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Chicago City (part 8 of 57)

Part 8 of 57 of the account of this township in Politics and Politicians of Chicago, Cook County, and Illinois : Memorial Volume, 1787-1887; a Complete Record of Municipal, County, State and National Politics from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, published 1887. 15,313 words, covering 264 settlements. Source changes inside the text are labelled at the exact paragraph where the next book begins.

Contents

2 sections

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Parts

57 pages

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The chapter

15,313 words

Reproduced complete and unedited from Politics and Politicians of Chicago, Cook County, and Illinois : Memorial Volume, 1787-1887; a Complete Record of Municipal, County, State and National Politics from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, published 1887. The text is machine-read from scans, so expect recognition errors: misspelled names, dropped words, and stray characters. Nothing has been corrected, because correcting a proper name invents one. The headings below are the books' own; source changes are labelled in place.

One more suggestion, and I will conclude. This city is destined to be one of the great cities of the world. Nothing but some dire political revolution can check her growth. In providing for the wants of to-day we should look to the necessities of the great future. Public improvements ample for today will prove wholly inadequate to-morrow. We should endeavor to provide for the morrow not only what will be needed materially, but also for the demands of a refined and refining taste. It cannot be expected that the people of to-day will or should rob themselves to gratify the people of the future. No city in a free country can be made magnificent out of the proceeds of immediate taxation. It should be made grand, but coming generations should help to bear expense. We should pay every cent needed for present municipal purposes, but we should provide for future Chicago, and should ask that future to help us so provide. That can be done only by issuing bonds for great and permanent public improvements. To this end the legislature should be asked to move for a change in the state's constitution, to permit to issue bonds for such permanent improvements. Checks should be so thrown around the issuance of such bonds that extravagance may not be fostered, and that speculative and corrupt rings may not be brought into existence. Bonds should be permitted to be issued only to a limited amount during any one year, and should only be for permanent improvements. Some means will have to be devised for carrying sewage out of the city, and a water system must in a short time be inaugurated sufficient for a million of people. Our present tunnels will be ample for 700,000 to 800,000 people ; we will reach that before 1890. We should have viaducts of a permanent character, of stone. These and their approaches will be very costly, and in a few years we shall have to turn over our new City Hall to the courts of the county. A new city hall will then have to be built. It should be commensurate with the wealth of Chicago. We shall need each year large and airy public schools. All of these public improvements should be built, not for to-day, but for hereafter. The wealth of the future should be drawn upon for their cost. In conclusion, gentlemen, permit me to thank you for your uniform courtesy to me and for your hearty co-operation in all matters of great public interest. Gentlemen, since the foregoing was written, a socalled report of the late Grand Jury of Cook county has been published in the papers, which is so unjust to the Mayor and the Police Department that I feel I owe to you a refutation of its false slanders. Sometime I was told by a well-known Republican that a certain number of that Grand Jury intended, if possible, to besmirch me in the jury report. He told me that he himself was not my friend in any sense, but that he was opposed to the Grand Jury being used as a political machine, and he therefore, wished me to know that this scheme was on foot. The regular report of the Grand Jury is signed by its foreman, but there is published what purports to be a supplemental report, with no signature. The Grand Jury is instructed and sworn not to divulge what transpires during its sessions ; yet this paper pretends to report the testimony given by myself and by the Chief of Police and other policemen. It has these words : "He (the Mayor) denied, however, to be in possession of the slightest evidence on which a Grand Jury could act ; but admitted in the same breath to have forced the owners of gambling houses, citing that of M. C. McDonald in particular, by threats of a raid, to refund money lost in their establishments." This is false. I made no such denial. I told them I had seen keno played in two establishments less than a year ago, and named the houses ; that I went to them for that purpose, and that I had ordered keno stopped, and had caused one of the houses to be raided for not obeying the order ; but that I had not personally seen any other in any of the so-called gambling houses. I did tell them that I asked McDonald by note to refund money claimed to have been lost in his house ; that the said McDonald had come to me and asked if I really wished him to give this money back, and went away leav- ing upon my mind the impression that he would not do so, and thereupon I had ordered his house pulled. But I did not say I had threatened McDonald that I would raid his house ; I told them that about dusk of that day a partner of a prominent law firm had telephoned me that McDonald had repaid the money. The Grand Jury could easily have summoned the members of this law firm, and so obtained all the testimony necessary. I told them I had gotten back other moneys lost. They did not ask who were the parties paying the same ; they were not looking for testimony.

This paper says : " He (the Mayor) admitted finally to have instructed the police repeatedly to permit gambling under certain restrictions." This is false ! In answer to a question if I had not done so, I stated most positively that I had never given any such instructions, but that I had instructed the police that if minors, drunken men or poor mechanics were allowed to play in any house, or if suppers were furnished or liquors given away or sold, or if ropers-in were employed, or cards of advertisement were issued, or if a house was kept open after seven o'clock Saturday evenings, then the house or houses so offending must be raided ; that otherwise I left the matter to the discretion of the Police Department. This paper says : " Mayor Harrison claims that the laws against gambling could not be enforced without detriment to the public." This is entirely false ! I told them that I could do better by attempting to close them up, as previous administrations had attempted to do, with signal failure, and then told them there were fewer gambling establishments in the city to-day than had been during any administration since the fire. The man who wrote this so-called report is a bitter enemy of mine, and, I have learned, got himself appointed on the Grand Jury, and boasted to one of the fellow jurors, before they were sworn in, that he intended making things hot for the Mayor. The Chief of Police and the Chief of Detectives furnished the jury with a list of all of the gambling houses known to them in the city. On this list, opposite each house, on one side was the names of those reputed and believed by the police to be the owners, and on the other side the names of men employed in the respective houses, who claimed and acknowledged themselves as owners, and in two instances the same name was on each side. And yet, with this testimony, this report falsely states that no evidence was furnished them on which they could find an indictment. They could have found true bills against the reputed owners, and the State's Attorney could easily have found testimony to convict. They could have found true bills against those who claimed and confessed themselves to be owners, and the witnesses were before them to prove the confession, and to prove that those men were dealers or regular partners in the several houses. This Grand Jury, for reasons best known to itself, did not wish to hurt the gamblers, and one man was bent upon throwing mud upon the city officials for political purposes, and others permitted this paper, concocted in the office of a political newspaper, to be attached to the regular report of the jury. And yet this Grand Jury, which violates its oath in divulging what transpired during its sessions, which perverts the truth or positively asserts falsehoods in this so-called supplemental report, sets itself up to be the moral censor of the city administration, and made itself the tool of one man, who got himself upon the jury to vent his personal venom, and to make political capital. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor.

April 21 the Council passed the annual appropriation bill ; the amount appropriated and ordered levied for the fiscal year, January 1, 1882, to December 31, 1S82, being $4,227,402.29. Following is an abstract of the votes cast for the election of members of the new Council, April 4, 1882 :

During the year 1882 Mayor Harrison made the following appointments : - Directors of the Public Library, William Curran, T. C. McMillan, Adolph Moses, Harry Rubens, W. H. Wells and John W. Enright, vice William Curran, resigned. Members of the Board of Education, M. A. Delaney, John W. Garry, Michael Keeley, C. L. Niehoff, Frank A. Stauber, P. O. Stensland, A. C. Storey. Superintendent of Police, Austin J. Doyle, November 13, vice W. J. McGarigle, resigned. William J. McGarigle made an efficient and popular Chief of Police. During the earlier part of his term he spent several months in Europe, investigating the police and detective systems there. He resigned to become the candidate of the Democratic county convention for Sheriff.

July 31, 1882, Aid. Blair presented to the Council a preamble and resolutions granting permission to his Honor the Mayor to take a vacation, and moved its adoption. The motion prevailed by yeas 32, nays 1 - Aid. Nelson. The following is the resolution as adopted :

Whereas, Our worthy Mayor has devoted his time and attention to the duties of his office with the utmost zeal and fidelity, giving to the affairs of the city a greater degree of care and consideration than a business man would do to his own private business, has been daily at his desk dispatching matters requiring executive action and giving audience to all who have had important business to lay before him, and have invariably attended the sessions of this Council, greatly aiding us in our deliberations and expediting business, therefore be it

Resolved, That as a recognition of this faithful service of the Mayor, and in view of the further fact that in the three years and a quarter of his connection with the affairs of the city, he has only taken two weeks' vacation, this Council does hereby grant him a leave of absence until the 4th of September next, that he may if he so chooses visit Europe for relaxation and recreation, and that in the event of his finding matters which may require a longer time for study for the interests of Chicago, an extension of one or two weeks is also hereby allowed, at his discretion.

Mayor Harrison during his absence was honored by being given the freedom of the city of Dublin, and was entertained by the Corporation. Upon his return, September 20, he was the recipient of an immense popular ovation on the part of the city employes and citizens, there beting a monster procession and fireworks, and public speaking on the lake front.

October 2 the Council adopted resolutions tendering A. M. Sullivan, M. P., the Irish patriot, the hospitalities of the city; sympathizing with Ireland in her struggle for self-government, and resolving to adjourn and attend in a body the lecture of A. M. Sullivan, which he was in the course of delivering at Central Music hall.

October 23 the following resolutions were passed relative to the death of Peter Cunningham, an old citizen, prominent in politics, and for many years a trusted city employe :

Resolved, That in the sudden and unexpected demise of Mr. Cunningham the city has lost a valued and trusty servant, his family a most kind and affectionate father, and society an active member ; a man who in his public as well as social relations bore a high and enviable reputation, and who discharged the duties of life with ability and most faithfully, honestly and conscientiously, and be it further

Resolved, That this Council, together with the various departments of the city, do hereby tender to his afflicted family and relatives their heartfelt sympathy and condolence in this their hour of grief, and that the City Clerk be directed to send a copy of these resolutions to his family, duly engrossed, and that the same be spread upon the records of the Council.

December 27 resolutions of respect to the memory of ex- Ald. Thomas Cannon, deceased, were adopted, and ordered spread upon the records March 12, 1883, Mayor Harrison, by resolution of the Council, appointed Aids. Wickersham, Dean, Colvin and.Altpeter as a committee on reception to receive and entertain President Diaz of Mexico, and party, on the occasion of their visit to the city.

March 21, 1883, Mayor Harrison sent his annual message to the Council, in which, before reviewing the operations of the city departments, he had the following to say :

I regret the necessity of saying anything which may savor of politics, but the good name of Chicago has been shamelessly attacked for partisan purposes by a part of its press, which has grown fat with its prosperity. So persistently has this been done that people in other localities and some of our own people, who are prone to believe whatever they see in print, have been made to believe that this city is a sink of festering crime ; its officials in league with thieves and cut-throats, and thriving by wasting the funds of the public. As the Mayor of Chicago, proud of its good name, I cannot silently permit that good name to be tarnished by the slanders of men, who, had they lived eighteen hundred and odd years ago, would have sold their master for thirty pieces of silver.

Newspapers within the past few days have had the hardihood to assert that the economy practiced during the incumbency of this administration has been the forced fruit of the two per cent, limitation for the tax levy. The saving of over $600,000 from the appropriation of 1879, during seven months of that year, was not forced by such limitation. The appropriation was made under my predecessor. His expenditures during the first four months of the year were based on a saving of less than ten' per cent. This administration took the fifth month to study the question and to mature its plans, and then proceeded to save 25 per cent, of the appropriation, and as a result one and a quarter million dollars in scrip were issued that year, against two and a quarter millions under my predecessor the year before. And what is more, the greater portion of that one and a quarter millions of dollars was paid for expenditures from January to May, during the term of my predecessor. In 1880 not greatly over a half million dollars of scrip were issued, and thenceforth the city was redeemed from its curse. I wish to call your attention also, while on the subject of finances, to another reform in this line. Prior to June, 1879, officials and employes of the city were rarely paid before the 8th of the month, and generally later, and often between the 10th and 15th, and other creditors were put off from day to day, without any good reason therefor. I could not understand why Chicago should not be as prompt in paying as any business institution. Orders were given that it should be made so. I am happy to say that for three and a half years all monthly payments have been promptly met on the first day of the month, with some few exceptions, where they have been deferred a day or two. This has proved not simply a benefit to those directly paid by the city, but, by causing nearly a quarter of a million dollars to be monthly put in circulation at fixed and well understood periods, has helped to give life to all business interests in the city. That the administration has been still looking to the interests of the people may be judged by the following financial exhibit from our efficient and capable Comptroller, Mr. Gurney :

A table was given showing the receipts of the city for the year ending December 30, 1882, to have been $8,605,507.37, and the expenditures for the same time $8,450,099.54, or a surplus of receipts over expenditures of $155,407.83. Health Department. - During the year 1882 the city has been remarkably free from epidemic diseases, with the exception of small pox, and with two exceptions no city of our population in the civilized world presents so low a death rate. There were 13,234 deaths reported. If we estimate our present population at 560,693, we have had a death rate of 23.60 per thousand per year. The death rate amongst children less than five years of age is high, and is due to the overcrowding, indifferent care and unsanitary conditions inseparable from our rapid growth from the immigrant class. Our position as the converging point for the great lines of immigrant travel from the East and South, and the fact that Chicago is the immigrant distributing center for the Northwest, have surrounded us with peculiar dangers from the incursions of small pox. Sixty per cent, of all immigrants entering the ports of this country during the year 1882 passed through Chicago, and until the National Board of Health in June last undertook the supervision of this incoming class by placing medical inspectors upon all trains leaving ports of entry westward, there was little interruption to the direct transmission not only of those suffering with the disease, but of numberless individuals unprotected by vaccination, who were invariably attacked when exposed. It should be remembered to the credit of Chicago that no case was ever passed along, but was immediately removed and cared for. Three thousand six hundred and eleven cases have been reported during the year, of which number one thousand and fifty-five were treated in hospital. The labor imposed upon the Department of Health in this work alone has been great, and of a peculiarly trying nature, but has been so efficiently and quietly performed that our large commercial interests have not been imperiled, our schools have not been interrupted, nor the peace and quiet of our citizens disturbed. There have been 110,915 vaccinations made by the department during the year, and this work has oftentimes been surrounded by peculiar difficulties. There have been 13,564 nuisances examined, reports made upon them, and abated. There have also been 994 sewer connections ordered and made; 6,421 privy vaults cleaned, 13,733 dead animals removed from the streets, and 403,440 pounds of various meats unfit for food found in our markets have been condemned and sent to the rendering tanks. The tenement house and workshop inspection, and the supervision of houses in process of erection, have been energetically and successfully pursued by the department.

The Police and Fire Departments, the Department of Public Works, the Law Department and the Gas Department were reviewed, and showed to be more economically conducted and in more serviceable working order than ever before.

The Public Library was shown to have 92,312 volumes and 22,000 book-borrowers; an annual circulation of 400,000 - the largest in the country with one exception - and the number of visitors to the reading room and reference tables was 610,000. The need of a fire-proof building for this splendid library was dwelt upon, and the efforts to secure Dearborn Park from the government for a site for a library building were referred to. The Schools. - There has been a considerable increase in school attendance as well as school accommodations during the school year. The total number enrolled was 68,614, an increase over the previous year of 5,473, and at the beginning of the year there were in process of erection five new schoolhouses, which have been completed at a total cost of $232,639, and will seat 4,347 pupils. On the 1st of January last, four other buildings were erected, and these will seat 2,772 pupils. Plans for two new high school buildings are in course of preparation. The school census taken in June last shows that there were 32,038 pupils in private schools, and that the total number of persons between the ages of six and sixteen years, was 110,389. During the year there were 9,244 pupils in double divisions, who could only attend school one-half of the day, and to accommodate these and the natural increase in attendance, the Board of Education is laboring to erect as many new buildings as the funds at their disposal will permit. The total receipts of the department were $1,457,120.55, and the expenditures $1,146,924.34, thus leaving a surplus of $310,196.21 net, of which the board has been enabled to pay salaries in cash up to January 1 last, instead of resorting to scrip after the expiration of the school year in July, as formerly.

A table was given showing that the number of saloon licenses issued was less in proportion to population than under the two preceding administrations. The message continued :

I know but one way to prevent or diminish improper characters from obtaining licenses, and that is the passage of a law that no license be issued unless before its issuance application therefor be made some two weeks or a month beforehand, and that the name of the applicant be posted up on some official board for scrutiny. Then persons who are not interested in the morals of the city can notify the Mayor in writing. In that way, if injury be done an applicant, he can have recourse to a proper tribunal for redress. But no Mayor can accept the statements of irresponsible men, or can refuse to a man a license simply because some newspaper, which fattens on blackening private character for sensational purposes, attacks such a man. A Mayor, who is himself wantonly maligned, cannot put much faith in the statements of the maligner as to the character of others. But aside from these considerations, there has not been a Mayor that I can learn of who has himself personally examined into the character of applicants before licenses were issued. The duties of the office have been such as to preclude such a possibility. This talk of a personal scrutiny therefore, resolves itself simply into attacks for partisan ends.

levies of the four years ending 1882, we find that the total is $12,087,084, while for the four years ending 1878, the total is $14,717,380, thus showing that we had $2,630,296 less money to run the city with, and yet in spite of the demands in other directions, which were fully met, more has been accomplished in the latter than in the former period of time.

For many years the great papers of the North, the great periodicals and the public teachers have belonged to the Republican party. From prejudice or from interested motives these have all labored day and night to convince the people that the Democratic party would not or could not conduct any public corporation - state or municipal - on principles of honesty, integrity and economy. This has been injurious to the people at large, and has made them rather bear the ills they had than fly to others they knew not of. People should believe in the principles of their party, but should also believe in the honesty and patriotism of those opposed to them. Four years ago thousands of Republicans in Chicago were so prejudiced against the Democratic party that they did not give it credit for either honesty or ability. To-day these thousands, having seen a Democratic administration conducting the affairs of this city on business principles ; having seen no robbery of the treasury ; having heard no whisper against the honesty of a single official or employe, while so much speculation has gone on in certain corporations controlled by Republicans - these thousands have learned that a Democratic administration could be honest, faithful and capable ; and, though they have differed with such administration in many of its methods, have come to believe that they will not and would not be ruined, even if their own party should not be at the helm. This one thing alone is worth to Chicago a great deal. As long as people can believe others as honest as themselves, as capable as themselves, they will not be satisfied to vote for unfit men. simply because their party says so, but will be more particular in getting good men to the front. Thus each party vying with the other in having as their leaders good men, the city will thrive and prosper, whatever party may control its affairs.

The ordinance covering the appropriation bill and directing the tax levy for the fiscal year 1883, as prepared by the Comptroller, was passed by the Council April 20, 1883, and contained items aggregating $4,540,506.13.

elected President pro tempore of the Senate over W. P. Callon of Morgan county, by a vote of 33 to 28, and in the House, Horace H. Thomas of Cook, was elected Speaker over Bradford K. Durfee of Macon, by a vote of 81 to 71. The Legislature met in special session March 23, 1882, and reapportioned the State into Congressional and Senatorial districts. In the state campaign of 1882, in which a State Treasurer and Superintendent of Public Instruction were elected, the German Republicans of Cook county, as elsewhere throughout the state, in large numbers bolted the nomination of Charles T. Strattan, the Republican nominee for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and gave their votes to Henry Raab, the Democratic candidate, for the reason that Strattan, while a member of the Assembly, had voted in favor of submitting to the people a constitutional prohibitory amendment, prohibiting the manufacture and sale of spirituous or malt liquors. The Greenbackers and the Prohibitionists had tickets in the field, and although the latter ware urged to vote for Strattan, they, because the Republican state convention had voted down a resolution favoring the submission of the constitutional amendment, voted straight out for their candidate, Mrs. Elizabeth B. Brown. The result was the election of John C. Smith, Republican candidate for State Treasurer by the small plurality of 6,137, and of Henry Raab, the Democratic candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction by the still smaller plurality of 2,869, and it was maintained that the vote of the Germans in Cook county alone brought about Raab's election. In the Second Congressional district there was a hotly contested contest between John F. Finerty, editor of The Citizen, an Irish Nationalist weekly, who for years had been a well-known journalist connected with the Chicago Times, and Henry F. Sheridan, also a prominent Irish-American, identified with many powerful Irish societies. The result of the Congressional elections by districts in Chicago was as follows : ary 3, 1883, W. J. Campbell of Cook, was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, over Thomas M. Shaw of Marshall, by a vote of 23 to 15, and in the House Lorin C. Collins, Jr., of Cook, was elected Speaker over Austin O. Sexton of Cook, by a vote of 78 to 75. January 16 the two Houses voted separately on the question of electing a successor to David Davis in the United States Senate. Shelby M. Cullom, nominee of the Republican caucus, received 105 votes, and John M. Palmer, nominee of the Democratic caucus, 95 votes. Three members of the House refused to vote, and there was consequently no election. January 17 the two Houses met in joint session and balloted, Mr. Cullom receiving 107 votes, and Mr. Palmer 95. Mr. Cullom was declared duly elected Senator. February 7, on account of the resignation of Gov. Cullom, Lieut.-Gov. John M. Hamilton became Governor, and William J. Campbell acting Lieutenant- Governor. Early in this session Representative Harper of Cook, introduced a bill intended to create a uniform license for the sale of spirituous liquors, known as the " Harper Law." The bill provoked almost the united opposition of the retail liquor interests of the state, and Chicago dealers were especially active in their opposition to the proposed measure. The bill was under discussion nearly five months. It passed the Hous^ June 8 by a vote of 79 yeas to 65 nays, and the Senate June 15 by a vote of 30 yeas to 20 nays. The " Harper Law," governing the sale of spirituous liquors, was the last to date of a long line of measures affecting the liquor traffic which have at times been presented to our legislators for action.

A committee of ladies bearing a petition signed by 80,000 voters and 100,000 women, asking the passage of a law allowinowomen to vote on questions relative to the liquor traffic, waited on the House of Representatives March 6, 1879. Among the Chicago ladies on the committee were Miss Frances E Willard, President of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Illinois ; Mrs. T. B. Carse, President of the Chicago W. C. T. U.; Mrs; J. B. Hobbs, Miss Lucia Kimball, Mrs. M. A. Cummings, Mrs. R. Greenlee, Mrs L. A. Hagans, Mrs. Willis A. Barnes, Mrs. C. H. Case and Mrs. D. J. True.

On motion of Representative Sol. P. Hopkins of Cook, Miss Willard was invited to address the House. April 10 the same committee presented the petition to the Senate and by a vote of 24 for to 19 against, a recess of thirty minutes was taken, during which time Miss Willard addressed the body. The Senate took no action, but the House considered a bill which provided for an amendment to the Constitution allowing women over 21 years to be registered as voters, and that before a saloon could be opened the keeper should be able to show to the municipal authorities that he had secured the consent of a majority of both men and women over 2 1 years of age in the community. The bill was ably championed, and as ably opposed. It reached a third reading May 30, when it was lost by a vote of 55 nays to 53 yeas. It was claimed that the agitation set on foot throughout the state by the temperance women had much to do in securing the passage of the Harper law in 1883. In the House 70 Republicans and 9 Democrats voted for the bill, and 51 Democrats and 4 Republicans against it. In the Senate 29 Republicans and 1 Democrat voted for it, and 19 Democrats and 1 Republican against it. Thus, the Republicans assert, and are clearly entitled to the claim, that the law was a Republican measure, and passed by substantially a party vote. In the spring municipal campaign of 1883, the Republicans were somewhat disheartened over successive reverses for their city tickets. The newspapers charged that Mayor Harrison's campaigns were conducted by the gamblers under the leadership of M. C. McDonald and Joseph C. Mackin, who controlled the party machinery, and certain Aldermen who had the worst elements of the population subject to their commands. A committee of citizens representing both parties, was organized to consider this subject, and take action in reference to placing a "Reform" city ticket in the field. They met in Fairbank hall, Central Music hall building, and became known as the ''Fairbank Hall Silk Stockings." The Republicans duly held a convention and a compromise was effected with the Fairbank hall people, whereby Eugene Cary was nominated for Mayor, Dennis O'Connor for Treasurer, B. F. Richolson for City Attorney, and Emil Dietzsch for City Clerk. The Democratic convention, held at the Palmer house, re-nominated Carter H. Harrison for Mayor by acclamation, and John M. Dunphy for City Treasurer, Julius S. Grinnell, re-nominated for City Attorney, and John G. Neumeister, nominated for City Clerk. The election occurred Tuesday, April 30, and was an exciting one. The result was as follows ;

The appointments of officials made by Mayor Harrison in 1883-4 were T. T. Gurney, Comptroller, reappointed; Oscar C. DeWolf, Health Commissioner, reappointed ; DeWitt C. Cregier, Commissioner of Public Works, reappointed ; Austin J. Doyle, Superintendent of Police, reappointed ; D. J. Swenie,

Chief of Fire Department, reappointed ; Eugene Prager, Oil Inspector; School Inspectors, M. J. Dunne, to succeed himself; Frank Wenter, to succeed F. A. Maas ; Graeme Stewart, to succeed Philip A. Hoyne ; John M. Clark, to succeed E. G. Keith; J. R. Doolittle, Jr., to succeed J. C. Burroughs; Directors of the Public Library, L. W. Kadlec, to succeed himself; Bernard Callaghan, to succeed himself ; H. W. Rogers, to succeed J. D. Walker; Sealer of Weights and Measures, Philip Reidy ; Inspector of Steam Boilers, Patrick Tierney ; City Collector, W. J. Onahan ; Commissioner of Buildings, Alexander Kirkland ; Police Magistrate, East Chicago Avenue Station, George Kersten ; Police Magistrate, Desplaines Street Station, Charles White ; Police Magistrate, West Twelfth Street Station, O. P. Ingersoll; Police Magistrate, Harrison Street Station, Peter Foote ; Police Court Clerks, R. Sheridan, West Twelfth street ; W. C. Clingen, Harrison street; M. A. La Berg, Desplaines street ; August Timm, East Chicago avenue ; John Kelly, bailiff, Desplaines street ; Charles Hefter, bailiff, West Twelfth street ; Henry Schraeder, Superintendent West Randolph Street Market ; Peter Conlon, Member of the Board of Education ; Chris. Meyer, Clerk of East Chicago Avenue Police Court, vice Aug. Timm ; M. R. M. Wallace, Prosecuting Attorney ; Frederick S. Winston, Corporation Counsel.

The official bonds of the Mayor and incoming officials were approved by the new Council May 14, 1883. Mayor Harrison's bond for $10,000 was signed by Rudolf Brand and George" Sherwood as sureties ; City Treasurer Dunphy's bond in the sum of $5,000,000 was signed by Columbus R. Cummings, Charles R. Farwell, Daniel Kelly, Nathan Corwith, William B. Howard, Charles A. Munn, W. C. D. Grannis, and John H. Dwight ; City Clerk Neumeister's bond of $5,000 was signed by Rudolf Brand and George Neumeister; City Attorney Grinnell's bond of $5,000 was signed by F. S. Winston, Jr., and Francis Adams. May 28, 1883, the Council adopted the following preamble and resolutions relative to the death of Ex-Alderman William Wheeler :

Whereas, It has pleased Divine providence to remove from this life Ex-Alderman William Wheeler, who recently filled the office of Alderman from the Thirteenth ward, in the City Council, with credit to himself and the people of Chicago, and

Whereas, By the death of Ex-Alderman William Wheeler, the city of Chicago has lost an upright and honorable citizen and business man, and his family a loving and devoted husband and father ; therefore,

Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 29 1

Resolved, That the City Clerk be requested to send a copy of these resolutions to the family of the deceased, and that they be also spread upon the records of this Council.

February 27, 1884, a special meeting of the Council was held for the purpose of taking suitable action relative to the death of Aid. J. E. Geohegan. Aid. Manierre addressing the Council, said :

It has become my painful duty to announce to this Council the death of my late associate and colleague, Alderman J. E. Geohegan. This vacant chair, draped with the emblems of mourning, which he so lately filled in the full vigor of life, reminds us that he will no more join with us in our official duties. It is therefore meet, as he now stands amid the silent shadows of those gone before, mutely claiming at our hands kind tributes of remembrance, that we should take appropriate action. I would therefore move, Mr. Chairman, that a committee of five be appointed for such purpose.

After remarks by Alderman Hildreth, who paijd a glowing tribute to the memory of the deceased, saying that he was a kind, faithful, generous and true friend, husband and father, the following resolutions were adopted :

Whereas, This Council has learned with regret and sorrow of the death of our late colleague, Alderman J. E. Geohegan, who has represented in this body for nearly two years past the Eighteenth ward, and has discharged his duties to his people and to the city with zeal, fidelity and ability ; and

Whereas, In his unexpected demise this body has lost an energetic member, the city an enterprising citizen, and his friends a warm and true-hearted man, a man who was in the prime of life and always active in the interest of the public, striving in all public measures to advance the growth, prosperity and material beauty of the city, and lending his efforts and influence in matters calculated to enhance the reputation of the city abroad, and make it the great center of the Northwest ; therefore, be it

Resolved, That this Council hereby tender the afflicted family of our late colleague our sincere and heartfelt sympathy in their sad bereavement and their irreparable loss ; and be it further

Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon the records of this Council, and that a copy be forwarded to the family of the deceased ; and be it further

Resolved, That a committee of six be appointed to act as an escort from Valparaiso, Ind., to the residence of the deceased, on the arrival of the remains from Washington, and that such committee be requested to aid, if so desired by the family, in making arrangements for the funeral.

The committee appointed to meet the remains were Aldermen Manierre, Appleton, Doerner, Ryan, Gaynor and Sweeney, and Aldermen Hildreth, Dixon and Lyke were appointed a committee to confer with the family of the deceased in reference to the funeral arrangements. Alderman Geohegan died of pneumonia, contracted while in Washington as a member of a delegation sent to secure the holding of the Democratic National convention in Chicago.

March 17 the Council was called upon to take action in reference to the death of another member, Aid. John H. Foley, of the Ninth ward. The resolutions adopted were as follows :

Whereas, It having pleased Almighty God, in His infinite wisdom, to remove from our midst our much respected associate in the City Council, Aid. John H. Foley, of the Ninth ward, we, the members of the City Legislature, as a mark of our regard for the memory of the deceased, unanimously adopt the following resolutions :

Resolved, That we hereby tender to the bereaved family our heartfelt sympathy in their hour of affliction and sorrow, and that as a token of respect to the memory of the deceased this Council do attend the funeral in a body, and that all city offices be closed for one day immediately following the adoption hereof.

And be it further Resolved, That as a mark of our appreciation of the loss we have sustained in the death of our late associate, Aid. John H. Foley, a committee consisting of six members of this body be appointed by the Chair, who as a guard of honor shall accompany the remains of our deceased associate to the city of Buffalo, N. Y., for interment.

And be it further Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to confer with the family of the deceased in making arrangements for the funeral.

Suitable remarks were made by Aids Bond, Lawler, Ryan and Hildreth. Aids. Gaynor, Lawler, Appleton, Ryan, Sullivan and Doerner were appointed to accompany the remains to Buffalo, and Aids. Lyke, Wickersham and Hildreth a committee on arrangements.

The appropriation bill for corporate and school purposes for the fiscal year January i, 1884, to December 31, 1884, was passed April 28, and directed a tax levy of $4,872,456.60. At the same meeting the following resolutions relative to the death of ex-Aid. Charles L. Woodman were adopted :

Whereas, Death has removed from our midst our fellow citizen, ex-Alderman Charles L. Woodman, who was long identified with the city government ; a man whose rigid honesty and strict integrity was never questioned, and whose conduct, in official and private life, was such as to endear him to all with whom he came in contact ;

April 14, 1884, Mayor Harrison presented the following veto message to the Council : To the Honorable the City Council of the City of Chicago :

Gentlemen, - I return herewith, without my approval, an ordinance respecting kiosques, passed by you April - , 1884. A kiosque is not a well known thing in this Western world. To the ordinary denizen of Chicago, the word awakens no familiar memories. To a few, whose wanderings have carried them to the far-off land of the Osmanli, it brings back visions of turbaned Turks and dark-eyed Circassian beauties ; of bubbling fountains and gurgling nargillahs ; of bowers of jasmine and rose, and of the crescent and the scimeter ; of the sack and the green rolling Bosphorus. It carries some graybeard back to a far distant day when he looked down upon Damascus nestling in its wealth of emerald, and he, like Mohammed, almost dreaded to enter into its charmed precincts. Or, in memory, he reclines on deeply piled Turkish rugs before his tent door, pitched upon Scutari's heights, while below are the hundred gilded domes of Stamboul, and as the god of day drops behind the curtain of the far-off west the weird cry of the muezzin, " La Allah, il Allah ; Mohammed resoul Allah," steals on the stilly air from a thousand minarets across the Golden Horn, telling the faithful that " there is no God but God, and Mohammed is His prophet." He remembers how he then dreamed a dream - a dream that he was a nine-tailed pasha and had a hundred wives ; how by day he cut down with his own flashing Damascene blade a hundred uncircumcised dogs, and at evening rested in the rose-embowered kiosque, and inhaling from his amber-mouthed nargillah the sweet breath of the Persian weed, drank in his own praise from the rosy lips of the " light of his harem," who sat at his feet blazing with jewels, but she the brightest gem of them all.

The favored few - the cultured remnant of Chicago - may say to the great sweating majority of the city, that a kiosque is a sort of dome-shaped summer house in a Turkish garden, in which the beauties of the harem disport for the delectation of their lord and master. They will tell the ignorant many of this giant young city of the West, that lately Matthew Arnold flashed along the stilly depths of the turbulent Atlantic the information that the ethical culture of this city was on a very low plane, that her divines preached inane platitudes to congregations who were bemoaning the last fall of pork, or making calculations as to the next rise in lard, and that thereupon the Chicago Kiosque Company determined to educate our people immediately in esthetics, and ultimately in ethics. That it would take down the black, dismal lamp posts along Boiler avenue and put in their stead beautiful summer houses, on whose lateral surfaces would be pictured descriptions of how man and beast are entertained in the palatial edifices along that classic street.

That in front of an opera house on the levee they would have a kiosque resplendent at night - all night - with dissolving views, epitomizing the leg drama performed by Jerry's unpainted beauties. How another oriental marvel, exquisite in design, worked out to the satisfaction of the Commissioner of Public Works, would stand near the two-story portico of a down-town theater, and when Abbey comes to town again there will be pictured upon "translucent material" that impressario's ballet corps, sweating under a single garment of cobweb gossamer. How, on a corner near a brown stone printing place, will be a hectagonal kiosque, with pictures splendidly portraying the massacre on yesterday of the garrison at Khartoum, worked up by an Arabian artist in a balloon, and sent by "special cable."

Esthetics will be inculcated by day on summer houses along our streets, and ethics will be an all night lesson on illuminated kiosques "about and around," and for all this wealth of pictorial education the Kiosque Company ask no other payment than the right to erect these summer houses and these illuminated kiosques, at such points as said company may choose, where dismal lamp posts now stand, such kiosques and summer houses not to be less than ten feet high, they may be ninety - and not less than eighteen inches square - they may be ten feet or more in dimensions, and this right only to last for thirty years ! You and I and our children will have the full advantage of this pictorial education, but our grandchildren will be left in utter darkness. And forty years hence some future Matthew Arnold will again bemoan Chicago's lack of ethical culture by "special cable."

Seriously, gentlemen, were it not that shrewd men interested in this ordinance have urged me to sign it, I would think you intended it as an April joke. It says the said kiosques are to be erected " of a model design and dimensions, such as shall be approved by the Commissioner of Public Works, provided, however, that no kiosque shall be required to be erected of less than ten feet in height, and presenting a lateral surface equal to the surface of a quadrilateral, each of whose sides are equal to a foot and a half in width.." That is, every such kiosque shall be at least \y2 feet square, and ten feet high. Each of our present lamp posts are from three to four inches in diameter on a level of a man's vision. The smallest of the kiosques will be four to five times as large, thereby increasing the obstruction of the street and vision along the street by that much. The smallest one will be as much an obstruction as the largest telegraph pole, should the same stand on the sidewalk. The minimum size is fixed, but there is no limit to the size over this, except in the discretion of the Commissioner of Public Works. Who can guarantee the discretion of all the incumbents of that office for the next thirty years ? I have been shown drawings of some of the kiosques to be erected; they are octagonal. Our patrol boxes are octagonal, and each lateral surface is one foot wide, yet such boxes are nearly four feet in diameter. An octagonal, with 1-ateral surfaces of eighteen inches, each would be much over four feet in diameter. If this ordinance be legal, whenever a foolish or corrupt Commissioner shall give a permit for a large kiosque, at once a vested right vests in the company, and the thing will be there to stay. Are you going to give such power to a Commissioner of Public Works thus to permit obstructions to our streets ?

But suppose the company erects no kiosques over eighteen inches square ? That will be a great obstruction. But, says this company, it will save the city the expense of lighting the streets. That is a snare, and I fear, a deliberate fraud. The company is not compelled by the ordinance to erect their structures ; it is simply permitted to do so when, during thirty years, it may wish, and where, throughout this city, it may desire. It will pick out such corners on our crowded thoroughfares as may be profitable to it, and then farm out other points when it finds a profitable opportunity. If the thing be a good thing are you willing to give a monopoly of the many thousand lamp posts to this company for thirty years ? If the thing can be made to pay, then the city should reserve to itself the right to sell such lamp post sites to such as will pay the highest price for them year by year, and not to vest in any city officer the vast discretion given to the Commissioner of Public Works throughout a generation and a half.

The streets and sidewalks of the city belong to the people of the city and state, for the purpose of locomotion, and to the property owners along the street as an easement. You have the power to permit railroads along the streets. Why? Because such is a legitimate use of a street or highway. But a railroad has no right absolutely to obstruct a street. Its rails stretch along or across a street, but such rails simply incommode other channels of locomotion ; they do not absolutely obstruct such other locomotion. Besides, railroads are a public necessity. Such use of parts of the streets is a legitimate use of such street. Such being the case, you have the power to give such permission. Erecting boxes for advertising purposes along a highway is not giving such highway to a legitimate purpose, and while I think a Council may probably permit such things to be done temporarily, one Council cannot bind the city so that another Council cannot order the obstructions down. If you have the power to give the right for thirty years, you have the power to grant the right for all time. The charter gives you np such power. The ninth power of the Council grants power to regulate the use of streets. That is, to regulate the use of streets for their legitimate purposes. The legitimate use of a street is for locomotion of the people along it. The carrying of people or goods in vehicles is a legitimate use. The transmission of information or messages, whether in carriages or on wires, is a legitimate use. The erection of signs or advertisements, to the obstruction of the other legitimate uses, is not legitimate. We erect patrol boxes on the streets under police powers, and to protect the people. A railroad - a legitimate occupant of a highway - runs along a street ; we erect a wall between such railroad and other parts of the street, to protect the people from the damage caused by the railroad, thereby giving the people absolute safety along a part of the street, rather than give them the whole street at the cost of safety along its entirety.

A municipal corporation holds the streets in trust for the entire public, and cannot surrender its rights over them to any individual or corporation, by a contract running for a number of years. Such a contract requires the consent of the supreme power, to-wit, the Legislature of the state of Illinois.

Again, the ordinance vests in the Commissioner of Public Works the power to permit these structures to occupy just as much of the streets as he may choose. This is a delegation of the discretionary power vested in the Council over the city streets to a mere executive officer, and as such is clearly illegal and ultra vires.

I further object to the ordinance in that the interests of the city are not sufficiently or properly protected, for the reasons I have given above. Respectfully yours,

It is required by the Charter, and expected of the Mayor, that at the close of the municipal year he shall present to the City Council "information relative to the affairs of the city, and shall recommend for their consideration such measures as he shall deem expedient." The various departments of the city are likewise required to submit annual statements, and a message of the Mayor can, therefore, do little else than summarize their reports, draw comparisons between various periods to better illustrate the progress that has been effected, and present suggestions as to what improvements for the future can be promoted by your honorable body. The reports of the various departments for the past year are full and complete, and it will only be necessary on this occasion to briefly refer to them. The finances of the city are of the first consideration, as they are of the utmost importance to the management of the municipality and the progress of the city ; and whatever may be charged by a partisan press to the contrary, I feel warranted by the facts in stating that the public moneys have been judiciously, wisely, and economically expended. The greatest care and the utmost scrutiny have been exercised in seeing that the greatest amount of good and substantial work has been accomplished for the public by the least outlay of money consistent with the highest regard for the varied interests to be subserved, and for the general welfare. The growth of this city has been unprecedented in the annals of municipalities, and no other city on the continent is so peculiarly hampered by laws relating to taxation and indebtedness as Chicago. The imposition of obstacles to check and prevent extravagance, waste, recklessness and dishonesty, is highly commendable, for the earlier experiences of all cities go to show that one or the other of these features has prevailed, to the great injury of the tax payer, and the detriment of a city ; but there certainly should exist laws which, while they protect the tax payers, should give a city like Chicago the power to secure for itself appropriations adequate to the continued growth and increased needs of the city. As to how this end could be accomplished there exists differences of opinion - some holding that Chicago should constitute one taxing district, under one assessor, instead of three, as at present, and others contending that the laws are ample enough were only supervisors appointed such as contemplated by the County Commissioners ; but just what sort of a law would cover the case to a nicety is difficult to determine. Certainly the system now in operation does not produce satisfactory results. The assessments do not keep pace with the population, and while it may not precisely present the exact status of affairs, yet it may be stated so as to more nearly approximate to the truth, that while our population has increased almost in a o-eometrical proportion, the assessments have increased only in an arithmetical proportion. The Comptroller, in his annual report to your body, has presented a tabulated statement, showing the assessments of the city since 1872 down to the present time, and as I do not propose to weary you by a long array of figures, 1 can best illustrate the defective system of assessments by quoting one of his concluding observations on the table presented by him. He says :

It will thus be seen, from the foregoing, that in May, 1872, but a few months after the fire of 1871, and after two hundred millions' worth of property had been destroyed by the conflagration, valuations reached the sum of $284,000,000. Ten years thereafter, however, with a doubled population (and consequent increase of values) and a replacement of property destroyed largely more valuable than that burned, valuations fell to J:he insignificant sum of $125,358,537, reaching the lowest limits in 1880 - $117,133,643.

Before the session of the Legislature next winter I trust your honorable body may be able to devise and suggest some new plan that will reach and remedy the difficulties under which we now labor, and that thereafter the city may be in a position to secure what is needed to make improvements absolutely required by a city fast approaching to a population of a million.

In a prior message to the Council I pointed out the necessity of a great, growing and prosperous city like this to anticipate future requirements, by the construction of works of an enlarged and permanent character. This can only be done by the issuance of bonds, so guarded by provisions of law as to prevent any recklessness or dishonesty, and the history of all cities shows that it has only been in this manner that great improvements could be carried out, so as to not only meet the wants of a present time, but future possibilities and growth. Great undertakings like the

Suez canal, the Panama canal, the Pacific railroads and like enterprises, have been projected and carried out long before, in anticipation of future demands and requirements, and had it not been for pledging future resources by issuing bonds for present fulfillment of vast projects, all these wonderful works would still remain mere speculations, and undeveloped in the womb of time. Now that Chicago is destined beyond a peradventure of doubt, to attain in time a population of 2,000,000 - 1,000,000 of it in the course of years not very remote - the efforts of the present should be to build according to the needs of so large a population, and what money may be required to that end should be secured largely by pledging the faith and credit of that population which will enjoy and profit by all permanent improvements of a public character. It certainly would be too much to ask the present population to reach down into its pockets for all the necessary means to construct the works the city should have, in addition to what taxes it may pay for the present ; but by a law authorizing the issuance of bonds the amount to be paid by the future would be a mere bagatelle, spread as the payments would be, over a series of years. Had the city not anticipated the wants of the people in the matter of waterworks, the supply of water at the present time would have been inadequate and wholly unsatisfactory, and I would therefore commend to your careful consideration the maturing of some law, to be proposed for adoption by the people of the state, as an amendment to the present constitution of the state, so as to permit the city to issue bonds for the construction of various works already needed by the present, and absolutely required by the future. The agitation of this question will demonstrate the necessity of such a plan, and when fully understood, the people will gladly and willingly approve of it. The finances of the city, as I have already stated, have been managed with prudence and economy, and the year safely passed without any resort to methods of the old "scrip days" preceding 1879. The receipts of last year were : From saloon licenses, $385,643.82, of which $20,000 was set aside, under the state law, for the Washingtonian home, an increase over the preceding year of $189,702.45, due to the raising of license fees from $52 to $103 ; from licenses other than saloons, $250,239.22, an increase of $85,258.08, and from the two per cent, tax levy $2,664,610.08, an increase of $157,439.44. Taking as a basis the amount of money already paid in for saloon licenses for the four months expiring on August 7 next, the probability is that during the municipal year of 1884-5 the receipts from this source will reach fully $1,200,000; but had the clamors of a partisan press been heeded prior to July i, 1883, a sum far less than that would only have been secured.

The time for changing from a low license to a high license was exceedingly short, and the saloon-keepers were unprepared for it, as they expected up to the last moment that the so-called " Harper Act" would fail of passage in the Legislature, and had not your honorable body exercised its lawful prerogatives before the act took effect, by changing the municipal year so as to permit the issuance of licenses on a basis of $103 before the date fixed by the new law, the consequences would have been that on July 1, the time when the old municipal license year expired, many saloon-keepers would have been obliged to quit business, as they would have been unable to raise within the time $500, and financially ruined, as their stock in trade and other personal property would have remained on their hands, unsalable and unprofitable. But in the payment of $103 license fee, the city derived as great an income as though a $150 fee had been collected for a whole year, for the licenses were issued for a period of nine months, and not a full year, as some have imagined. Had resort been made to enforce upon the saloon-keepers the Harper bill by your body, the effect would have been deplorable. There was an almost general sentiment that the effect of the law in this city was harsh and extreme. Those trafficking in liquor felt themselves oppressed unfairly, and were resolved to resist it to the utmost in their power. If the Council had failed to pass the ordinance of June 18, 1883, there would have been a concerted resistance to the Harper law, prosecutions would have been innumerable, juries sympathizing with the offenders. There would have been that worst of all things in a civilized society - open violations of the law and meager enforcements, thus bringing the law into disrepute. An open defiance of law in any direction has a demoralizing effect upon the community. The general observance of the rights of people and the sanctity of law is witnessed by the non-molestation of the frail glass that stands between the occupant of a domicile, a store or a public building and the people outside, and of the tiny key that can be easily duplicated to lock or unlock the habitations of man. When once people witness the disregard of any law, there grows a general contempt of all law, and a feeling that if it can be easily set aside in one case, there are means of setting it aside in other cases. Our laws are not like the laws of Draco - written in blood - but are written in the hearts of our people, and any- thing tending to diminish respect of a people in their own laws is subversive of all good government. If laws are enacted through passion or in the heat of the moment, people should bow submissively and wait the proper time for their repeal, through the forms of law, and in the manner prescribed by the fundamental law of the land.

But the timely intervention of this Council prevented any clashing of factions and any attempt at a general disregard of the Harper act. For this action of yours the partisan newspapers branded you as law-breakers and nullifiers of the law, but the vindication of your course finally came from the highest judicial tribunal in the state, the Supreme Court, which has amply sustained the legality and constitutionality of your act. The Harper act was leveled particularly at Chicago, and no thought was given as to the hardships that would ensue from the sudden deprivation of a man's business. Had ample time been given, the rights of saloon-keepers would have been better regarded, but the suddenness of the proposed change was an injustice which only extreme temperance fanatics could approve. In a temperance speech some time ago at Birmingham, in England, the Hon. John Bright, the great apostle of temperance, as well as of free trade, gave utterance to these words : " If a trade in the country is permitted by law, that trade has a right to be defended by law. The trade of the licensed victualers, of the sellers of alcoholic drinks, is a trade that has been permitted, and I think Parliament and the law are not justified in inflicting upon that trade unnecessary difficulties and unnecessary irritation. Now, I think that so long as trade is not condemned by Parliament it has a right to demand that it should not be subjected to passionate and party legislation. * * * In legislating on a matter of this kind, violent changes are not necessary, and are not wise." He deprecated legislation that was "violent, unjust, and regardless of the habits and opinions of the people and of a large minority," and his remarks are cogent and pertinent as though they had been made with reference to the Harper legislation, which comes directly under the purview of his denunciations. Next to the proper management of the finances is the judicious expenditure of the public funds, and with what means we have had in the Department of Public Works improvements have been made wherever practicable. During the year there have been laid twenty-two miles of cast iron water pipes from four to twenty-four inches in diameter. There was built in this city a total of over fourteen miles of sewer, constructed of brick and pipe, and there was also laid 23.72 miles of street pavements. Sidewalks were also constructed to the amount of ninety miles. There were over 2,000 miles of streets cleaned at a cost of $70,- 000. The amount expended on the new City Hall during the past year was $166,815.36. For repair of bridges and viaducts there was expended about $65,000. The police, fire, and health departments have been managed with ability and efficiency, and challenge comparison with similar departments in other cities. Considering the amount of money at their disposal, the people have reasons to compliment them on their zeal and efficiency and the excellent work performed by them, and your honorable body will fully appreciate what has been done for the city by noticing that while the population has increased rapidly the expenditures have increased but slightly, in view of the increased work consequent upon the growth of the city.

Before concluding, I desire to call your attention to the advisability of adopting a uniform system of designating the thoroughfares of the city, and numbering the houses. Strangers are directed to proceed so many blocks in one way and so many blocks in another direction ; they are still in a bewildered condition on reaching the street they are in search of, as to how far they have to go before reaching a particular number. Now, if your honorable body would pass an ordinance designating all thoroughfares running North and South as "avenues," all thoroughfares running East and West as "streets," all thoroughfares a block or less in length as "places," all thoroughfares having houses over one hundred in number and less than five hundred, as "courts," and all thoroughfares diagonally crossing other streets, etc., as "roads," and then fix one hundred numbers for each block, the wayfarer, though lost, could readily pick his way out and expeditiously find his locality. Besides being an aid to strangers, the system would prove a great convenience to our own people, and without elaborating upon its merits, which will be readily seen and appreciated, I trust your honorable body will take this matter under consideration, and pass at an early day an ordinance that will cover it, and bring about the desirable change. In closing the old Council and inaugurating the new, I desire to return my thanks for the kind courtesies and favors at your hands during the past year, and ask the kind indulgences of the new for the coming year. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor.

A special election for Alderman of the Ninth ward, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of John H. Foley, was held May 13, 1884. W. F. Mahoney received 950 votes, and James

Murray, 84. Alderman Mahoney was duly installed May 19. May 24 a special meeting of the Council was called to take action upon the death of Alderman Michael Gay nor, of the Ninth ward. Alderman Gaynor was assassinated by James Dacey, a so-called "crank," who had an imaginary political grievance against Alderman Gaynor. Appropriate resolutions were adopted, and remarks were made by Aldermen Lawler, Dixon, Bond and Ryan. The resolutions were as follows :

Whereas, This Council has learned with regret and sorrow of the death of our late colleague, Alderman M. Gaynor, who has represented in this body, for the past two years, the Ninth ward, and discharged his duty to his people and to the city with zeal, fidelity and ability ; and

Whereas, In his demise this body has lost an energetic member, the city an enterprising citizen, and his friends a warm and true-hearted man, a man who was in the prime of life, and always active in the interests of the public, striving in all public measures to advance the growth, prosperity and material beauty of the city, and lending his efforts and influence in matters calculated to enhance the reputation of the city abroad and make it the great center of the Northwest ; therefore, be it

Resolved, That the Council hereby tender the afflicted family of our late colleague our sincere and heartfelt sympathy in their sad bereavement and their irreparable loss; and be it further

Resolved, That as a proper mark of respect, this Council do attend the funeral in a body, and that during the day of the funeral all the departments of the city be closed the entire day, and be it further

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to confer with the family of the deceased in making arrangements for the funeral ; and be it further

Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon the records of this Council, and that a copy be forwarded to the family of the deceased. July 15 a special election was held in the Ninth ward, and John Gaynor, brother of the deceased, was elected Alderman for the unexpired term without opposition, receiving 796 votes. James Dacey, the assassin of Alderman M. Gaynor, was tried at Woodstock, the county seat of McHenry county, whence the case went on change of venue. He was twice convicted and sentenced for the crime, the Supreme Court refusing to reverse the judgment. He was reprieved in May, 1886, by Governor Oglesby, and a commission inquired into his sanity, declaring him sane, and he was again sentenced to be hung, and the sentence was duly executed in July, 1886.

Law The Election Commissioners

The year 1884 was another notable one for Chicago in the annals of politics. Both the Democratic and Republican National Committees decided, after proper persuasion by delegations of leading Chicago citizens, to hold the National conventions of their respective parties in Chicago. The Republican National Committee fixed upon Chicago as the place of holding the Republican convention at a meeting of the committee held at Washington, D. C, December 12, 188;, and a sub-committee was appointed to visit Chicago and make the necessary arrangements. The sub-committee met at the Grand Pacific hotel March 22, 1884, and appointed the following local Committee of Arrangements : S. B. Raymond, Chairman ; W. K. Sullivan, Secretary ; C. B. Farwell, Eugene Cary, Gen. Joseph Stockton, E. G. Keith, Morris Selz, Louis Hutt, John Hoffman, George E. White, Gen. William E. Strong, James T. Rawleigh, John M. Smyth, John Crerar, O. W. Potter, H. N. Higinbotham, Joseph Schoeninger, John M. Clark, A. H. Carpenter. The following named gentlemen were selected as a Committee on Finance : B. P. Moulton, Chairman ; R. A. Keyes, Secretary ; J. L. Woodward, Treasurer ; A. C. Bartlett, George C. Clarke, Louis Hutt, O. S. A. Sprague, C. M. Wicker, M. B. Hull, Max A. Meyer, C. D. Hamill, L. C. Huck, Frank M. Blair, Gen. Joseph Stockton, R. T. Crane, H. J. MacFarland, George Schneider, J. W. Oakley, T. W. Harvey, John C. Hately/j. Harley Bradley, James Van Inwagen, W. H. Sard, J. L. Lombard. Under the direction of the local committee, the Exposition building was again elaborately fitted up for the purposes of a convention hall. The auditorium of the convention hall of 1880, which had a seating capacity of 13,000, was in the south end of the building, the stage facing north, while the hall of

1884 was in the north end of the building, with the stage facing south, during the deliberations of the Republican convention, and when the hall was turned over to the Democratic local committee the stage was changed to the west side of the auditorium, facing east, the acoustics of the chamber being somewhat improved thereby. The seating capacity of this hall was 9,500 people, and the expense of making it ready was borne entirely by citizens of Chicago, who contributed liberally to the expenses of both conventions. The payments for the work of building the hall were made jointly by the Republican and Democratic Finance Committees and the May Music Festival Association. The canvass preceding the election of delegates to this convention was a close and exciting one throughout the country, and many incidents happened to widen a breach that apparently existed in the Republican ranks. It was charged that the "Stalwart" adherents of General Grant and Roscoe Conkling would defeat Blaine, if he were nominated. Many Republicans opposed James G. Blaine, the leading candidate, on the score of his record, and it was considered that he would not inaugurate the reforms universally desired, if he should be elected to the Presidency. Prior to the convention these opponents of Blaine were considered to be simply a dissatisfied faction, but after his nomination they united in a strong Independent organization, and became a new and important factor in politics. In nearly every County, Congressional and State convention held by the Republicans throughout the country, Chester A. Arthur was indorsed, and his administration praised by speech and resolution. There was a strong Arthur movement in Illinois, which in Chicago was represented by the Chicago Daily News and the Inter-Ocean, and the Arthur Republicans opposed the candidacy of John A. Logan. The latter's friends, however, controlled the party machinery, through the State Central and District Committees, and a majority of the Illinois delegates elected were for Logan for President. Among the visiting clubs present at the convention was a large organization of New York business men, who favored the nomination of Arthur, and a similar organization of Chicago business men co-operated with them in formulating an address, in which the availability of Mr. Arthur and the unadvisability of nominating Mr. Blaine were set forth. The Republican convention - the eighth since the formation of the party - convened Tuesday, June 3, at 12 o'clock noon, and adjourned Friday, June 6. The proceedings were opened with prayer by the Rev.

Frank M. Bristol of Chicago. In his opening address, the Chairman of the National Committee, Hon. Dwight M. Sabin of Minnesota, referred in high terms of praise to the advantages offered by Chicago as a place for holding conventions, and the hospitality displayed by her citizens in the entertainment of guests. There was a contest in the Second Illinois Congressional district between rival delegates representing the respective interests of Chester A. Arthur and James G. Blaine, and the latter. W. H. Ruger and C. E. Piper and their alternates, sitting members, were declared by the Committee on Credentials to be entitled to retain their seats, and the report was adopted without further contest.

The Illinois delegates organized by electing Senator S. M. Cullom, Chairman; John A. Rinaker, Vice-President; Charles T. Strattan, Secretary ; Burton C. Cook, on Credentials ; R. A. Halbert, on Organization; S C. Collins, on Rules, and Clark E. Carr on Resolutions. Nominations of Presidential candidates began on the evening of the third day's session. When the state of Illinois was called, Senator Shelby M. Cullom placed in nomination John A. Logan, speaking as follows :

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention : - Twenty-four years ago the second National convention of the Republican party met in this city and nominated its first successful candidate for President of the United States. Abraham Lincoln led the Republican party to its first great victory ; and stands to-day in the estimation of the world as the grandest man and most majestic figure in modern times. Again, in 1868, another Republican convention came together in this city, and nominated as its candidate for President of the United States, another eminent citizen of Illinois, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant. And the Republican party was again victorious. Still again, in 1880, the Republican party turned its face toward this political Mecca, where two successful campaigns had been inaugurated ; and the martyred Garfield led the Republican hosts to another glorious victory. Mr. President and fellow-citizens, it is good for us to be here. There are omens of victory in the air. History repeats itself. There are promises of triumph to the Republican party in holding its national nominating conventions in this great emporium of the Northwest. The commonwealth of Illinois, which has never wavered in devotion to Republican principles since it gave to the nation - aye, the world - the illustrious Lincoln, not unmindful of her honors, her obligations or her duties, has commissioned me, through its Republican voters, to present to this convention for its consideration as the standard-bearer of the Republican party, another son of Illinois, one who will be recognized from one end of this land to the other as an able statesman, a brilliant soldier, and an honest man - Gen. John A. Loga*:.. A native of the state which he now represents in the councils of the nation, reared among the youth of a section where every element of manhood is early brought into play, he is eminently a man of the people, identified with them in interest, in taste, and in feeling, and enjoying their sympathy, respect and confidence. The safety, the permanency and the prosperity of the nation depend upon the courage, the integrity, the intelligence and the loyalty of its citizens. When yonder starry flag was assailed by enemies in arms, when the integrity of the Union was imperiled by organized treason, when the storm of civil war threatened the very life of the nation, this gallant son of the Prairie state resigned his seat in the Congress of the United States, returned to his home, and was among the first of our citizens to raise a regiment, and to march to the front in defense of his country. Like Douglas, he believed that in time of war men must be either patriots or traitors ; and he threw the weight of his influence on the side of the Union, and Illinois made a record second to none in the history of states in the struggle to preserve this government. Among the large number of the brave soldiers of the late war whose names are proudly written on the scroll of fame, none appear more grandly than the name of Logan. His history is a part of the history of the battles of Belmont, of Donelson, of Shiloh, of Vicksburg, of Lookout Mountain, of Atlanta, and of the famous March to the Sea. He never lost a battle ; I repeat again, Mr. President and fellow citizens, he never lost a battle in all the struggles of the war. When there was fighting to be done he did not wait for orders ; neither did he fail to obey orders when received. His plume, like the white plume of Henry of Navarre, was always to be seen at the point where the battle raged hottest. When the people of his state asked him to come home, to run for Congress, he replied, " No ; I have enlisted for the war, if need be, to die ; I have drawn my sword from its scabbard, and shall never return it until every foe is disarmed, and every state back in the Union." During the long struggle of four years, he commanded, by authority of the government, first a regiment, then a brigade, then a division, then an army corps, and finally an army. He remained in the service until the war closed, when, at the head of his army, with the scars of battle upon him, he marched into the capital of the nation, and, with the brave men whom he had led on a hundred hard-fought fields, was mustered out of service under the very shadow of the Capitol building, which he had left four years before, as a Member of Congress, to go out and fight the battles of his country. When the war was over, and gentle peace, which " hath her victories no less than those of war," returned, he was again called by his fellow-citizens to take his place in the councils of the nation. In a service of twenty years in both Houses of Congress he has shown himself to be no less able and distinguished as a statesman than he was renowned as a soldier. Cautious, prudent, conservative in the advocacy of measures involving the public welfare, ready and eloquent in debate, fearless in defense of the rights of the weak against the oppressions of the strong, he stands to day, and I say it without disposition to pluck one laurel from the brow of any man whose name may be presented to this convention ; he stands to-day, in my judgment, closer to the great mass of the people of this country than almost any other man now engaged in public affairs. No man has done more in defense of those principles which have given life, and spirit, and victory to the Republican party than has John A. Logan, of Illinois. In all that goes to make up a brilliant military and civil career, and to commend a man to the favor of the people, he, whose name we have presented here to-night, has shown himself to be the peer of the best.

Benjamin H. Prentiss of Missouri, seconded the nomination of Senator Logan, saying that he had been the friend of humanity ; a man who led the Army of the Tennessee on to Washington, and there mustered it out of service ; a man whose star upon his shoulder shone brighter and brighter as he moved on - that man was John A. Logan, the favorite son of Illinois ; the favorite of the Mississippi valley ; the favorite of the West; and you, gentlemen, if you knew him as we know him - you of the East - would learn to love him. He is a man in a position to-day to lead on again to victory.

Why, Mr. President, I am not one of those who entertain the idea for a moment that this great Republican party is to be defeated. No ! Whoever we nominate is to be the President - whoever we select. #****,

Mr. President, I believe, Sir, that it was Epaminondas of old at the battle of Mantinea who, when he received his death wound his officers carried him back and uplifted him to the heights above, where he could look over the field of battle. And when they perceived him in the agony of death, they wept. "Oh, why do you weep ?" he said to them. "We are weeping," they said, "because, sir, you leave us." He said to them : "Weep not, dear friends ; you are not helpless. Do I not leave you two daughters, Leuctra and Mantinea ?"

Ah, John A. Logan leaves more daughters than that. Everywhere on this Western field of battle he leaves you monuments of his greatness. And to-night the people of Illinois, that love the man, ask you to come and help us recognize the services of the brightest star in the galaxy of the volunteers of the army. I second the nomination of John A. Logan. God bless his name.

James G. Blaine of Maine, was placed in nomination by Judge William H. West, "the blind orator" of Ohio, and Chester A. Arthur by Martin I. Townsend of New York. The first ballot was taken on the fourth day, Friday, at 12 o'clock, with the following result : Whole number of delegates, 820; necessary to a choice, 411 ; whole number cast, 818. James G. Blaine, 334^; Chester A. Arthur. 278; George F. Edmunds, 93; John A. Logan, 63*^ ; John Sherman, 30; Joseph R. Hawley, 13 ; Robert T. Lincoln, 4 ; W. T. Sherman, 2. Of the 44 Illinois votes, Logan received 40, Arthur 1; - Abner Taylor; and Blaine, 3 ; - J. L. Woodward, J. R. Wheeler and George R. Davis. When Illinois was reached on the call of the roll for the fourth ballot, the following occurred :

Mr. S. M. Cullom said : Mr. President, - I ask leave of this convention to read a dispatch which I received a few moments ago from Gen. John A. Logan, addressed to the Illinois delegation. (Cries of "Object ;" "Regular order ;" "Call the roll.")

Mr. Cullom. I am instructed by Gen. Logan to withdraw his name from this convention, and shall send the dispatch to the Secretary's desk to be read. (Great confusion, and cries of "No, no, no.")

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. Mr. President, I make this point of order, that the reading of the dispatch is not in order, and nothing is except the calling of the roll.

Mr. Cullom. The Illinois delegation then withdraws the name of Gen. Logan, and gives for Blaine thirty-four votes, for Logan seven, for Arthur three. (Loud cheering, and great confusion.)

Mr. Piper. For fear there may be some mistake, I shall challenge the vote, and ask for a call of the roll. There is so much confusion here it is impossible to tell what is being done. I challenge the vote, and demand a roll call.

The roll of Illinois was then called, resulting, for Blaine, 34 ; for Logan, 6 ; for Arthur, 3 ; Messrs. John M. Hamilton, Abner Taylor and S. B. Raymond. The nomination of Mr. Blaine having been made unanimous, the convention adjourned until evening, when candidates for Vice-President were proposed. Mr. P. B. Plumb of Kansas, nominated John A. Logan, and the nomination was seconded by representatives of various states. Motions were made to make the nomination by acclamation, but the roll being called for, a ballot was taken, resulting: Logan, 773 ; W. Q. Gresham, 6; J. B. Foraker, 1, Gen. Logan's nomination was made unanimous.

During the proceedings of the convention the Hon. W. G. Donnan of Iowa, presented to the convention a petition from the National Woman's Christian Temperance Association, calling for action by the convention favoring constitutional prohibition. It was signed by Frances E. Willard, President ; Carolina B. Buell, Corresponding Secretary ; Mary A. Woodbridge, Recording Secretary ; L. M. N. Stevens, Assistant .Secretary, and Esther Pugh, Treasurer. It was referred to the Committee on Rules, and ignored in the platform.

The Illinois Democratic State convention was held at Peoria July 2. John H. Oberly, chairman of the State Central Committee, opened the proceedings with a speech in which the names of Samuel J. Tilden, Grover Cleveland, Joseph McDonald, and William R. Morrison were mentioned, and they were received with immediate and prolonged applause The good will expressed toward the "old ticket" of Tilden and Hendricks was so pronounced that an effort was made to pledge the convention to its nomination at the forthcoming Chicago convention. Gen. McClernand presented a resolution to the effect that it was the sense of the convention that the " old ticket" - Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks - should be nominated for President and Vice-President of the United States by the National convention to assemble at Chicago July 8. The Chair decided the resolution not in order at that time, as the convention was as yet in the act of perfecting its temporary organization. It was understood that the friends of a low tariff and the supporters of William R. Morrison would attack the tariff question boldly, and make the convention platform set forth their position in unmis- takable terms. The platform as prepared by the Committee on Resolutions, was read by Hon. S. Corning Judd. It rc-asserted the declarations of the Democratic National platform of 1876, as regarded reforms in taxation and the tariff, and contained instructions to delegates to the Chicago convention to vote as a unit in favor of an emphatic declaration by that body for a tariff for revenue only.

Mayor Carter H. Harrison, whose nomination for Governor was a foregone conclusion, had arrived and was seated as a proxy for a delegate from the Fourth (Chicago) district. He arose and attacked the tariff plank of the platform, and moved to strike out that part relating to the tariff. The convention went into an uproar, in the midst of which William R. Morrison arose and said the people could not be deceived by words. If the convention wanted a tariff for protection let them declare it. He hoped Mayor Harrison would be nominated and elected Governor, but that his motion would be defeated. John M. Palmer took the floor and asserted that if Mayor Harrison was not willing to make the run on this platform he should refuse the gubernatorial nomination if tendered by the convention. Mayor Harrison interrupted the speaker and said that his position was being misrepresented, and that he had moved to strike out merely the instructions to delegates to vote as a unit on the question in the National convention. A vote was taken on the proposition to strike out the instructions, amid intense excitement and confusion, the result being 653 for striking out, and 623 against"; majority for, 30, which came almost entirely from Cook county. The platform as amended was then adopted viva voce. Mayor Harrison was then nominated for Governor by acclamation, the balance of the ticket being made up of prominent Democrats from the central and southern sections of the state.

A short time prior to the assembling of the Democratic National convention Samuel J. Tilden, the aged and popular standard bearer of 1876, had a powerful following in the ranks of the Democracy who favored his nomination again. He wrote a letter in which he unequivocally declined nomination. This letter has been admired by men of all parties for its pure and lofty tone of patriotism. It was written in New York June 10, 1884, and addressed to Daniel Manning, Chairman of the New York Democratic State Committee. Mr. Tilden reiterated his declination of June 18, 1880, and continued as follows : a task which I have not the physical strength to carry through. To reform the administration of the federal government ; to realize my own ideal, and to fulfill the just expectations of the people, would indeed warrant, as they could alone compensate, the sacrifices which the undertaking would involve ; but in my condition of advancing years and declining strength, I feel no assurance of my ability to accomplish those objects. I am, therefore, constrained to say definitely that I cannot now assume the labors of an administration or of a canvass.

" Undervaluing in nowise that best gift of heaven, the occasion and the power sometimes bestowed upon a mere individual to communicate an impulse for good, grateful beyond all words to my fellow countrymen, who would assign such a beneficent function, I am consoled by the reflection that neither the Democratic party nor the Republic for whose future that party is the best guaranty, is now or ever can be dependent upon any one man for their successful progress in the path of a noble destiny. Having given to their.welfare whatever of health and strength I possessed, or could borrow from the future, and having reached the term of my capacity for such labors as their welfare now demands, I but submit to the will of God in deeming my public career forever closed. Samuel J. Tilden."

Provenance

Text from Politics and Politicians of Chicago, Cook County, and Illinois : Memorial Volume, 1787-1887; a Complete Record of Municipal, County, State and National Politics from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, published 1887, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive. The settlements listed against this township are matched by point-in-polygon test of each Geographic Names Information System coordinate against the Census Bureau's county subdivision boundary, not by name.