to a Constitutional Convention, to amend, alter or revise the State Constitution of 1848, which the state had outgrown, the convention met at Springfield on the 13th inst. The delegates from Cook county in this convention were Joseph Medill, S. S. Hayes, John C. Haines, William F. Coolbaugh, Charles Hitchcock, Elliott Anthony and Daniel Cameron. A constitution was framed which has been pronounced one of the best instruments of the kind ever devised for the government of any commonwealth.

The state campaign of 1870 was spiritless and devoid of issues and interest. The principal contest in Cook county was that between Charles B. Farwell and "Long John" Wentworth for Congress, in the First district, which then comprised the North division of the city, the northern half of Cook county, and all of Lake county. Thomas Hoyne was nominated by the Democratic Congressional Convention, but he declined to stand as a candidate. In the Republican Convention Joseph Medill and Mr. Farwell both were candidates, and Mr. Medill was defeated for the nomination by some twenty votes. Mr. Medill, Horace White and the Tribune were opposed to Mr. Farwell's election, and they, together with a few leading Democrats, urged John Wentworth to become an Independent Democratic candidate, and he finally consented to make the race. It was thought Mr. Wentworth would, by combining the votes of the dissatisfied Republicans and the Democrats, be able to defeat Mr. Farwell, but the Irish Democrats voted almost solidly for the latter and elected him. It was in this campaign that the Tribune affixed the political sobriquet of "Poker Charley" to Mr. Farwell, and it is said to have originated in the inadvertent offer of Mr. Farwell to "raise" on a good hand which he held at an evening whist party. Mr. Farwell received 20,342 votes, and Mr. Wentworth 15,025. This was the last time Mr. Wentworth was a candidate for any office. In the Second district John F. Farnsworth was re-elected, receiving 8,396 votes to 6,516 for J. C. Stoughton, and 2,349 for Richard Bishop. The new constitution provided for increased representation, and the Twenty-seventh General Assembly of 1 87 1 was the largest ever convened at the capital, consisting of fifty Senators and one hundred and seventy-seven Representatives.

October 13 this Legislature, in accordance with the proclamation of Governor Palmer, issued October 10, met in special session to take action with reference to the great calamity of the Chicago fire. The cry of homeless thousands for help had gone forth, and the needs of the crippled municipality were urgent. The emergency was great, and Gov." Palmer notified all members of the Senate and House by telegraph of his proclamation, and at the appointed time they were in their seats ready for action. A clause in the new Constitution of 1870 forbade all special legislation, and there was great doubt as to the ability of the Legislature to take effective and legal action for the relief of the stricken city. Governor Palmer, however, recognized the fact that something must be done, and he issued a message in which he pointed out the manner in which relief might be afforded. The Legislature had passed an act in 1S65, providing for the completion of the Illinois and Michigan canal in pursuance of the plan adopted by the state in 1836, and intrusting the work to the city of Chicago, restricting the expenditure to $2,500,000, which was ultimately to be paid by the state. The city had already expended in this work the full amount limited by the act of 1865, and the Legislature, pursuant to Gov. Palmer's advice, promptly made an appropriation of $3,000,000, covering principal and interest of the investment, to re-imburse the city, on the payment of which the canal was surrendered to the control and management of the state. In his outgoing message Gov. Palmer referred to the clash of the state and Federal governments at the time of the Chicago fire, in regard to the respective duties of each at that time. Gov. Palmer contended that the state was able to preserve order and protect the property of its citizens, and that the national authority, if exercised at all, was to be subordinate to the state authority. Among the well-known Chicagoans in this Legislature were, in the Senate, John C. Dore, John N. Jewett, Willard Woodard, John L. Beveridge and Artemas Carter, the latter succeeding Senator Beveridge upon his resignation. In the House were James L. Campbell, Carlisle Mason, Wiley M. Egan, R. P. Derrickson, A. L. Morrison, A. J. Galloway, H. B. Brayton, S. D. Phelps, James P. Root, William H. King, Arthur Dixon, A. H. Burley, William Vocke and W. K. Sullivan.

The remnant of the supporters of the " Peoples' ticket " combined with the Republicans in the fall of 1871, and at a convention held in the High school building on West Monroe street formed the "Fireproof" ticket, and nominated Joseph Medill, editor of the Tribune, for Mayor. The Democrats nominated as his opponent, Charles C. P. Holden, who had been Alderman of the Fourth Ward, and President of the Common Council under the Mason administration. David A. Gage, who had been elected City Treasurer on the "Peoples' ticket," was renominated on the "Fireproof" ticket. It was subsequently charged that his nomination was forced by a "ring" that desired his re-election in order to cover up enormous frauds upon the City Treasury. It was not known at this time that Gage was a defaulter to the amount of $503,703.58. The city election took place Tuesday, November 7, and resulted as follows :

Aldermanic Vote

Twenty constables were elected, but they were not sworn in by the Council, there being doubts as to the legality of their election, and the matter was referred to the Corporation Counsel for an opinion. A report was made to the Council November 27, signed by Murray F. Tuley, Corporation Counsel, I. N. Stiles, City Attorney, and the members of the Committee on Judiciary, in which the opinion was expressed that there could be no valid election for constables, unless in the Fifteenth and Twentieth wards respectively, where there were vacancies. It was advised that no certificates be issued to any of the majority candidates, and that they be left to the legal remedies, if any. Owing to the destruction of the City Hall, waterworks, police stations, and all public departments, together with the records, by the great fire, the city became deeply involved in debt, from which the process of recuperation was slow and expensive. A great quantity of city "scrip" was issued by successive administrations, and the greater part of the cash collected from tax levies was required to pay the interest on the bonded debt, and to redeem scrip. The treasury was further left in a disordered state by the reduction of the tax levy to 10 mills immediately after the fire. The Constitution prohibited the city from borrowing beyond the limit of the next annual tax levy, and to avoid this restriction and yet obtain funds, the Council of 1872-3 issued scrip in a still more lavish and reckless manner.

During the first part of his term Mayor Medill was opposed to the closing of the saloons on Sunday, but being urged by a citizens' committee of fifteen, representing a supposed popular demand, he yielded to these influences. In 1872 he was an ardent supporter of the Sunday closing idea, and in January he promptly vetoed an ordinance passed by the Council late in December repealing the Sunday liquor law. In his veto message Mayor Medill said he did not believe a majority of the people wanted liquor sold on Sunday, and would like to see the question put to a popular vote. In November, 1873, tne popular vote was taken, and the result was the overwhelming victory of the hybrid combination known as the " Peoples' party." Certain complications arising under the "Fireproof" administration of Mayor Medill are alleged by his political critics to have brought about the utter rout of the Republican local organization, the formation of the " Peoples' party," and a long train of ensuing evils. A " Committee of Fifteen " waited upon Mayor Medill to urge the rigid enforcement of the Sunday saloon closing law. This committee was a part of the " Committee of Seventy," an organization composed of leading citizens and a large number of clergymen, organized shortly after the great fire to promote moral reforms, among which was the attempted enforcement of temperance restrictions immediately after the passage of the state liquor law, and at a time when temperance and prohibitory agitation was prevalent throughout the country. To the unrestricted sale of liquor was attributed by the committee the great prevalence of lawlessness and crime which had been a matter of the utmost public concern since the time of the fire, when criminals from every section of the country drifted into Chicago. The management of the police force and the fire department also was in the hands of the Board of Police and Fire Commissioners, which had become reorganized at the time of the election of the Fireproof ticket by the addition of Mancel Talcott and Jacob Rehm, and subsequently, in the spring of 1872, by the appointment by Mayor Medill of E. F. C. Klokke to the Board, to succeed Jacob Rehm, resigned. To the police power the public looked for safety and protection of life and property. July 29, 1872, Mayor Medill removed Superintendent of Police Kennedy, and three weeks thereafter made Elmer Washburne Superintendent of the force. Mr. Washburne was the Warden of the state penitentiary at Joliet, and the opponents of the Fireproof administration maintained that Mayor Medill's selection of a head for the department at this critical time was unwise, for the reason that Mr. Washburne was unacquainted with the duties of the office, ignorant of the ramifications of crime in a great city, and inexperienced in the management of a force of men who had been accustomed to the direction of superiors who had been promoted from the ranks. Besides the agitation conducted by the Committee of Seventy, a Committee of Twenty-five, representing the three divisions of the city, was appointed at a meeting of citizens held in the Chamber of Commerce on Market street, September 12, and presided over by Henry Greenebaum. September 30 the Committee of Seventy were addressed by Mancel Talcott, Chairman of the Board of Police Commissioners, who coincided with their views, and insisted that the epidemic of lawlessness and crime was caused mainly by drunkenness, and advocated as a partial remedy the closing of the saloons on Sunday. The Sub-Committee of Fifteen was thereupon sent to Mayor Medill to urge the enforcement of the Sunday closing ordinance. Mayor Medill, in response to the committee said that the movement was impracticable, for the reason that both sellers and purchasers would deem it an arbitrary and inconsistent interference with their prerogatives on one certain day out of the seven in the week ; that the law was directed against the keepers alone and not against the drinkers as well, therefore being discriminating ; and further, because it would require one policeman for each drinking place to see that the law was enforced, or say 3,000 altogether, whereas the tax-fighters made it hard work to support a force of 450 policemen. The Committee published a reply on October 8, claiming that although the liquor interest was active and united, and exerted a controlling influence in politics, the facts went to show that whenever an honest effort had been made to enforce the Sunday liquor law it had been successful, and accusing the administration of cowardice. Mayor Medill claimed this reply to be unfair, but on October 10 he sent a communication to the Board of Police Commissioners in which he referred to newspaper reports in reference to a conference between members of the Committee and the Board, in which it was stated that the Board anticipated no serious trouble in enforcing the law, and concluding with an order for the enforcement of the law, as contained in section 4, chapter 25, of the city ordinances, and all other ordinances relating thereto. October 25 the Committee of Seventy issued an address to the people in which the closing of the saloons on Sunday was advocated. The German saloonkeepers deemed all of this agitation and effort to enforce the Sunday law an infringement upon their rights, and agitators began to denounce the Committee of Seventy as a relic of "Knownothingism." A committee of Germans waited on Mayor Medill and went away satisfied that his personal predilections were favorable to their views. October 28 the Committee of Twentyfive, which has been referred to, met, and a majority of the members were in favor of the enforcement of the Sunday law. Henry Greenebaum thereupon resigned as chairman of the committee. December 2, 1872, Mancel Talcott resigned from the Board of Police Commissioners, and C. A. Reno was appointed President of the Board, which was now composed of Reno, Sheridan and Klokke. The discontent in the police force increased, and Superintendent Washburne got into a contest of authority with the Board. Charges were preferred by the Secretary of the Board against Superintendent Washburne of neglect of duty, incompetency, and disobedience of the orders of the Board, and Dr. Ward was appointed acting Superintendent. The Mayor sustained Washburne by removing from the Board Commissioners Reno and Klokke, but the Board refused to recognize the authority of the Mayor, claiming they were appointed under Commissions from the Governor, and instructing Dr. Ward to recognize no other authority than that of the Board. February 24, 1873, Carlisle Mason and L. P. Wright presented certificates from the Mayor of their appointment to the Board, which the Council had confirmed. Commissioner Mark Sheridan addressed the Board, saying that he felt that his duty to the public would compel him to act with Messrs. Mason and Wright. The Mayor and Comptroller having refused to adjust the claims of persons who had furnished supplies to the department, there was no doubt in his mind that the Mayor and Comptroller would recognize Messrs. Mason and Wrieht, and while he had no doubt as to the legality of the claims of Messrs. Reno and Klokke, and if he acted he should do so under protest, he was constrained to act with Messrs. Mason and Wright in order to advance the in- terests of the city and maintain the efficiency of the police and fire departments. He was satisfied that the power claimed by the Mayor under and by virtue of the act known as the " Mayors' Bill " was contrary to the spirit of our republican institutions, and that even if the power did exist, the arbitrary exercise of it would not be justified or sustained by the courts. February 26 the Board as newly constituted, dismissed the charges against Superintendent Washburne, and April 7 the Board sustained the Mayor in the dismissal from the force of Sergeants Rehm, Bischoff, Douglas and Macauley, they having obeyed the orders of the Board and the acting Superintendent, Dr. Ward. April 28 Superintendent Washburne issued an order to the police force to enforce the Sunday closing ordinance. Commissioner Sheridan opposed the enforcement of the order, and failing to convince the Mayor that it was unwise, entered his protest upon the records of the Board, in which was quoted section 6, article 2, of the Constitution : " The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated." Messrs. Mason and Wright entered upon the records a resolution denouncing Commissioner Sheridan's protest as incendiary in character, and as tending to incite the police force to disobey the orders of the Board. From this time on for three months conflicts of authority in the Board were frequent, at one time Commissioner Sheridan and Superintendent Washburne narrowly escaping coming to blows. July 12 Capt. M. C. Hickey resigned from the force, and July 29 Commissioner Mason resigned from the Board and was succeeded by Reuben Cleveland. It was now but three months before another city election was to be held, and in addition to the trouble over the police management rumors became prevalent of a probable shortage in the accounts of City Treasurer David A. Gage. Various meetings had been held during the summer in which Mayor Medill's administration was denounced as a flat failure, and it was plainly apparent that the growing unrest and dissatisfaction was destined to find expression in a sweeping political movement. Agitators and demagogues were working among the foreign-born element ; the Democrats, who were almost solidly opposed to Mr. Medill, helped along the growing movement, and finally the " Peoples' party "grew out of a series of mass meetings, controlled and addressed in the main by people whose subsequent greediness for the spoils of office was evidence that personal ambition and gain were the strongest incentives of their action.

Chicago, Cook County And Illinois. I43 The People'S Party

The " People's party" was therefore the outgrowth of a public feeling- against the Medill administration, and a movement in favor of personal liberty. It was anti-Washburne, anti-Gage, anti-Sunday closing, and against the "tax-fighters." The first important meeting was held May 14 in Thielman's Theatre on Clybourne avenue. This meeting was addressed by many prominent Germans, among the number being A. Hottinger, Adolph Schoeninger, A. C. Hesing, Mr. Knoblesdorf and Aid. Lengacher. At this meeting H. B. (Buffalo) Miller renounced the Republican party. Suitable resolutions were adopted and a plan of action agreed upon. A great mass meeting was held May 20 at Aurora Turner Hall on Milwaukee avenue. Ex-Aid. John Buehler acted as chairman, and the speakers were A. C. Hesing, Francis A. Hoffman, Jr., Emil Dietzsch, Gen. Hermann Lieb and others. At a meeting of the Chicago Turngemeinde held in the North side Turner Hall May 21 resolutions were adopted denouncing all legislation and official action opposed to personal liberty, and inviting all liberal societies to select five members each for " mutual consultation and united action." May 24 and 29 the Tribune contained articles showing that the Germans were drifting away from the Republican party, and that the movement was rapidly spreading. On the evening of May 29 delegates from eight or ten liberal meetings met in Bismarck hall in the Teutonic building and selected an "Agitation Committee" composed of Messrs. Conrad Niehoff, Richard Michaelis, A. C. Hesing, Carl Bluhm, Peter Hand, L. Schwuchow, Francis A. Hoffman, Jr., Frank Schweinfurth, William Floto, C. Tegtmeier, Dr. Matthei, Max Eberhardt, Emil Muhlke, R. Thieme, J. Schiellinger, G. R. Korn, William Schwarz, B. Eisendrath, Carl Dahinten, Philip Stein, H. Schandlin, W. Schaeffer, R. Freiberg, R. Christiansen, J. C. Meyer, A. Erbe, F. Sengi and editors of the German papers. This committee formulated an address and resolutions which were presented June 25 in Bismarck hall to the " Central Committee," which had in the meantime been organized. These resolutions, which were unanimously adopted as the incentive of the new organization, recited that the temperance and Sunday laws were obnoxious to a large and respectable portion of our people ; that the civil service of the general, state and local governments had become a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition ; that the arrest of any person whose offense was only punishable by a fine instead of procedure by mere process of summons was an outrage, and that the police power of the state, county or city should not be wielded in the interest of fractions of society. The resolutions further denounced intemperance in all things, advised the appointment of inspectors of all beverages sold to detect impurities, and recommended that an ordinance be passed prohibiting the granting of licenses to persons of bad repute, and declaring as a cardinal principle that a person should be held responsible only for his own wrong doing, and for this reason that not landlords but saloonkeepers be held accountable for liquor sold on premises, and not saloonkeepers but drunkards responsible for the habit of drunkenness. At this meeting it was agreed on the suggestion of Mr. A. C. Hesing, to hold a mass meeting. The movement had gained such a headway by this time that a number of Democratic leaders thought it wise to favor it, and a meeting was held Sunday afternoon, August 31, 1873, in Greenebaum's bank, at which were present among others J. H. Mc- Avoy, Barney G. Caulfield, W. J. Onahan, George Von Hollen, Jacob Rehm, Michael Evans, P. M. Cleary, John Corcoran, Thomas Brennan, Michael Kelley, Justice Boyden, A. C. Hesing, Hermann Lieb, Peter Hunt, Edward O'Neil, Amo Voss, R. Kenney, J. Bonfield, Edward Phillips and Adolph Schoeninger. The speakers denounced the Medill administration as leaning to despotism, and for having sold out to the " Law and Order" men. A committee was selected to confer with the Committee of Agitation in reference to holding a mass meeting. After several meetings of conference had been held a joint committee on political action was appointed, on which the various nationalities were represented. This latter committee, Friday evening, September 26, 1873, adopted a call for a mass meeting to be held at Kingsbury hall on Clark street Saturday evening, October 4. This meeting was one of the most notable in the political annals of the city. Long before 8 o'clock, the hour set for the meeting to open, Clark street was filled with the enthusiastic followers of the movement, and many attractive transparencies were paraded containing striking inscriptions, such as, "If Puritans rule, the country is gone;" "The people will reform our politics;" "Good-bye, Joe ; don't you wish you had joined the People's party?" " Send Washburne home to Joliet ; " " Who resists the payment of taxes ? The leaders of the Law and Order party ; " "Equal rights to all; Down with fanatics;" "The Nineteenth ward good for 1,000 majority." H. B. Miller occupied the chair of the meeting, and the speakers were Barney G. Caul-

Chicago, Cook County And Illinois. I45

Resolved, That in the present state of the public finances it is imperatively necessary that our city and county affairs be managed in the most economical manner, and the public moneys be handled as carefully and frugally as possible, in order that our increased municipal taxation be reduced to a just and discriminating government, and the expenditures be made, not for the benefit of any particular class, but for the benefit of the entire community.

Resolved, That the education of the youth of our country is one of the most effective agencies for the suppression and prevention of crime ; that this object is much better attained by the instruction of our children in the public schools than to attempt to enforce morality by legislation.

Resolved, That the cause of temperance is deserving of the aid and assistance of every good man. Intemperance in all things whatever ought to be combated with all suitable means. But we hold that the desirable object of temperance can only be accomplished by elevating the moral standard of the people through enlightened education, and not by sumptuary laws or special legislation.

Resolved, That we recognize the pursuit of happiness as one of the inalienable rights of the citizen, and every one should be left free to exercise his right without let or hindrance, except under such restrictions as are imposed by constitutional law; and while we believe that on Sunday all business and amusements should be restricted as in no measure to interfere with or disturb the devotion or worship of any class of citizens, yet we firmly deny the right of any one or any class of individuals to prescribe how or in what manner Sunday or any day shall be enjoyed by a free people in a free republic.

Resolved, That we are in favor of the passage of an ordinance prohibiting the granting of licenses to persons of bad repute for any purpose or purposes whatsoever.

Resolved, That there ought also to be appointed by the proper authorities inspectors of all beverages sold publicly, and those found impure and deteriorated ought to be condemned, and dealers therein fined.

Resolved, That we look with deep regret and apprehension upon the demoralized condition of our police department. Instead of serving as a department for the protection of life and property of the people, it has been used as an instrument of op- pression in the hands of a class of prejudiced and narrow-minded men, and that we deprecate that the legitimate duties of the police force have been prostituted to gratify the intolerant spirit of a minority faction.

Resolved, That the frequent arbitrary arrest of our citizens, in cases where fines only are imposed for breach of city ordinances, is a gross outrage and a violation of constitutional rights, and should not be tolerated by a free and enlightened people.

Resolved, That we consider it a cardinal principle that a person should be held liable for his own wrong only ; and for that reason we consider as unjustifiable the statutory enactment making the owner or landlord of premises which have been rented for lawful pursuits responsible for the neglect or misdemeanor of his tenants, and for the same reason we demand that drunkards be held strictly accountable for their acts committed while drunk.

Resolved, That the principles we represent in our platform and resolutions are conducive to law and order ; and while we appeal to the sympathy and support of the community at large, regardless of all party affiliations, to indorse them, and the action that we have deemed proper to take in this municipal contest in opposition to a spirit of intolerance, we pledge ourselves that we shall abide by law and order, and denounce any faction that arrogates to itself that name ; and to this end we shall oppose every candidate for office who is not in sympathy with the foregoing resolutions.

Mr. J. K. C. Forrest offered an additional declaration of principles, which was adopted and incorporated in the platform, calling upon the President to call a special meeting of Congress to take action regarding the demoralized condition of trade and commerce, and issue enough legal tender currency to relieve the stringency of the times, said currency to be based upon national securities, and at such high rates of interest as would attract it again to the treasury upon the restoration of private and corporate credit.

The convention of the People's party to nominate city and county tickets, to be voted for in the ensuing election, was held at No. 205 Randolph street, October 24, Henry Greenebaum presiding. Resolutions offered by A. C. Hesing, F. H. Winston, and others, were adopted, one of which recommended to the Mayor to be elected the appointment of S. S. Hayes as City Comptroller, and the convention adopted the Kingsbury hall platform. The proposition of certain Democratic leaders to in- dorse the People's party ticket had met with opposition, and a few Democrats had pledged support to the "Law and Order" ticket, which had been nominated at the Grand Pacific hotel, Saturday, October 18. Before the People's party convention proceeded to make nominations, Mr. Hesing introduced the following communication from the Democratic County Central Committee, which as will be seen, had taken on the name "Liberal" also :

We, the undersigned members of the Liberal and Democratic Central and Executive Committee of Cook county, hereby certify that we have not authorized any person for us to pledge the support of the party, as a party, to what is known as the "Grand Pacific hotel" nominations, or to any other nominations, made or to be made ; and believing it to be inexpedient to make any nominations as a party at this time, we leave to all persons the privilege of supporting such candidates in this local election as their judgment and- conscience may dictate.

And we may say that we beheld with surprise the announcement in the papers that parts of our Committee had participated in, and indorsed, the said Grand Pacific hotel nominations ; and we further say that neither of the three named persons who pretended to represent the party at the Grand Pacific hotel are members of the Liberal and Democratic Central Committee of Cook county, and consequently have no authority to pledge the party to any nominations, except as private individuals.

For Mayor, H. D. Colvin ; for City Treasurer, Daniel O'Hara ; for City Collector, George Von Hollen ; for City Assessor, Charles Dennehy ; for Judge of the Superior Court, S. M. Moore ; for Judge of the County Court, M. R. M. Wallace ; for County Clerk, Hermann Lieb ; for Clerk of Criminal Court, Austin J. Doyle ; for County Treasurer, H. B. Miller ; for County Superintendent of Schools, George D. Plant ; for County Commissioners, Christian Busse, John Herting, William P. Burdick, Thomas Lonergan, A. B. Johnson, and for Police Commissioner, C. A. Reno. The offices of City Attorney and Police Court

I48 Politics And Politicians

Clerk having been left vacant on the ticket they were filled Monday, October 28, by the names of Egbert Jamieson for Attorney, and Martin Scully for Police Clerk. The leaders and most active workers in the People's party movement were A. C. Hesing, Daniel O'Hara, Barney Caulfield and Miles Kehoe, the latter being Chairman of the Campaign Committee. The Law and Order managers made a fatal error in the re-nomination of David A. Gage for City Treasurer, and his defeat became a leading issue. His operations during his preceding term form an interesting chapter of municipal history at this stage. Although the charter of 1863 provided, under penalty of imprisonment in the penitentiary, that the Treasurer should keep the funds in a place designated by the city, no such place was provided, and the Treasurer prior to Mr. Gage's term of office, fell into the habit of placing the money in various banks, and retaining the interest as a part of their perquisites. The city coming to desire this interest, a law was passed by the Legislature in the winter of 1869, providing that the city might by ordinance direct the Treasurer where to deposit the funds, at such a rate of interest, and with such security as might be demanded. Mr. Gage was the first Treasurer elected after the passage of this law, and his first official act was to ask the Council to act according to the provisions of the law, and at the same time he filed his official bond in the sum of $400,000, the amount required of former Treasurers. The Council determined that if they should direct where the money was to be placed, and it should be lost, the city must lose it, and they therefore determined to exact a heavy indemnifying bond of Mr. Gage and let him place the money where he pleased. The amount of this bond was fixed at $2,500,000, and out of consideration for Mr. Gage, who by this arrangement assumed personal risk of loss, the Council in its wisdom paid him $10,000 per annum for his risk. During the first two years he served Mr. Gage made over $100,000 by this arrangement, and at the end of his term every dollar had been loaned, aggregating about $1,000,000. During the panic of 1873 some of the banks wherein Mr. Gage deposited the funds, failed, and he found himself with a large deficiency on his hands to make good. The first authentic information that Mr. Gage had become a defaulter for a large amount was not received by the authorities until December, 1873, when Mayor Colvin had taken his seat, but it had been charged by A. C. Hesing in the Staats Zeitung that Gage had deposited funds with banks upon agreement that they should extend him personal credit to the amount of certain pro- portion of such deposits. Mr. Hesing charged that one bank could be specified which held a note of Gage's for $40,000 to which he offered $60,000 of city deposits on condition of an extension being granted him on the note, and it was also alleged that Gage would pay all of the expenses of the People's party if they should nominate him for City Treasurer, and Dan O'Hara for County Treasurer. In a sworn affidavit Mr. Hesing deposed that he had been approached by emissaries who offered if he would use his influence to secure Gage the nomination of the People's party for City Treasurer, Gage would give him the control for two years of one-fifth of the city deposits.

It then became rumored openly in public resorts that there were urgent reasons why Gage wanted to retain the office of Treasurer, and the orators of the People's party made as much capital as possible out of the rumors, and demanded a count of the money by "Honest" Dan O'Hara, as their candidate was familiarly known. The opposition plainly discerned the damage that was being done their cause by these charges against Gage, and were compelled to take measures to put a quietus upon them. Mr. Gage on October 20, sent a communication to the Mayor and Common Council asking that through a proper committee his accounts be examined, and an official report be made of the same. The Finance Committee of the Council was instructed to make the investigation and report. The committee was composed of L. L. Bond, Chairman, Mahlon D. Ogden, J. W. Mc- Ginnis, J. H. McAvoy and George Sherwood. The two last named were not present at the investigation, and the other members of the committee appeared to have had perfect confidence in Mr. Gage's integrity. At his request the following report was made:

L. L. Bond, Esq., Chairman Finance Committee : Sir - In the matter of the communication of D. A. Gage, Treasurer, referred to our Committee, you are authorized to report that we find the Treasurer's accounts correct, and the cash in hand, so that the city funds are entirely safe, and the special funds in the condition required by law.

This report was used by the Law and Order speakers as a campaign document to disprove the charges made against Gage. the law and order party.

nant of the supporters of the "Fireproof" ticket, those who indorsed Mr. Medill's administration, a portion of the Committee of Twenty-five and the Committee of Seventy. On the evening of July 1 7 a part of the latter Committee met in the Builders' Exchange on LaSalle street and here decided the fight to be an outand-out issue between Law and Order and ignorance and misrule. Plans were shaped accordingly and a fusion of all opposing elements agreed upon. A convention was held Saturday, October 18, 1873, m tne Grand Pacific Hotel, and the following ticket was nominated :

For Mayor, L. L. Bond ; for City Treasurer, David A. Gage ; for City Collector. A. L. Morrison ; for City Assessor, W. B. H. Gray; for City Attorney, I. N. Stiles; for Police Court Clerk, C. R. Matson ; for Judge of the Superior Court, William H. Porter* ; for Judge of the County Court, M. R. M. Wallace ; for County Clerk, J. W. Brockway ; for Clerk of the Criminal Court, W. K. Sullivan ; for County Treasurer, Philip Wadsworth ; for County Superintendent of Schools, A. G. Lane; for County Commissioners, A. J. Galloway, S. Olin, William M. Laughlin, W. B. Bateham, S. W- Kingsley ; for Police Commissioner, Reuben Cleveland.

This ticket was formally indorsed by the Committee of Seventy in a mass meeting held in Kingsbury hall October 23. The following letter was addressed to Mr. Bond by a Committee the day before the mass meeting was held :

Hon. L. L. Bond : Dear Sir - You have been requested by a respectable body of citizens to become a candidate for the office of Mayor at the approaching municipal election. The representatives of Law and Order will have a convention to-morrow for the nomination of candidates to be supported by them at that election. The office of Mayor is the most important one to be filled. We wish the best man, regardless of nationality, creed, or party, for the place - one who is in accord with our principles. We demand that there shall be honesty and strict economy in the management of our finances to the end that all expenditures be limited to the actual needs of the people, and that taxation be lightened as much as possible.

We demand that the laws shall be enforced for the protection of life and property. We claim that the protection of every member of society, regardless of age, sex or condition, in person,

*Octobtrr 29 Joseph P. Clarkson was nominated forjudge of the Superior Court, vice William H. Porter, who died subsequent to his nomination.

Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. I 5 I.

We claim that every person has a right, so far as human lawis concerned, to his own opinions, and to act upon them as he shall deem best, and to engage in any lawful traffic, and to all the guaranties which the law affords for its conduct and management.

But upon the question of what kinds and modes of traffic are injurious to the citizen, as promoters of disorder, ignorance, pauperism and crime, and consequent unnecessary taxation, the aggregate will of the people is supreme, and must be obeyed ; and to be specific on this point, we insist that the saloons shall be closed on Sundays ; that the licenses of those who violate the law shall be revoked ; that the keepers of these establishments be required to give bonds, as required by law, with good security, for the protection and indemnity of those who suffer from violation of the law, and that the law be enforced by a faithful and efficient police, to the end that crime may be diminished, and public order maintained.

We respectfully ask if the principles we have announced meet with your approval. If they do we pledge to you such a support as, we believe, will secure your nomination and triumphant election, with a result which will give to our city a character and attitude she is entitled to possess and to occupy before the world. By order of Committee.

The Hon. S. B. Gookins : Dear Sir - Your letter of to-day is at hand, and in reply I have to say that if the people assign to me the duties appertaining to the office of Mayor I shall earnestly endeavor to have all the financial interests of the city honestly and economically administered, and to that end will do all the Mayor can do. With regard to the other points, I have to say that no executive officer can stand in any other position than that contained in the oath of office, "That he will faithfully and impartially execute all of the laws to the extent of his ability," and in the discharge of his duties protect all citizens in their personal and property rights, and in the prosecution of all lawful business enterprises, regardless of the condition of such persons.

As this is the effect of the oath, and the position of an executive officer, it is apparent that I cannot make an exception of the Sunday law, and this necessarily includes the exercise of all lawful means for its enforcement. It is my purpose to devote my whole energies, if elected, to secure such a government as will promote the safety and welfare of the whole people, and to maintain the good name and credit of our city. No man can do more than this, and no honorable man can do less.

Mr. Bond was a member of the Council, Chairman of the Finance Committee, and at this time Acting Mayor in the absence of Mayor Medill, who had gone to Europe, and the City Council tendered him a vote of thanks for his wise counsel and able and careful management of city affairs. The reform element thus demanded Sunday and midnight closing of the saloons, which a large foreign-born population deemed an infringement upon their rights. The "personal liberty" cry was raised, and Mr. Colvin, to strengthen himself, announced that he would not run as a straight-out Democrat, but as a liberal candidate. The election was held Tuesday, November 4, 1873, and every candidate on the People's party ticket was elected by majorities ranging from 10,000 to 13,000. In the city the majority of the aldermanic candidates who had identified themselves with the Liberal movement were elected. The totals were as follows : ground that no such office existed. With this election the Committee of Seventy as an active political factor came to an end. The Tribune making reference to its demise, rather ungratefully commented as follows : "The Committee of Seventy soon absorbed the smaller organizations. It put a ticket in the field last year, but its first venture in politics was not encouraging. During the winter it was dormant, but some three months since it smelt the battle afar off, and came out of its winter quarters. It proceeded to organize the recent campaign, in which it met with a crushing reverse. Hereafter it will be remembered in the history of local politics for good intentions, for miserable inefficiency as a political organization, and for its failure to execute the designs for which it was organized."

Remnants of the committee and other advocates of the "Sunday closing" ordinance subsequently formed an organization, and operating with them was a band of "praying women," similar to those that about this time created a furore in Ohio, Massachusetts and the East. A number of meetings were held which were addressed by the pastors of the city churches, and at a meeting held Friday, March 13, in the First Methodist church block, it was resolved by some six hundred ladies present to appeal to the Common Council to enforce the Sunday closing ordinance. A committee was appointed and waited on the Council, but a majority of that body having been elected on the other side of the issue, the appeal of the ladies was unavailing, and the - Council passed an ordinance granting the right to sell, and governing the traffic in liquor on Sundays as well as other days, with such restrictions as were deemed proper, and repealing conflicting ordinances. The ladies appealed to Mayor Colvin to veto this ordinance, but he explained that it would be impossible for him to do so and at the same time represent the views and wishes of the constituency to which he was pledged prior to the election.

Mayor Colvin'S Administration

Mayor Colvin, in his inaugural address, December 1, 1873, referred to the issues decided in the late election, and pledged his administration to economy and reform. The message proceeded :

" During the last municipal administration the attention of our community has, to a great extent, been diverted from all questions referring to an economical management of the city finances, or even to the protection of life and property, by efforts as fruitless as they were frantic, to enforce certain ordi- nances in regard to the observation of the first day of the week. It is a well known fact that those ordinances, how much soever they may have been in consonance with the public opinion of a comparatively small and homogenous population at the time of their enactment, have ceased to be so since Chicago has, by the harmonious co-operation of citizens belonging to the different nationalities, grown from a village to the rank of one of t the greatest cities of the world. For a series of years it has been the practice of our municipal administration to treat those ordinances as 'obsolete,' and to refrain from enforcing them. It is not intended to denounce that practice, but merely to state that within the past year it has become distasteful to a large portion of the community. In our late election the issue has been fairly and squarely made whether the existing ordinances shall be retained and enforced, or, upon the other hand, either repealed or so modified as to be in consonance with the present state of public opinion in our community. A majority of our people, so overwhelming that it would be preposterous to designate their decision as a ' snap ' judgment, or to cavil at its meaning, has decided the question in favor of the latter alternative. It behooves all good citizens who believe the principles of our republican form of government to accept that popular decision, to which, following the advice of my predecessor in office, they have appealed. There is no reason to fear that those who conscientiously believe the existing ordinance upon the subject to be dictated by a spirit of religious intolerance incompatible with the spirit of our age, will, on their own part, defy the spirit of mutual toleration. If the Common Council, in its wisdom, and having undoubtedly full power upon the subject, should determine either to repeal or modify the Sunday prohibitions and Sunday clauses in the license law, or to fully secure the religious exercises of a portion of our citizens from all disturbance, without interfering with the harmless enjoyments of other citizens, it will do more than its duty toward the majority of the people of this city.

" Our police system should be conducted upon the principle of the prevention rather than the punishment of crime. Nor should the city seek to obtain revenue by means of any of the prevalent forms of vice. When it does it becomes particeps criminis in the iniquity it professes to punish or suppress. My nature revolts against this barbarous and brutal practice, not pursued for the purpose of extirpating vice, but with the object of adding a few paltry dollars to the public revenue. It shall never receive my sanction. All that can usefully be accom- plished in this direction is the mitigation of the more glaring and demoralizing effects of that which in all ages and among all races has existed as an evil that may be mitigated, or perhaps, regulated, but which has never yet been exterminated. Police officers should be made to understand and feel that laws are enacted as much to protect the unfortunate as to punish the wicked. In no case should a person be inhumanly treated simply because he has been arrested for some petty offence or misdemeanor. I am decidedly opposed to the practice of police officers receiving money, in the shape of rewards for services rendered, from any corporation or individual. Let them look to the city alone for remuneration. Such practice will, sooner or later, end in the force becoming merely the instruments of great corporations or wealthy individuals. * * * In conclusion, gentlemen, I would add that, in view of the prostrated condition of our city treasury our fellow citizens loudly call upon you for economical legislation. At the same time they look to me for a prompt interposition of my veto to any measure of wasteful, excessive, or corrupt expenditure. I hope and trust that neither will fail in the duties of our respective provinces. In the event that we do not we shall acquit ourselves to our own and the public satisfaction, and receive the reward due to good and faithful servants." Among the first official acts of Mayor Colvin was the appointment of Jacob Rehm as Superintendent of Police and E. F. C. Klokke as a member of the Board of Police and Fire Commissioners. They were confirmed by the Council December 22, 1873. These appointments were followed by that of Michael C. Hickey for Captain of Police, vice Louis J. Lull. Subsequently Jake Rehm became implicated in the whisky fraud conspiracy against the government and was forced to resign, when M. C. Hickey was made Superintendent of Police, and Joseph Dixon Deputy Superintendent. Among other important appointments made by Mayor Colvin were S. S. Hayes as Comptroller, Matthias Benner as Fire Marshal, Michael B. Bailey as Superintendent of Buildings, A. M. Billings and W. I. Onahan as Directors of the Public Library, Noel B. Boyden as Prosecuting Attorney, John S. Drake and S. M. Moore a*s Fire Commissioners, George L. Dunlap as City Marshal, George Everhart as Assistant City Weigher, W. T. English as a member of the Board of Education, H. B. Hurd Commissioner to revise ordinances, Dr. Brockholst McVickar member of the Board of Health, Avery Moore Appraiser of School Lands, and R. E. Goodell as City Marshal, to succeed George L. Dunlap, resigned.

December 15, 1873, Mr. John A. Rice, one of David A. Gage's bondsmen, waited on Mayor Colvin and informed him that the City Treasurer was short in his accounts to the extent of $350,000, and in order to make good this deficiency, stood ready to turn over his entire property. Although some such denouement had been expected, when it transpired it created a great sensation. Legal measures were at once taken to recover as much as possible of the money involved in Treasurer Gage's defalcation. The City Attorney filed a praecipe in a plea for debt against Gage and his bondsmen, William F. Tucker, Albert Crosby, John B. Sherman, James H. McVicker, Nathaniel P. Wilder, John A. Rice and George W. Gage, placing damages at $1,000,000. December 26, City Treasurer O'Hara, following the instructions of the city law department, made a formal demand upon Ex-Treasurer Gage for a deficit of money belonging to the city, amounting to $507,703.58. After consultations between Gage's bondsmen, on December 30 a formal conveyance by trust deed was made by Gage of all his property to Mr. George Taylor. Proceedings were then instituted against Gage for perjury, the charge being that in his periodical statements made under oath regarding the disposition of funds and the amounts in his hands, he had repeatedly and knowingly committed perjury. The matter of Gage's defalcation having been brought before the Grand Jury City Treasurer O'Hara in accordance with the advice of State's Attorney Charles Reed, made another personal and formal demand upon Gage for the balance of the city funds in his hands, but Mr. Gage made no response. January 7 the Grand Jury returned indictments against Gage for failing to pay over the moneys intrusted to his keeping, and also for perjury. The indictment for perjury was quashed, but the February Grand Jury returned a new indictment, covering the same charge. From a careful examination of the records bearing on the Gage defalcation it appears that Aid. Sherwood, a member of the Finance Committee of the Council, was the first to discover that anything was wrong, but it was openly charged after the defalcation became publicly known that some of Gage's bondsmen claimed that they were not reprehensibly careless or responsible, for the reason that shortly after the "Fireproof" administration assumed charge of city affairs Gage was discovered to be short some $200,000. Some days before the election of the People's party candidates Aid. Sherwood questioned Gage about the city's funds and secured a list of banks wherein they were alleged to be deposited. He asked to see the bank books to compare them with the list of balances, and was told that Mr. Gage had taken them away, and that they had not been written up for several months. The stubs of check books showed that current accounts were running with but two banks, the Second National and Mechanics', while the other accounts had apparently not been disturbed since 1871. Shortly before the fire, however, the water fund was known to be over $1,000,000, whereas from the records the amount in the hands of the Treasurer October 17, 1871, was seen to be only $645,727.48. Mr. Sherwood was called to Minnesota by the death of his sister, before he could pursue his investigations further. Upon his return he received a request from Mr. Gage to meet the latter at the Grand Pacific hotel, and did so. At this interview Gage confessed that he was short $300,000, and Mr. Sherwood said subsequently he understood from Gage that he had confessed to Mr. Bond and Comptroller Burley that he was short $250,000. Gage appealed to Mr. Sherwood's generosity to give him ten days in which to straighten matters up. Mr. Sherwood consented, insisting that the books should be fully written up, and ended the interview, feeling satisfied Gage would make up the deficiency before he was compelled to make a settlement with his successor. The Finance Committee made up a report to the Council which Mr. Sherwood refused to sign on account of his knowledge of the facts above given. The deficit at the end of Gage's term was $507,703.58, the amount stated in the demand of his successor, Treasurer O'Hara, of which $147,- 500 remained in the banks, leaving the actual claim against Gage $360,203.58. The re-indictment of Gage for perjury was quashed by Judge Moore, March 26, 1874, on the ground that in his affidavits Gage omitted the word "unlawfully" before the word 'use," and that the affidavit was therefore merely a voluntary offering and not a legal document within the meaning of the law. On the indictment for failing to turn over the funds, Gage obtained a change of venue to Lake county and eventually defeated the city on this criminal charge also. In March, 1878, a judgment was rendered in the Circuit Court of Cook county against David A. Gage and his bondsmen, William F. Tucker, Albert Crosby, John B. Sherman, James H. McVicker and Nathaniel P. Wilder, for the sum of $507,703.58. The case was taken to the Appellate Court by writ of error, by the defendants, and that Court rendered judgment January 7, 1879, reversing the judgment of the Circuit Court. The city appealed from the judgment of the Appellate Court to the Supreme Court, and that Court at its September term, 1879, reversed the judgment of the

Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. I 59

In December, 1873, David A. Gage and his wife had executed to George Taylor a deed of trust of several pieces and parcels of land to secure the city on account of Gage's indebtedness, and containing power of sale, etc., of this land. A certain portion described as being in township 39, sec. 1, was not owned by Gage, but he did own thirty acres in township 38, sec. 1, which he claimed was the land he intended to convey, but that a mistake was made in the description. He subsequently conveyed the tract in township 38, sec. 1, to another party, and the Trustee thereupon filed a bill to have the latter conveyance set aside, and the description in the trust deed corrected. While T. Lyle Dickey was Corporation Counsel, he filed a bill in the Superior Court of Cook county for a decree, directing the Trustee to sell a tract of 254 acres, known as the "Gage farm." Another party, a non-resident of the state, claiming interest as a creditor of Gage, filed a cross-bill, and upon his petition the cause was removed to the United States Circuit Court, but on motion of the Corporation Counsel, the United States Court remanded the cause to the Superior Court, holding that it was not removable therefrom under the act of Congress. From this order the complainant in the cross-bill took an appeal to the United States Supreme Court, which Court affirmed the order of the Court below remanding the case to the Superior Court of Cook county. Gage also assigned in 1873 to George Taylor, as Trustee, for the use of the city certain choses in action, such as bonds, life insurance policies, etc. Up to February 19, 1880, Trustee Taylor had realized for the city from real estate sales and other sources $67,- 644.57, which amount was credited on the judgment against the bondsmen. January 10, 1881, Corporation Counsel Adams recommended to the Council that authority be conferred upon the Mayor and Comptroller to make a reasonable compromise with the bondsmen for the balance due the city. With the consent of the Council, Mayor Harrison and Comptroller Gurney finally effected a compromise of the matter. The bondsmen who had gone through bankruptcy escaped payment. John B. Sherman paid the full amount of his indebtedness under the bond - $50,- 000. W. F. Tucker paid $5,000. Gage perfected the title to the land in dispute. The city so far has realized about $125,000 in cash on the Gage defalcation, not including the rents from the Gage farm and other property, and when the remaining land is sold the total indebtedness of Gage will have been nearly wiped out, but the city will scarcely realize any interest, even if the principal is all made good.

1873, the city had exhausted its power to add to its funded debt, having reached the limit fixed by the constitution of the state. No new bonds could be issued except in renewal of existing indebtedness. It was stated that the bonded debt, December 1, 1874, was $13,379,000; bonds due July 1 (part of debt), $100,000; interest on bonds due January 1, 1875, $463,250 ; certificates of indebtedness due on ten days' notice, $300,000 ; certificates due from December, 1874, to June, 1875, $1,441,169.73, or an indebtedness all told of $3,193,438.89. The available assets consisted of cash in the treasury and in New York to the amount of $1,487,229.09 ; water bonds unsold, $80,000; tax certificates for taxes of 1871 and 1872, $250,566.66 ; taxes of 1871- 2-3 appealed and uncollected, $1,451,105.29; tax warrant for

1874, $5,410,173.96. The amount then due from D. A. Gage and his sureties, partly secured by trust deed, was $482,703.58 and interest. Proceedings have been instituted to close the trust and collect the deficiency from the sureties. It will be seen that notwithstanding great reverses the city's finances showed evidences of steady recuperation, and were essentially sound at this date.

In the Council meeting, December 21, 1874, the Mayor presented a message notifying the members of the death of John B. Rice, Congressman for two terms from the First Chicago district, once Mayor of the city, and one of the oldest and most esteemed citizens, and suggesting that the Council attend the funeral in a body. The Council ordered the public offices closed out of respect to the memory of the deceased, and on motion of Aid. Richardson, it was decided that the Council should attend the funeral in a body.

January 4, 1875, tne Council, the Mayor concurring, fixed upon Tuesday, April 23, 1875, as the day of election at which the question of the incorporation of the city under the general law should be submitted to the voters. There were two proposed charters at issue, one prepared by Corporation Counsel Egbert Jamieson, and known as the "Hesing" Charter, because it was favored by A. C. Hesing and the Staats Zeitung, and the charter which was subsequently adopted and under which the city is now operating. The Citizen's Committee favored the latter charter, and the city administration opposed it on the ground that its provisions were insufficient for the proper operation of the city government. Mayor Colvin, Judge T. Lyle Dickey and Mr. Jamieson, argued against the charter before the committee, and at the request of the committee Mr. Jamieson drew up the "Hesing" charter, which the committee accepted, and the state Legislature adopted. The aldermen were against minority representation in the Council, and finding that the first (or the present) charter was a "hold-over" charter, they went out in their wards and succeeded by reason of a light vote in carrying the election to suit themselves. The vote as canvassed May 3, was for organization of the city under the general law, 11,714; against, 10,281 ; for minority representation in the Council 1,550 ; against, 5,544. Under the provisions of the new law the Mayoralty elections were changed from fall to spring, and the common council divided the city into eighteen wards. The old and cumbersome machinery of many governing boards was done away with and the administration of the law and ordinances was simplified and made more direct in the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen. Great dissatisfaction with the present charter has, however, been expressed by many citizens, and at this date the proposition to return to the election of police magistrates and clerks, and the operation of the police and fire departments by Boards of Commissioners, is frequently discussed.