Chicago City (part 13 of 57)
Part 13 of 57 of the account of this township in Politics and Politicians of Chicago, Cook County, and Illinois : Memorial Volume, 1787-1887; a Complete Record of Municipal, County, State and National Politics from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, published 1887. 15,974 words, covering 264 settlements. Source changes inside the text are labelled at the exact paragraph where the next book begins.
Contents
26 sectionsThe section headings the book prints inside this chapter, on this part. Each one jumps to where it begins.
- George Engel
- Sam Fielden
- Sentence Pronounced
- J. E. Gary
- Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 50I Hon. Walter Q. Gresham
- Anthony C. Hesing
- Redmond F. Sheridan
- John A. Logan
- Richard Morton Oliver
- Murray F. Tuley
- Hon. Shelby M. Cullom
- William Edgar
- Edward F. Cullerton
- Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 5 I I.
- John M. Dunphy
- Hon. James H. Ward
- Lawrence A. Yore
- Chicago, Cook County. And Illinois Charles F. L. Doerner
- Henry T. Murray
- Denis J. Swenie
- Charles S. Petrie
- John T. Hoyne
- Daniel W. Ryan
- Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 52 I.
- John A. Bell
- Timothy Ryan
Parts
57 pagesThe source prints this as one continuous account. It is split here so no single page grows too heavy to load; the text runs straight on across the parts and nothing is omitted.
- Part 1
- Part 2
- Part 3
- Part 4
- Part 5
- Part 6
- Part 7
- Part 8
- Part 9
- Part 10
- Part 11
- Part 12
- Part 13
- Part 14
- Part 15
- Part 16
- Part 17
- Part 18
- Part 19
- Part 20
- Part 21
- Part 22
- Part 23
- Part 24
- Part 25
- Part 26
- Part 27
- Part 28
- Part 29
- Part 30
- Part 31
- Part 32
- Part 33
- Part 34
- Part 35
- Part 36
- Part 37
- Part 38
- Part 39
- Part 40
- Part 41
- Part 42
- Part 43
- Part 44
- Part 45
- Part 46
- Part 47
- Part 48
- Part 49
- Part 50
- Part 51
- Part 52
- Part 53
- Part 54
- Part 55
- Part 56
- Part 57
The chapter
15,974 wordsReproduced complete and unedited from Politics and Politicians of Chicago, Cook County, and Illinois : Memorial Volume, 1787-1887; a Complete Record of Municipal, County, State and National Politics from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, published 1887. The text is machine-read from scans, so expect recognition errors: misspelled names, dropped words, and stray characters. Nothing has been corrected, because correcting a proper name invents one. The headings below are the books' own; source changes are labelled in place.
* Is life worth living ? What are their purposes in thus murdering these men ? Low egotism, which finds its reward in a higher position, and which yields a return of money. * * * But it has been said that the International association of working men was in itself a conspiracy, and that I was a member of this association. My colleague, Spies, has already stated to you how we were connected. * * * And that is the conspiracy that has been proved against me, and for that I am to end my life upon the gallows - an instrument which you consider a dis- grace to me. I declare here openly that I do not acknowledge these laws, and less so the sentence of the Court. * * * I would not say a word if I was really guilty according to this foolish law, but even according to these laws that would not be respected by a schoolboy, not even these laws have been carried out to the full extent when I was found guilty. * * * You smile. You perhaps think I will not use bombs any more, but I tell you I die gladly upon the gallows in the sure hope that hundreds and thousands of people to whom I have spoken will now recognize and make use of dynamite. In this hope I despise you, and I despise your laws. Hang me for it."
George Engel
"When I left Germany in the year 1872 it was by reason of my recognition of the fact that I could not so support myself in the future as it was the duty of a man to do. I recognized that I could not make my living in Germany because the machinery and the guilds of old no longer furnished me a guarantee to live. I resolved to emigrate from Germany to the United States, praised by many so highly. When I landed at Philadelphia, on the 8th of January, 1873, my heart and my bosom expanded with the expectation of living hereafter in that free country which had been so often praised to me by so many emigrants, and I resolved to be a good citizen of this country; and I congratulated myself on having broken with Germany, where I could have no longer made my living, and I think that my past will show that that which I resolved then I intended to keep faithfully. For the first time I stand before an American court, and at that to be at once condemned to death. And what are the causes that have preceded it, and have brought me into this court? They are the same things that preceded my leaving Germany, and the same causes that made me leave. I have seen with my own eyes that in this free country, in this richest country of the world, so to say, there are existing proletarians who are pushed out of the order of society.''
"I resolved to study Socialism with all my power. In the year 1S78 I came from Philadelphia to Chicago, and took pains to eke out my existence here in Chicago, and believed that it would be an easier task to live here than in Philadelphia, where I had previously in vain exerted my powers to live. I found that that also was in vain. There was no difference for a proletariat, whether he lived in New York, or Philadelphia, or Chicago. * * * To make further investigations I tried to buy, from the money that I and my family earned, scientific books on those questions. I bought the works of Ferdinand Lasalle, Karl Marx and Henry George. After investigating these works I recognized these reasons why a proletariat could not exist, even in this country, as free as it is. I thought about the means by which that could be corrected. They praised to me this country where every man and every working man had a right to go to the ballot-box and choose his own officers. I scarcely believed that any citizen of the United States could have meant so honestly and well as I, when I turned my attention to politics, and took part in them. But even in this regard of freedom of the ballot-box I found myself mistaken. I learned to see that the working man was not free in his opinion, that he was not free in vote. It was in vain that the Socialistic party took pains in former times, honest pains, to elect honest officers. After a few vain attempts I found that it was impossible for a working man to free himself by means of the ballot-box, and to secure those things which were necessary for his existence. * * * In this city corruption even entered the ranks of the Social Democracy. I also obtained the conviction that through those men who put themselves over us as leaders, and occupied themselves with compromises, this was brought about, and then I left the ranks of the Social Democracy and gave myself over to the International which was then organizing; and what these men wanted, and what these men through their exertions sought to bring about was nothing more nor less than the conviction that the freeing of the ruling classes could only be brought about by force, as have all revolutions been throughout history. This conviction, before I went over to those people, was obtained through study of the history of all lands. The history of all lands showed me that all advantages in a political, in a religious, in a material direction, were always obtained only by the use of force ; and If I confine myself to the history of this country where I am convicted, I take into consideration that the first immigrants into this country and the first colonists, only freed themselves by force from the power of England. I afterward obtained the conviction that the slavery existing in this country, to the shame of the Republic, could only be put aside by force. And what does this history teach us ? The man that spoke against existing slavery in this country was hanged, as it is intended that we should be hanged, to-day. In the course of time I became convinced that all those who spoke in favor of the ruling classes must hang. And what are the reasons for it ? This Republic does not exist through, and its affairs are not conducted by, those persons who come into office by an honest ballot. * * * Under these conditions it is certainly not a wonder that there were men, noble men. noble scientific men, who have tried to find ways and means to bring back humanity to its original condition. And this is the social science to which I confess myself with joy. The State's Attorney said here 'Anarchism is on trial.' Anarchism and Socialism are, according to my opinion, as like as one egg is to another. Only the tactics are different. Anarchism has abandoned the ways pointed out by Socialism to free mankind, and has resolved no longer to bear the yoke of slavery, and, therefore, I say to the working classes, do not believe any longer in the ballot-box and in those ways and means that are left open to you ; but rather think about ways and means when the time comes when the burden of the people becomes intolerable. And that is our crime. Because we have named to the people the ways and means by which they could free themselves in the fight against Capitalism, by reason of that, Anarchism is hated and persecuted in every state. In spite of that and again in spite of it Anarchism will still exist, and if not in public it will exist in secret, because the powers force it to act in secret. If the State's Attorney declares or thinks that after he has hanged these seven men and sent the other one to the penitentiary for fifteen years he has then killed Anarchism, I say that will not be so. Only the tactics will be changed, and that will be all. No power in the world will tear from the working man his knowledge and his skill or opportunity in making bombs. I am convinced that Anarchism cannot be routed out, - if that was the case it would have been routed out in other countries long ago - in the least by your murdering the Anarchists. That evening when the first bomb in this country was thrown, I was sitting in my room ; did not know anything about the conspiracy ; did not know anything about that deed ; did not know anything about the bomb ; did not know anything about the conspiracy which the State's Attorney had brought about here. * * * Can you have respect for a government that only gives rights to the privileged classes, but to the working men not at all, although there are conspiracies in all classes and connections of the capitalistic class. Although we have only recently experienced that the coal barons came together, put up the price of coal arbitrarily while they paid less wages to their working- men, and wherever those coal workers, those miners have come together to consider the bettering their conditions, their demands have always been very modest on the whole. Then the militia appears at once upon the scene and helps those people, while they are feeding the miners with powder and lead. For such a government I have no respect, and can have no respect in spite of all their followers, in spite of all their police, in spite of all their spies.
"I am not a man who hates a single capitalist. I am not the man who at all hates the person of the capitalist. I hate the system and all privileges, and my greatest desire is that the working classes will at last recognize who are their friends and who are their enemies. Against the condemnation of myself by the capitalistic influence I have no word to say."
Sam Fielden
"And tho' ye caught your noble prey within your hangman's sordid thrall, And tho' your captive was led forth beneath your city's rampart wall; And tho' the grass lies o'er her green, where at the morning's early red The peasant girl brings funeral wreaths - 1 tell you still - she is* not dead!
"You see me only in your cells; ye see me only in the grave; Ye see me only wandering lone, beside the exile's sullen wave - Ye fools! Do I not live where you have tried to pierce in vain? Rests not a nook for me to dwell in every heart and every brain? * * * * feet! It is no boast - it is no threat - thus history's iron law decrees - The day grows hot, oh, Babylon! 'Tis cool beneath thy willow trees!"
Fielden continued: " It makes a great deal of difference, perhaps, what kind of a revolutionist a man is. The men who have been on trial here for Anarchy have been asked the question on the witness stand if they were revolutionists. It is not generally considered to be a crime among intellectual people to be a revolutionist, but it may be made a crime if a revolutionist happens to be poor. * * * If I had known that I was being tried for Anarchy I could have answered that charge. I could have justified it under the constitutional right of every citizen of this country, and more than the right which any constitution can give, the natural right of the human mind to draw its conclusion from whatever information it can gain, but I had no opportunities to show why I was an Anarchist. I was told that I was to be hung for being an Anarchist, after I had got through defending myself on the charge of murder."
Fielden related that he was born in Lancashire; that his first speech was made to starving operatives in the streets of his native town; that it was here he began to hate kings and queens; his first speech was in support of the operatives of Lancashire as against the sympathizers with the South in the American rebellion; he came to the United States in 1868 and was a Methodist exhorter in Ohio, and came to Chicago in 1869. Fielden detailed how he had come to be a Socialist and Anarchist; reviewing the various speeches he had made at meetings in Chicago; attacking the veracity of witnesses who had testified against him, and declaring himself the victim of illegal prosecution. He continued:
"From the time I became a Socialist I learned more and more what it was. I knew that I had found the right thing ; that I had found the medicine that was calculated to cure the ills of society. Having found it, I believed it, and I had a right to advocate it, and I did. The Constitution of the United States, when it says : 'The right of free speech shall not be abridged,' gives every man the right to speak. I have advocated the principles of Socialism and social equality, and for that and no other reason am I here, and is sentence of death to be pronounced upon me? What is Socialism ? Taking somebody else's property? That is what Socialism is in the common acceptation of the term. No ; but if I were to answer it as shortly and as curtly as it is answered by its enemies, I would say it is preventing somebody else from taking your property. But Socialism is equality. Socialism recognizes the fact that no man in society is responsible for what he is ; that all the ills that are in society are the production of poverty ; and scientific Socialism says that you must go to the root of the evil. There is no criminal statistician in the world but will acknowledge that all the crime, when traced to its origin, is the product of poverty. * * * If I am to be convicted - hanged for telling the truth, the little child that kneels by its mother's side on the West side to-day and tells its mother that he wants his papa to come home, and to whom I had intended as soon as its prattling tongue should begin to talk, to teach that beautiful sentiment - that child had better never be taught to read ; had better never be taueht that sentiment to love truth. If they are to be convicted of murder because they dare tell what they think is the truth, then it would be better that every one of your schoolhouses were reduced to the ground and one stone not left upon another. If you teach your children to read they will acquire curiosity from what they read. They will think, and then will search for the meaning of this and that. They will arrive at conclusions. And then if they love the truth, they must tell to each other what is truth or what they think is the truth. That is the sum of my offending. * * * The private property system then, in my opinion, being a system that only subserves the interests of a few, and can only subserve the interests of the few, has no mercy. It cannot stop for the consideration of such a sentiment. Naturally it cannot. So you ought not to have mercy upon the private property system, because it is well known that there are many people in the community with prejudices in their minds. They have grown up under certain social regulations, and they believe that those social regulations are right, just as Mr. Grinnell believes that everything in America is right, because he happened to be born here. And they have such a prejudice against any one who attacks those systems. Now, I say they ought not to have any mercy upon systems that do not subserve their interests. They ought not to have any respect for them that would interfere with their abolishing them."
Fielden maintained that the throwing of the bomb at the Haymarket was a complete surprise to him ; that he felt that he would be held in some respect at least responsible, yet he resolved not to attempt flight; continuing: "I have said here that I thought when the representatives of the State had inquired by means of their policemen as to my connection with it, I should have been released. And I say now, in view of all the authorities that have been read on the law and accessory, that there is nothing in evidence that has been introduced to connect me with that affair. * * * The great Socialist who lived in this world nearly 1,900 years ago, Jesus Christ, has left these words, and there are no grander words in which the principles of justice and right are conveyed in any language. He said : 'Better that ninety-nine guilty men should go unpunished than that one innocent map should suffer.' Mr. Grinnell, I should judge from his statements here, is a Christian. I would ask him to apply that statement of the Great Teacher to the different testimony that has been given here, and the direct contrary in other places in the investigation of this case. Your Honor, we claim that this is a class verdict. We claim that the foulest criminal that could have been picked up in the slums of any city in Christendom, or outside of it, would never have been convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here if he had not been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged classes. * * * If my life is to be taken for advocating the principles of Socialism and Anarchy, as I have understood them and honestly believe them to be in the interests of humanity, I say to you that I gladly give it up ; and the price is very small for the result that is gained. We claim that so far as we have been able to find out in trying to find a cure for the ills of society, we have not found out anything that has seemed to fit the particular diseases which society in our opinion is afflicted with to-day better than the principles of Socialism. And your Honor, Socialism, when it is thoroughly understood in this community and in the world, as it is by us, I believe that the world, which is generally honest, prejudiced though it may be, will not be slow to adopt its principles. And it will be a good time, a grand day for the world ; it will be a grand day for humanity ; it will never have taken a step so far onward toward perfection, if it can ever reach that goal, as it will when it adopts the principles of Socialism. * * To-day, as the beautiful autumn sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand here never to bathe my head in its rays again. I have loved my fellow men as I have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice. The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It will live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any good, I freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when there will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and above the mountains of iniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope the sun of righteousness and truth and justice will come to bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world. I thank your Honor for your attention."
Parsons made a speech addressed in the main to working men, starting out with the recital of a poem by George Heinig, entitled " Bread is Freedom." He continued:
"Your Honor, if there is one distinguishing characteristic which has made itself prominent in the conduct of this trial it has been the passion, the heat, and the anger, the violence both to sentiment and to feeling, of everything connected with this case. You ask me why sentence of death should not be pronounced upon me, or, what is tantamount to the same thing, you ask me why you should give me a new trial in order that I might establish my innocence and the ends of justice be subserved. I answer you, your Honor, and say that this verdict is the verdict of passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and is the sum totality of the organized passion of the city of Chicago. For this reason I ask your suspension of the sentence, and a new trial. This is one among the many reasons which I hope to present to your Honor before I conclude. Now, your Honor, what is passion? Passion is the suspension of reason; in a mob upon the streets, in the broils of the saloon, in the quarrels on the sidewalk, where men throw aside their reason and resort to feelings of exasperation, we have passion. There is a suspension of the elements of judgment, of calmness, of discrimination requisite to arrive at the truth and the establishment of justice. I hold, your Honor, that you can not dispute the proposition that I make that this trial has been submerged, immersed in passion from its inception to its close, and even at this hour, standing here upon the scaffold as I do with the hangman awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to represent public sentiment in the city, and I now speak of the capitalistic press - that vile and infamous organ and monopoly ot hired liars, the people's oppressors." Parsons claimed to have been for thirty years identified with labor interests, and said: "And innvhat I say upon this subject relating to the labor movement or to myself as connected in this trial and before this bar, I will speak the truth, though my tongue should be torn from my mouth and my throat cut from ear to ear, so help me God." The speaker then went into statistics, claiming that 9,000,000 out of the 12,000,000 voters in the United States were actual wage workers. He attacked the Citizens' Association as an organization of millionaires, and claimed that the Court should stand between the accused and their persecutors. "Where," he asked, "are the ends of justice subserved, and where is truth found in hurrying seven human beings at the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold, and an ignominious death ? Why, if your Honor please, the very method of our extermination, the deep damnation of its taking off, appeals to your Honor's sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. A judge may also be an unjust man. Such things have been known. We have in our histories heard of Lord Jeffreys. It need not follow that because a man is a judge he is also just. * * * Now, I hold that our execution, as the matter stands just now, would be judicial murder, and judicial murder is far worse than lynch law
- far worse. But, your Honor, bear in mind please, this trial was conducted by a mob, prosecuted by a mob, by the shrieks and the howls of a mob, an organized powerful mob. The trial is over. Now, your Honor, you sit here judicially, calmly, quietly, and it is now for you to look at this thing from the standpoint of reason and from common sense. * * * Now, the moneymakers, the business men, those people who deal in stocks and bonds, the speculators and employers, all that class of men known as the money-making class, they have no conception of this labor question ; they don't understand what it means. To use the street parlance, with many of them it is a difficult matter for them to 'catch onto' it, and they are perverse also; they will have no knowledge of it. They don't want to know anything about it, and they won't hear anything about it, and they propose to club, lock up, and if necessary strangle those who insist on their hearing this question. Now, your Honor, can you deny that there is such a thing in the world as the labor question ? I am an Anarchist. Now strike ! But hear me before you strike. What is Socialism, briefly stated ? It is the right of the toiler to the free and equal use of the tools of production, and the right of the producers to their product. That is Socialism. The history of mankind is one of growth. It has been evolutionary and revolutionary."
Parsons went into an explanation of the wage question and the relations of capital and labor, asserting that employers in owning capital and leaving nothing to the wage slave but the price of his work, had produced a conflict which would intensify as the power of the privileged classes over the non-possession of property classes increased. He continued : "We were told by the Prosecution that law is on trial ; that government is on trial. That is what the gentlemen on the other side have stated to the jury. The law is on trial, and government is on trial. Well, up to the conclusion of this trial we, the defendants, supposed that we were indicted and being tried for murder. Now, if the law is on trial, and the government is on trial, who has placed it upon trial ? And I leave it to the people of America whether the prosecution in this case have made out a case ; and I charge it here now, frankly, that in order to bring about this conviction the Prosecution, the representatives of the State, the sworn officers of the law - those whose duty it is to the people to obey the law and preserve order - I charge upon them a willful, a malicious, a purposed violation of every law which guarantees every right to every
American citizen. They have violated free speech. In the prosecution of this case they have violated a free press. They have violated the right of public assembly. Yea, they have even violated and denounced the right of self-defense. 1 charge the crime home to them. * * * My own deliberate opinion concerning this Haymarket affair is that the death-dealing missile was the work, the deliberate work of monopoly - the act of those who themselves charge us with the deed. I am not alone in this view of this matter. What are the real facts of that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor Harrison of Chicago has caused to be published his opinion, in which he says: 'I did not believe that there was any intention on the part of Spies and those men to have bombs thrown at the Haymarket.' He knows more about this thing than the jury that sat in this room, for he knows- - 1 suspect that the Mayor knows - of some of the methods by which some of this evidence and testimony might have been manufactured. I don't charge it, your Honor, but possibly he has had some intimation of it, and if he has he knows more about this case and the merits of this case than did the jury who sat here.
* * * Before the trial began, during its prosecution, and since its close a Satanic press has shrieked and howled itself wild, like ravenous hyenas, for the blood of these eigjit working men. Now this subsidized press, in the pay of the monopoly and of laborers and slavers, commanded this Court and commanded this jury and this Prosecution to convict us. As a fitting climax to this damnable conspiracy against our lives and liberty, what follows? O hide your eye now ! hide it ! hide it ! As a fitting climax to this damnable conspiracy against our lives and liberty some of Chicago's millionaires proposed to raise a purse of $100,000 and present it to the jury for their verdict of guilty against us. This was done, as everybody knows, in the last days of the trial, and since the verdict so far as anybody knows to the contrary, this blood money has been paid over to that jury. * *
* Condemned to death ! Perhaps you think I do not know what for? Or maybe you think the people do not understand your motives ? You are mistaken. I am here, standing in this spot awaiting your sentence, because I hate and loathe authority in every form. I am doomed by you to suffer an ignominious death because I am the outspoken enemy of coercion, of privilege, of force, of authority. It is for this you make me suffer. Think you the people are blind, are asleep, are indifferent ? You deceive yourselves. I tell you, as a man of the people, and I speak for them, that your every word and act and thought are recorded. You are being weighed in the balance. The people are conscious of your power - your stolen power. They know you ; that while you masquerade as their servants you are in reality playing the role of master. The people - the common working people - know full well that all your wealth, your ease and splendor, have been stolen from them by the exercise of your authority in the guise of law and order. I, a working man, stand here and to your face, in your stronghold of oppression, denounce to you your crimes against humanity. It is for this I die, but my death will not have been in vain. I guess I have finished. I don't know as I have anything more to say. Your Honor knows all I know about this case. I have taken your Honor's time up that I might be able to lay this thing, the whole thing, before you, reserving nothing ; opening my mind and heart, telling you the truth, the truth, and the whole truth. I am innocent of this offense. I had no connection with that Haymarket tragedy. I knew nothing of it. I am not responsible for it. I leave the case in the hands of your Honor."
Sentence Pronounced
Parsons spoke altogether nearly nine hours, and the addresses of all the prisoners occupied three days. Thousands of people were turned away during the closing days, and the scene in the courtroom when sentence was pronounced was peculiarly impressive. At the close of Parsons' remarks Judge Gary delivered the following remarks, and pronounced the death sentence :
" I am quite well aware that what you have said, although addressed to me, has been said to the world ; yet nothing has been said which weakens the force of the proof or the conclusions therefrom upon which the verdict is based. You are all men of intelligence, and know that if the verdict stands it must be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial. 1 am sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condition and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I shall address to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What I shall say shall be said in the faint hope that a few words from a place where the people of the State of Illinois have delegated the authority to declare the penalty of a violation of their laws, and spoken upon an occasion so solemn and awful as this, may come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, deluded and misguided men who have listened to your counsels and followed your advice. I say in the faint hope; for if men are persuaded that because of business differences, whether about labor or anything else, they may destroy property and assault and beat other men, and kill the police, if they, in the discharge of their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is little ground to hope that they will listen to any warning. It is not the least among the hardships of the peaceable, frugal and laborious poor to endure the tyranny of mobs, who, with lawless force, dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and life, where, when and upon what terms they may earn a livelihood for themselves .and their families. Any government that is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all within its jurisdiction freedom to follow the lawful avocations and safety for their property and their persons, while obeying the law, and the law is common sense It holds each man responsible for the natural and probable consequences of his own acts. It holds that whoever advises murder is himself guilty of the murder that is committed pursuant to his advice, and if men band together for a forcible resistance to the execution of the law and advise murder as a means of making such resistance effectual, whether such advice be to one man to murder another, or to a numerous class to murder men of another class, all who are so banded together are guilty of any murder that is committed in pursuance of such advice. The people of this country love their institutions, they love their homes, they love their property. They will never consent that, by violence and murder, those institutions shall be broken downt their homes despoiled, and their property destroyed. And the people are strong enough to protect and sustain their institutions and to punish all offenders against their laws; and those who threaten danger to civil society, if the law is enforced, are leading to destruction whoever may attempt to execute such threats. The existing order of society can be changed only by the will of the majority, Each man has the full right to entertain and advocate by speech and print such opinions as suits himself, and the great body of the people will usually care little what he says. But if he proposes murder as a means of enforcing he puts his own life at stake. And no clamor about free speech or the evils to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed, will shield him from the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license to destroy. The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to others, and not arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong and may rightfully be coerced by terror, or removed by -dynamite. It only remains that for the crime you have com- mitted, and of which you have been convicted after a trial unexampled in the patience with which an outraged people have extended to you every protection and privilege of the law which you derided and defied, that the sentence of that law be now given. In form and detail that sentence will appear upon the records of the Court. In substance and effect it is that the defendant Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at Joliet at hard labor for the term of fifteen years. And that each of the other defendants, between the hours of ten o'clock in the forenoon and two o'clock in the afternoon of the third day of December next, in the manner provided by the statute of this state, be hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove the prisoners.1'
Stay of sentence in the case of Neebe was granted until December 3, the date set for the execution of the other principals; and the counsel for the condemned Anarchists announced that they should file a bil4 of exceptions before the Illinois Supreme Court, and petition for a supersedeas. It is not believed at this writing that the condemned can secure a new trial, or that they will be reprieved.
J. E. Gary
Judge J. E. Gary, of the Superior Court, who sat in the Criminal Court during the trial of the Anarchists, was born in New York, and is now sixty-five years of age. He came West to St. Louis when he was twenty-two years old, and read law there for two or three years. He first began to practice in Springfield, Mo., but in 1849 ne moved to Las Vegas, N. M. From there he went to San Francisco, where he remained following his profession till 1856, when he came to Chicago and opened an office with Judge M. F. Tuley. Still later he associated himself with E. & A. Van Buren, which partnership lasted till 1863, when he was elected to the bench, a position which he has held continuously ever since. Judge Gary is highly respected by both political parties, so much so that party lines are always dropped when his term expires, and he always receives the unanimous nomination by both conventions. He is highly esteemed by his bench associates, and by the legal profession generally, and his unswerving fidelity to duty and conduct of the Anarchist trial throughout, won him universal enco-
Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 50I Hon. Walter Q. Gresham
Walter O. Gresham was born in Harrison county, Indiana, about fifty-four years ago, and has identified himself closely with the interests of his native state ever since. He is a splendid specimen of intellectual manhood, and a worthy type of Western civilization. He graduated at Bloomington college and commenced the practice of law at Corydon. In i860 he was elected to the Legislature from that place. When the war broke out he was a prominent figure among loyal Indianians, and he rendered efficient service in recruiting troops and facilitating their movement to the front. The Governor gave him the Lieutenant-colonelcy of the 38th Infantry, and he immediately went to the front, doing gallant service under Grant and Sherman. He afterward became Colonel of the 53d Regiment, and at the close of the war was a Major-General by brevet. When he returned home he went into partnership with Judge Butler and declined several political offices offered him by President Grant, but accepted the place of District Judge for the Northern district of Indiana. This position he held until called to the head of the Postoffice Department by President Arthur. He resigned this last place, however, shortly afterward and was made United States Circuit Judge to fill the vacancy caused by the retirement of Judge Drummond, at Chicago. Judge Gresham is rich in scholarly attainments, and the judicial cast of his mind eminently fits him for high service to his country from the bench. His work has always been distinguished by signal ability, deep thought, and unswerving devotion to justice. He has frequently been mentioned prominently in connection with the Republican nomination for the Presidency.
Anthony C. Hesing
Anthony C. Hesing was born at Vechta, Oldenburg, Prussia, but came to this country when a young lad. He settled first in Cincinnati, and worked in a grocery store long enough to save a little money - sufficient to start him in the same business for himself. He left Cincinnati in 1854 and came to Chicago, where he began manufacturing bricks. In i860 he was elected Sheriff, and in 1862 he bought an interest in the Staats Zeitung. Five years later he became sole owner of the paper, but later sold part of his interest to the other stockholders. Mr. Hesing has been in politics since he first came to Chicago, taking an aggressive interest in each campaign.
Redmond F. Sheridan
Redmond F. Sheridan, the youngest member of the City- Council of 1885-6, is the son of Redmond Sheridan, an old and highly esteemed citizen, and Agnes Sheridan, who was the mother, besides, of six sons and four daughters. Aid. Sheridan was born at his father's homestead, 375 West Taylor street, December 12, 1859. His early days were passed in attendance at the Holy Family school, the Polk street public school, the Clarke school and Dyrenfurth's college. His first effort in his own behalf was acting as a messenger for the Western Union Telegraph Company, and A. D. T. service during vacation time, when he also attended night school. He next entered the office of Schufeldt's distillery as office boy, and in one year was made shipping clerk, and at the end of two years was placed in charge of the freight department. Subsequently the firm gave him the privilege of conducting a brokerage business, and backed him in the enterprise, which he still successfully pursues. In the fall of 1883, while shipping for the firm, he was elected to the Thirtythird General Assembly from the Fourth Senatorial district, and he served honorably and creditably as a legislator. Before he had voted for a President he voted for John M. Palmer for United States Senator, as against Shelby M. Cullom, who received a majority of 12 votes. While in the Legislature Mr. Sheridan resisted all the influences that have brought reproach upon many legislators of late years, and he returned with as honest and enviable a reputation as he went. Redmond Sheridan, Sr., was elected to the City Council the year his son was born, and the latter was elected from the Eighth ward the year his father died, the latter having departed this life in September, 1885, after a useful and honorable career. Redmond Sheridan, Sr., was induced to become a candidate for Alderman in the old Tenth ward, now the Eighth, by " Long John " Wentworth, who, although he had served his last term as Mayor, still took an active interest in city politics. After serving nine months the first Alderman Sheridan went to the war, and his chair was draped with the American flag for the balance of his term. Upon his return he resumed the boot and shoe business, and shortly after was made a Justice of the Peace. When a deficiency developed in the Water Department he was put in charge to regulate the Assessors1 division. He was familiarly known as " Uncle Red,'' and his friends were legion, his funeral being probably the largest that ever went out of the Eighth ward. Redmond F. Sheridan takes a just pride in the useful and honorable career of his father, and his friends are gratified that his own record is no less irreproachable. While in the Legislature he originated and introduced the Police Bill, giving the police power to raid gambling houses, although a similar bill afterward preceded it on the Senate calendar. He also introduced a bill for an act to establish a home for waifs, which bill subsequently became incorporated in the act for the school at Fehanville, which measure Mr. Sheridan warmly advocated. In respect to measures of a semi-political nature he was always thoroughly independent, and he favored personal liberty and was opposed to high license, believing it would'be a hardship upon heavily taxed people. His work in the Council has been untiring in the interest of his constituency. Every street in the Eighth ward that was not improved when he entered the Council is now improved or ordered improved. He also got an appropriation for a bridge at Taylor street, and succeeded in having repealed the ordinance for the widening of Jefferson and Desplaines streets, which, owing to the high assessment, was an unpopular measure. He secured a lower assessment, which is now pending in court. Alderman Sheridan married, February 15, 1886, Miss Maria Butler, the accomplished daughter of John Butler, one of the oldest and the wealthiest citizen of the Eighth ward.
John A. Logan
John A. Logan, the son of Dr. John Logan, who left Ireland in 1823, was born in Jackson county, 111., February 9, 1826. He entered the Mexican war as a Lieutenant of the First Illinois Infantry. In 1848 he studied law. In 1849 ne was elected Clerk of Jackson county. In 1851 he commenced practicing law and was elected Prosecuting Attorney in the Third Judicial district. He was soon elected to the Legislature, and was re-elected three times. In 1856 he supported James Buchanan, and in 1S60 Stephen A. Douglas. The Democrats elected and re-elected him a Member of Congress. His war record is familiar to everybody. In 1866 he waselected to Coagress at large from Illinois, and in the Forty-First Congress he first made his mark. In 1870 he was elected to the United States Senate, and again in 1879. He was prominent in opposing the restoration of Fitz John Porter to the army. He was nominated for Vice-President by the Republican Convention of 1884, and in 1885 was re-elected to the United States Senate by the Illinois Legislature, and at once became recognized as a leading candidate for the presidency in 1888.
Richard Morton Oliver
Richard M. Oliver, County Commissioner from the City Commissioners' district, was born February 28, 1837, in Darke county, Ohio, being the fourth son of Samuel Oliver and Hettie (Rhodes) Oliver, who had nine sons and eight daughters. His parents were natives of Pennsylvania and of the Quaker persuasion. His father's business was that of a contractor. He received a common school tuition in his early years, and his first employment was farming. In 1840 he removed to Indiana with his father, who had a contract on the Northwest, or Wabash & Erie Canal, and in 1847 the family removed to Ottawa, 111., and at the age of eleven years Richard left home and went on the Illinois & Michigan Canal as a driver. When eighteen years old he was captain of a canal boat, and after serving in this capacity for a time he went on the Illinois River boats, learned the river, and became a pilot. He relinquished river life in 1859, and in i860 came to Chicago and took a position as receiving clerk with the Michigan Southern Railroad, where he remained until 1866. In the fall of that year he entered the service of Culbertson & Blair, in the packing business, remaining two years, when he engaged in the produce commission business on his own account on South Water street. In January, 1871, he bought a packing house on Halsted street, near the viaduct, where he yet continues to do a profitable business. Mr. Oliver has always been a Republican in politics. In the spring of 1877, when the politics of the Eighth ward were in a mixed up and unsatisfactory condition, an independent meeting was held in Turner hall, and Mr. Oliver was nominated for Alderman. He received the notification of his selection at the hands of a committee of twenty-one prominent citizens of the ward, accepted, and was elected over a Republican, three Democratic and a Socialist opponent, receiving a plurality of about 2,100 votes, and a majority of 350. He served two years in the City Council, and made an irreproachable record. In 1881 he was again nominated for Alderman by the Republicans and was defeated in the election by Thomas Purceil, on whom the Democrats united, Oliver receiving 1,600 votes to Purcell's 1,900. The correctness of the returns of this election were questioned, and the public press declared that Oliver was counted out. In 1885 Mr. Oliver was nominated for County Commissioner by the Republican County Convention and was elected to the County Board by a majority of 1,600. In this body he has been a consistent champion of reform and economy in the administration of the public service. Mr. Oliver's business capacity is of the highest order, as has been illustrated in many directions. He joined the Independent Order of Foresters in 1880, and in 1883 was elected a member of the Board of Directors. At this time the membership of the order was but 3,700 in Cook county ; the funds were depleted, and the order in debt. Mr. Oliver made a determined effort to put this splendid order on a better footing, and when he retired from the board of directors there were nearly 10,000 members of the order ; the debts were paid, and there was over $4,000 in the treasury. Mr. Oliver was re-elected a director in 1884, and in 1885 was elected High Chief Ranger of the order. In recognition of his services to the order his friends presented him with a gold watch and chain and a magnificent diamond badge of the order, which has been pronounced one of the most artistic and valuable testimonials of the kind ever presented to any citizen of Chicago. Mr. Oliver is a member of the Ancient Order of United Workmen, Star of the West Lodge No. 185 ; a member of the Knights of Honor, Advanced Lodge No. 2186 ; and'of Lincoln Council No. 67 of the National Union. He was united in marriage August 8, 1861, to Miss Delia Nevins, a native of Ireland, and has two children, aged 19 and 17 years respectively.
Murray F. Tuley
Judge Murray F. Tuley is a native of Kentucky, being born at Louisville in 1827. He began the study of law in 1844. He continued this for two years, after which he returned to Louisville and entered the celebrated law institute of that town. There he developed a decided liking for chancery practice. He came back to Chicago and was admitted to the bar, but soon afterward enlisted as a volunteer in the Mexican war. He established himself at Santa Fe, N. M., and enjoyed a good practice there, besides serving in the territorial Legislature. About 1864 he again came back to Chicago and took high rank at the bar. In 1869 he was made Corporation Counsel, and for a number of years rendered invaluable services to the municipality. In 1878 he was elected Alderman from the First ward, and the following year was made Judge of the Circuit bench, which position he graces to-day. For several years Judge Tuley has been mentioned prominently as an available candidate for the Mayoralty on the Democratic ticket.
Hon. Shelby M. Cullom
Shelby M. Cullom, of Springfield, was born in Wayne county, Kentucky, November 22, 1829, and with his father removed to Tazewell county, Illinois, the following year. He received an academic and university education ; went to Springfield in the fall of 1853 to study law, and has since resided there. Immediately upon receiving license to practice he was elected City Attorney, but continued to practice law until he took his seat in the House of Representatives in 1865. He was a Presidential Elector in 1856 on the Fillmore ticket ; was elected a member of the House of Representatives of the Illinois Legislature in 1856, i860, 1872 and 1874, and was elected Speaker in 1 861 and in 1873 '< was elected a Representative from Illinois in the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, and Forty-first Congresses, serving from December 4, 1865, to March 3, 1871 ; was a Delegate to the National Republican Convention at Philadelphia in 1872, being Chairman of the Illinois Delegation, and placed General Grant in nomination ; was a Delegate to the National Republican Convention in 1884, and Chairman of the Illinois Delegation ; was elected Governor of Illinois in 1876, and succeeded himself in 1880, serving from January 8, 1877, until February 5, 1883, when he resigned, having been elected to the United States Senate as a Republican, to succeed David Davis, Independent Democrat. He took his seat December 4, 1883. His term of service will expire March 3, 1889. Probably no other public man in the United States of Mr. Cullom's years has so enviable a public record, or one that has been so uniformly successful. His majorities when before the people for an elective office have been large, and his popularity remains undiminished.
William Edgar
William Edgar, Secretary of the Chicago Department of Buildings, was born in Stranraer, Scotland, February 25, 1848, being the second son of Thomas Edgar and Mary (Stewart) Edgar. William attended, when a lad, the Stranraer Academy and afterward the Free Church School, connected with the Free Church of Scotland. He came to the United States in 1869, when twenty-one years of of age, and his parents came in 1883. When Mr. Edgar arrived in Chicago he did not have a dollar in his pocket. He set to work to win his way, and engaged with a lumber company in Bridgeport, teaching night school in the meantime. In the winter of 1869 he taught at the Holden school; in 1880 under Prof. Hanaford in the Sedgwick street school, and the following- winter in the Scammon school. He yet retains city and county certificates as a school teacher. When "Uncle" Dan O'Hara was elected Clerk of the Recorder's Court, now the Criminal Court, Edgar served a clerkship under him. He next worked as a mechanical draughtsman for Ex-Governor Farwell of Wisconsin, and afterward for Col. S. V. Shipman in the same capacity. In the fall of 1873 he was appointed Deputy City Clerk under City Clerk Joseph K. C. Forrest, and remained in the position untrl the election of Caspar Butz. He then acted as a Clerk in the County Clerk's office under E. F. C. Klokke for a season. June 19, 1879, he was appointed Secretary of the City Building Department and yet retains the office, his experience as a draughtsman and acquaintance with buildings fitting him especially for this important position. Since his incumbency of the office he has examined the plans and collected the assessments on buildings the aggregate cost of which amounts to nearly $200,000,000, many of them the most substantial and costly edifices in the city. Mr. Edgar has been a Democrat since his first arrival in this country, but has independent predilections and is not backward about expressing personal views when occasion demands. Mr. Edgar is popular, respected, and gains the high esteem of all with whom he comes in contact. He is* a member of the St. Andrews Society; and of Apollo Blue Lodge, A., F. and A. M.; of Chicago Chapter, Royal Arch Masons; of St. Bernard Commandery, K. T. ; of the Illinois Council of the Royal Arcanum; of Medinah Temple of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine, and is Vice-Ruler of the Thirteen Club, an organization of bold and hardy spirits, banded together to combat superstition, under a charter from the original Thirteen Club of New York. Mr. Edgar was Regent of his Council of the Royal Arcanum for three years, and upon his retirement was presented by his brother members with a diamond mounted Regent's jewel, which is pronounced one of the most splendid testimonials of the kind ever devised. Mr. Edgar has a well appointed home at No. 819 Warren avenue, in the Twelfth ward, where he is always ready to dispense hospitality to his friends. He was married October 7, 1875, to Miss Jeannette Law Kirkland, daughter of Alexander Kirkland, Esq., and is the father of five children, the oldest a daughter, born July 4, 1876, and the youngest, a daughter also, born April 6, 1886. Mr. Edgar has several times been offered the nomination of his party for political offices, and has invariably declined to allow the use of his name in such a connection.
Edward F. Cullerton
Edward Francis Cullerton, member for fifteen years of the Chicago City Council, was born in Chicago October II, 1842. His father, Edward Cullerton, was a farmer; a native of Wexford, Ireland, and his mother was Ellen (Ryan) Cullerton, a native of Queen's county, Ireland. His parents came to the United States in 1841 and settled near Summit, and his father followed the canal and river for several years, departing this life in 1885 at the age of 93 years, and his mother dying in 1874. He had no opportunity to obtain schooling except in the winter months when he was between the age of 8 and 12 years, but being of a studious disposition he subsequently achieved a practical business education. When 12 years of age he was employed in a brick-yard and subsequently kept a livery and boarding stable. For more than ten years after this he was a driver on the Illinois and Michigan canal ; became captain and owner of a boat, and subsequently took charge of Walker & Bronson's towing boats on the canal and river. In the fall of 1 87 1, when 31 years of age, he was elected to the City Council from the then Seventh ward; in the fall of 1872 to the State Legislature; and in the fall of 1873 and every two years since was re-elected to the City Council from the Sixth ward. His elections have .always been at the earnest request and through the efforts of the people of his district, and his majorities have averaged larger than those given any other candidate for a similar office. He is regarded by the people of his district as an old, able, tried and experienced representative, and although he is always singled out as the object of bitter partisan attacks he still retains the confidence and respect of the voters of his ward. He has twice refused the nomination of his party for Congress, and twice refused the nomination for State Senator, his term in the Legislature leading him to discover that, he had either to neglect his business or decline an office that would require his attention away from home. Aid. Cullerton is now the oldest member of the City Council, and he is regarded as the ablest parliamentarian and most forcible speaker in that body, a part of these qualifications being natural, and a part acquired in his efforts to become self-educated. He has been honored by his confreres with many positions of responsibility, having been chairman of the Finance Committee three terms and of other important committees. He has been instrumental in devising and carrying out many of the most substantial improvements in the city, notably in connection with public works and West side street improvements. Although Aid. Cullerton was elected to the Legislature, and the first time to the Council as a Republican, he has since then affiliated with the Democratic party, having been active in party councils, a delegate to numerous County, State and National Conventions, in all of which his political ability has been recognized, and his powerful oratory effective. He was a member of the "Reform" Council of 1876 and a valuable ally to Thomas Hoyne in his contest of authority with Mayor Colvin. In 1876 he established a detective bureau, but soon relinquished this line of business, associating himself in the wholesale liquor business with Ex- Aid. Julius Jonas from 1878 till 1882, when he organized the Prismatic Light and Safety Car-Heating Company, with a factory on Canal street. This concern he sold in April, 1886, and entered the real estate business. He was married November 24, 1868, to Miss Winifred Dyer of Chicago, and has a comfortable home in the ward he has so long represented.
William J. McGarigle, Warden of the Cook County Hospital and ex-Superintendent of the Chicago Police Department, is one of the youngest men in the Democratic party who has achieved official and political prominence in Chicago. He was born in Milwaukee in 1852, his father being a civil engineer and contractor, who was a soldier in the Mexican war, and who had lived in Chicago when it was but a small city, having built houses for Mayor Dyer in 1843. At an early age young McGarigle attended the German and English academy at Milwaukee and pursued a course of studies that well fitted him for responsible positions in later life. Besides the ordinary English branches he became thoroughly versed in the German language. He was made Secretary of the Chicago Police Department in 1872 under Mayor Medill, being at that time the youngest man connected with the force. Subsequently he was transferred to the detective department and acted as Secretary of that bureau for nearly two years. He then became an outside operative in order to learn the active details of detective service, and after one year's experience was rapidly promoted to Sergeant, Lieutenant, and finally Chief of the Detective Department, with the rank of Captain. He was Chief of Detectives from 1875 to 1878 and then asked for a change of district in order to still further enlarge his experience. He was transferred to the West divi- sion and made Captain of the Madison (now Desplaines street) precinct, and in a short time he had cleared the West division of a gang of hardened criminals who had up to this time defied conviction. Through the efforts of Captain McGarigle thirtyfive of the worst malefactors in the city were sent to the penitentiary on terms of from four to fifteen years each. In the fall of 1879 he was promoted by Mayor Carter H. Harrison to the General Superintendency of the Police Department. His ability was generally recognized by the public and his appointment was commended by the public press without exception. In the spring of 1882 Chief McGarigle went to Europe on a tour of inspection of the various police systems in use, returning in September, when he made to the Council an exhaustive and valuable report, summarizing the results of his observations in London, Paris, Berlin and Vienna, showing by comparisons the requirements of metropolitan cities ; cost of maintenance ; system of operation, serviceability, etc., and making many suggestions that were afterward put in operation under his direction, and which brought the Chicago police force up to the highest grade of any in the country. He introduced a complete system of records ; devised a system of inventories and report blanks ; raised the grade of lockup keepers to station keepers, and required such officers to be able to read, write and possess intelligence enough to make complete reports to headquarters.
In 1879 Chief McGarigle introduced and superintended the police patrol system. A system similar to this had been talked of by Chiefs McGarigle, Benner and Sweenie of the Fire Department, and Superintendent John Barrett of the City Fire Alarm Department, for several years. The theory was to get the police where they were wanted in the quickest possible time. Iron alarm boxes and mounted police were first favorably considered under Chief of Police Hickey, but it was not until the introduction of the telephone that any reliable service could be organized, and when Mayor Harrison lent the project his commendation and support, the service was introduced, and several years of practical use have proved it the most valuable adjunct of police service ever devised. Subsequently he made many improvements on the patrol wagons, including straps to give the stretchers an easy motion ; canvas shades, rubber covers, etc. There were seventeen wagons in operation in Chicago when Chief McGarigle resigned in 1882 to become a candidate for Sheriff on the Democratic ticket. His opponent in the Shrievalty canvass was Seth F. Hanchett, a popular ex-soldier and
Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 5 I I.
Republican, and the campaign was an exceedingly lively one. Many unjust charges were made against McGarigle on partisan grounds ; the brunt of the fight was directed at him aad he was defeated. He then entered into business pursuits and was active in the organization of the Underground Telegraph Conduit Company of which Louis Wahl was President. In 1883, without personal effort or desire on his part, he was appointed Warden of the Cook County Hospital, and has since conducted this office, being re-appointed annually. Under his supervision the morale of this splendid institution has been greatly improved ; expenses lessened in many departments and increased in others ; the attendants are models of proper deportment, and the purpose of a great public hospital, in the care of and attention to patients, is entirely subserved under his able management.
John M. Dunphy
John Matthew Dunphy was born in Utica, New York, October 2, 1834. His father was Martin Dunphy, a native of Kilkenny, Ireland, and a bricklayer by trade, and his mother, Mary (Hickey) Dunphy was a native of Bennett's Bridge, a suburb of Kilkenny City. His parents came to the United States in June, 1834, locating at Utica, where during his early years John M. attended the public schools. He learned the trade of a bricklayer with James Benton, an old and noted contractor, who was afterward elected Mayor of Utica on the working men's ticket. In April, 1855, he came to Chicago and immediately engaged on a contract for William E. Wheeler, at Beloit, Wis. From 1856. to 1858 he worked as a journeyman in several Western cities ; returning then to Chicago and following his trade until 1863, when he went into business as a contractor and builder on his own responsibility. In 1864 he took into partnership Dennis Wall, and the firm dissolved in 1866, when he formed a partnership with W. A. Barton, which continued until the great fire in October, 1871. Although his losses were heavy it was not long before Mr. Dunphy by arduous labor retrieved his fortunes, and became noted as a reliable and successful contractor and builder. From 187 1 to 1883 ne erected some of the handsomest and most durable structures in the city, including the Church of the Holy Name on the North side ; St. James' church en Wabash avenue; vt. Vincent's, at Webster avenue and Osgood street ; St. Columbkill's at Indiana and Paulina streets; the residences of George
M. Pullman and B. P. Moulton ; the Hayes school ; schools in Hyde Park and Lake, and many other public and private edifices. He was elected the first president of the Bricklayer's Union in 1863, and has ever possessed the confidence and respect of the laboring classes. In 1883 he formed a partnership with Charles P. Wakeman, his former foreman, which still exists. In 1877 Mr. Dunphy was named by the Citizens' Committee as a candidate for County Commissioner, and was indorsed by the Democrats. The Republicans at this time had a large majority in Cook county and refused to indorse the Citizens' candidates, and although Mr. Dunphy ran 2,000 votes ahead of his ticket, he was defeated. In 1879 he was nominated by the Democrats for West Town Collector and received 2,700 majority. In 1882 he became candidate for Sheriff and received 68 votes in the County Convention. In 1883 he was nominated by the Democratic City Convention for City Treasurer and was elected by 3,800 majority over Dennis O'Connor, the Republican and Citizens' Union nominee. In the fall of 1886 his friends urged him to become a candidate for Sheriff. Mr. Dunphy did not care to antagonize certain elements that were opposed to him in his party, and made no active personal effort to secure the nomination. He received 93 votes in the convention however, and his friends claim would have been nominated had not the roll call been twice changed before the result of the balloting was announced. His supporters among the labor organizations pushed him forward for the nomination of the United Labor (Socialist) party, and he developed great strength, but the Convention adjourned before a ballot was taken, and when it next re-assembled the anti-Socialist wing was excluded. These delegates, with representatives of some of the most powerful unions in the city, met in convention subsequently and nominated Mr. Dunphy for Sheriff by a vote of 144 to 44 delegates on the first ballot. The ticket was known as the Cook County Labor League ticket, and Mr. Dunphy accepted the nomination tendered him.
Mr. Dunphy is a member of the Iroquois Club ; the Cook County Democratic Club; president of the John M. Dunphy and of the Sharpshooters (German) Building and Loan Association, and treasurer of the Sonora Land Company, which has a reservation of 4,000,000 acres in Sonora, Mexico. He is genial, popular, and his honesty is proverbial. He was married January 29, 1859, to Miss Mary Doyle, daughter of Edward Doyle of County Wicklow, Ireland ; and has one son surviving, John J. Dunphy, aged 25 years.
Hon. James H. Ward
James H. Ward, Representative in Congress from the Third Illinois district, was born in Chicago, November 30, 1853, at the paternal homestead southwest corner of Halsted and Madison street, the present site of Cole's Block. His father, Hugh Ward, was an early settler and an extensive builder and contractor, having in company with his brother, James Ward, erected many of the most substantial buildings of early Chicago, their reputation as builders extending throughout the West. Hugh Ward was born near Antrim, North of Ireland. When twenty years of age he came to the United States and located near Auburn, N. Y., came to Chicago in 1842, and entered actively into building operations about the same time. James Ward was a member of the Board of Education from 1857 to 1863, and the building and supply agent for the Board for eighteen years. He died in 1881. In appreciation of his valuable aid to the cause of education the Ward School at Shields avenue and Twenty- Seventh street was named in his honor. Hugh Ward died January 30, 1859, after an honorable and successful business career. James H. Ward was educated in the public schools of Chicago and afterward pursued a classical course of education at the University of Notre Dame, and upon graduating in 1873 went to Europe for observation and study and remained a year. Upon his return he entered the Union College of Law and completed his course in 1876, being admitted to the bar July 4 of that year. He immediately began to enjoy a large and remunerative practice, devoting his attention mainly to probate and chancery matters. In April, 1879, he was made the Democratic nominee for West Town Supervisor and Town Treasurer, and was elected by a large majority. While rilling this office he took up $300,000 of West Town 8 per cent, bonds and refunded them at 5 per cent, thus making an annual saving of $9,000; and he also had a clause inserted in the new bonds providing for their redemption by the town at any time. In June, 1884, he was a delegate to the Democratic State Convention at Peoria, and was named as one of the Cleveland and Hendricks electors. In the fall of 1884 he was nominated for Congress and was elected by a decisive majority, defeating two opponents, Senator William E. Mason and General J. E. Fitz Simons. In Congress he made an enviable record and returned at the close of the season with undiminished popularity, his friends tendering him a notable banquet at the Palmer House, and urging him to accept a re-nomination. This, however, Mr. Ward declined, having business interests that prohibited him from again becoming a candidate. Subsequently a committee was appointed and the nomination was again placed at his disposal and he was urged to accept, but Mr. Ward in a letter to the Third District Committee, stated that he had accepted the nomination in 1884 out of deference and duty to his party and friends, and while he appreciated the new honor tendered him, his private interests compelled him to absolutely decline re-nomination. Mr. Ward married, October 25, 1877, Miss Agatha St. Clair, daughter of the late Alexander St. Clair, for many years connected with the first Chicago railroad - the Galena and Chicago Union. Mr. Ward has one child, Hugh St. Clair Ward, five years of age.
Lawrence A. Yore
Lawrence Alphonsius Yore, representative in the City Council from the Eighth ward, was born in Deerfield, Lake county, Illinois, November 5, 1844. His father, Michael Yore, and his mother, Rosa Ann (Farley) Yore, were natives of County Meath, Ireland, who came to the United States in 1822 and settled at Syracuse, New York, coming west and locating on a farm in Lake county in 1837. Lawrence received a common school education ; worked for a season on the farm and then learned the shoemaking trade, working first at Lake Forest and serving out his apprenticeship at Waukegan. He came, to Chicago in 1859, locating in the old Tenth ward, now the Eighth, and followed his trade for seven years. He then entered the employ of Field & Leiter in the packing department, and next took a contract to attend to outside work for Kinsley the caterer. Subsequently he became city agent for W. F. McLaughlin's spice mills, and acted in this capacity until 1883, when he engaged in the milk business. He was nominated as an independent candidate for Alderman of the strongly Democratic Eighth ward in the spring of 1885, and was defeated. In the spring of 1886 he was nominated by the Republicans and was elected by 359 majority ; defeating John Long the Democratic nominee. Alderman Yore is a fluent speaker and able representative in the Council, and has hosts of friends. He is President of the Young Men's Social Club of the West side; a member of the Order of Foresters; and of the Ancient Order of United Workmen. He was married in 1872 to Miss Anastasia Anderson of Chicago, and has six children.
Chicago, Cook County. And Illinois Charles F. L. Doerner
Charles F. L. Doerner, Representative of the Sixth ward for two terms in the City Council, was born in the village of Alpen Rod, Duchy of Nassau, November 16, 1851. His father was a well to do farmer and his mother was the daughter of the Burgomaster of his native village. In 1857 his parents emigrated to the United States and settled in Chicago, and he spent several years in attendance at the Jones and Foster schools. Subsequently he learned the business of house and sign painting, and pursued it successfully for several years. In 1874 his father died leaving him the care of his mother, three sisters and a younger brother. Having- settled in the Sixth ward in 1859 he became well known and his many good qualities won him the regard and esteem of his friends and neighbors. He was induced to become a candidate for Alderman in 1881 against J.J. Altpeter, Socialist, and J. W. Wooley, Republican. The Socialists at this time were numerous in the Sixth ward and well organized, and Mr. Altpeter was popular with all classes. Doerner received 1,560 votes and Altpeter 1,669. In 1883 the Bohemians and Socialists united on Frank Huabka for Alderman, and Mr. Doerner was induced to again enter the field. He ran and defeated Huabka by 1,900 majority. In the spring of 1885 all of the various nationalities of which the population of the ward is composed had candidates in the field, and Mr. Doerner's friends believed it to be to the interests of the ward that he should remain in the Council. They nominated him and he was elected over George W. Kroll, Republican ; Charles A. Monear, Independent Democrat, and Wenzel Kasparek, Independent. The election was contested by Monear and Kasparek, and after a thorough investigation and re-count the election was given to Doerner by a decisive majority. Alderman Doerner has ever been active in the interests of his ward. The measure for the construction of the Twelfth street steam steel double bridge was introduced by him, and this improvement is of direct and immense benefit to the Sixth ward. He was also instrumental in requiring the Wisconsin Central Railway to build the center pier of this bridge, thereby saving the city $37,000. Alderman Doerner was an able champion of the Center avenue and Sixteenth street viaducts. When he entered the Council the eastern end of the ward, which was largely settled by Bohemians, was urgently in need of sewerage, and through his efforts nearly every street has been properly sewered. He has been active in securing many other improvements, and especially have his efforts met with success in the matter of street improvements. The people of the ward were at first opposed to these improvements ; they objected to assessments and wanted delays, but now that a large number of streets have been permanently improved they are well pleased and give Alderman Doerner well merited credit for wise foresight in looking to their interests.
Henry T. Murray
Henry T. Murray, Secretary of the Cook County Democratic Club, and of the Cook County Democratic Central Committee, was born in Montreal, P. O., August 7, 1849, and in September following came to Chicago with his parents. He attended the old Dearborn school ; Bryant and Stratton's Business College and Judge Booth's Commercial Law School, where he graduated. In 1866 he entered George C. Smith & Bros.' bank as a messenger ; went through all the grades of clerkship, became cashier, and wound up the affairs of this once noted banking institution in 1874. He next entered the Security Savings' Bank as cashier, and after serving several months in this capacity resigned and went into the railway supply business. He next became a partner in the firm of Brooks & Co., milliners, at No. 96 State street, and this venture not proving profitable he took an interest in the commission house of S. T. Buchan & Co., on the Board of Trade. In January, 1880, he entered the city employ as bookkeeper of the Special Assessment Department, and he has held a responsible general position in this department ever since, being now in charge of the credits. He has lived in the Second ward for the past nine years, and has always been prominently identified with Democratic politics. He was first elected Secretary pro tem of the Democratic City Central Committee, and in December, 1884, elected Secretary of the Cook County Club, and in December of the following year Secretary of the Democratic County Central Committee. He was also Secretary of Mayor Harrison's Campaign Executive Committee in the spring of 1885, and of the Cook County Campaign Committee in the fall of the same year. Mr. Murray's political acumen and great organizing ability have rapidly advanced hin in the councils of his party ; his popularity is unquestioned, and he possesses the esteem and confidence of many friends. He was married July 22, 1875, to Miss Anna K. Mead, of Boston, and has one son, ten years of age.
Denis J. Swenie
Denis Joseph Swenie, Chief of the Chicago Fire Department, was born in Glasgow, Scotland, July 29, 1834. His father, John Swenie, and his mother, Ellen (McAlice) Swenie, were born in the North of Ireland, and his father was a tailor by trade. They came to the United States, direct to Chicago, in 1848. Denis J. attended the public schools of Glasgow, and upon his arrival here learned the trade of a harness and hose maker with Charles E. Peck, on Lake street. His first experience in lire department matters was gained as a hose boy on Engine No. 3, and December 3, 1849, ne became assistant foreman of the company. He joined Red Jacket Engine Company, No. 4, in 1852, and was made assistant foreman, and when No. 4 was disbanded he went back to No. 3. About this time he took an active part in organizing the famous Shields Guards, which were under the command of the brave Col. Mulligan, and became lieutenant of the company. It was the custom in those days to elect officers of the fire department on the regular city tickets, the department making its own nominations, and in March, 1856, he was put on both city tickets for the position of First Assistant Engineer, a position similar to that of First Assistant Marshal now. He was elected and served during 1856 and 1857. In 1858 ha was elected Chief of the department, and during that year the first steam engines were introduced - the Long John, Atlantic, Enterprise and Island Queen, and the foundation was laid for the present magnificent department. In 1859 ne went back to No. 3, and remained till 1861, when the company went out of service. In April, 1861, he organized and took command of Liberty Engine Company, No. 7. In 1867 it was changed to No. 14, with the Fred Gund engine, named after one of the Fire Commissioners. During all of these changes the old Volunteer Fire Department was gradually going out of service, but the organization was kept up until 1863, when the last company, the Northern Liberty, at Larrabee street and North avenue, disbanded. He was in command of the Fred Gund in the great fire of 187 1, and it was lost in the rush of fire at Canal and Van Buren streets. The company under his charge then took Coventry Engine, No. 11, and after arduous service saved four squares, from Market to Michigan street on the North side. In September, 1873, ne was aPpointed First Assistant Marshal, and served until July 3, 1879, when he was made Acting Marshal, vice Matt Benner. He was appointed Chief Marshal in October, 1879. As First Assistant
Marshal he played an important part in the great July fire of 1874, and won the thanks of press and public for his good judgment and splendid efforts to stay the progress of that dangerous conflagration. Chief Swenie is noted throughout the world as a well-trained and experienced fire fighter. He has been several times seriously injured, in the performance of duty. He has been identified with the growth of the present famous Chicago Fire Department from a small beginning until it stands acknowledged as the best in the world. When he first joined the department it consisted of one hook and ladder truck and six little hand engines. It now includes thirty-nine steam engines ; eleven hook and ladder trucks ; nine chemical engines, stand-pipe and water-tower apparatus, and all of the most expensive paraphernalia of the modern fire department. The 470 men and 208 horses of the department are all well-housed, and the discipline is maintained at the highest standard, - Chief Swenie possessing the confidence and respect of the men, and being popular among all classes, because of his sturdy character and genial disposition. He is a member of the Firemen's Benevolent Association ; a member of the National Association of Fire Engineers ; a delegate to and chairman of conventions, and was president of. the association in 1885. Chief Swenie's prominence and popularity are not confined alone to the fire department or his present public position. He has frequently been given prominence in connection with politics, and his name for the office of Sheriff, and also for City Treasurer, has been often considered in party councils. In the fall of 1886 he was requested to allow the use of his name for the office of Sheriff on the Democratic ticket, but he declined to desert the Fire Department for a political office at that time. Thoroughly identified with the important public department over which he presides, with the ability bred of long experience and complete mastery of details, no consideration will induce him to change unless he is convinced that a. superior public duty awaits performance at his hands. His friends who gave him prominence in connection with the office of City Treasurer in 1885, and again tendered him the nomination for Sheriff are confident of his popularity and strength before the people, however, and have not ceased to urge the advisability of his nomination at some future time. He was married October 16, 1853, to Miss Martha Toner of Chicago, and is the father of six children now living - the eldest three being daughters, now married, and the younger three, sons, the eldest son, Frank W. Swenie, being an operator in the city Fire Alarm Telegraph Office.
Charles S. Petrie
Charles Silas Petrie, Assistant Marshal and Secretary of the Chicago Fire Department, was born at Xo. 211 Illinois street, Chicago, September 25, 1S40. After attending the public schools, at 15 years of age he entered the employ of the Mc- Cormick Reaper Company as an apprentice in the machinery department. He had previously become a member of the Volunteer Fire Department, serving as runner in the Hose Company Xo. 11, of which he was secretary. In 1S57 he was seized with the gofd fever and went west to Pike's* Peak, but he soon became tired of rouarhino- it in the mines and went steamboating on the Mississippi River, acting as assistant engineer. January 30, 1S62, he married Miss Martha A. Morton, of Nashville, Tenn.. and shortly afterward returned to Chicago and became engineer of the tug-boat Union. In September, he was offered and accepted the position of assistant engineer of Atlantic Engine Co. Xo. 2. and served in this capacity two and a half years, when he returned to the McCormick Reaper Works. February 1, 1S66, he was appointed assistant engineer of J. B. Rice Engine Co., Xo. 10, and at the end of a year was made engineer in charge. When the William James Engine Co. Xo. 21, was organized. Xovember 21, 1S67, h^ was transferred to that and retained charge until len he was appointed Third Assistant Fire Marshal. From this time his advancement was rapid. He was given entire charge of the West division and April 11. 1*577. was made Superintendent of the Department repair shops. October 12. 1880, he came near losing his life at the Academy of Music fire, when with seven other members of the department he was precipitated through the roof into the parquette of the theater, and all were seriously injured. January^. 1881, he was appointed Secretary of the Fire Department to succeed Hans Haerting, deceased, and has since filled the position in connection with his duties as Marshal. He is considered standard authority on all matters pertain fire apparatus, and is a thorough and skilled engineer. He invented the stand-pipe and water-tower combined, in us department, the heater, and many other valuable appliances. Mr. Petrie considers it remarkable that the date of his entrance to the Fire Department and all of his promotions have occurred on Friday. He is well proportioned physically, being 5 feet 9 inches in height ; broad chested, and well-knit. In disposition he is genial, and possesses in a high degree the fa: aking and retaining friends.
John T. Hoyne
John Thomas Hoyne, son of Hon. Philip A. Hoyne and Theresa C. (French) Hoyne, was born in Chicago, March 31, 1854 ; the residence of his parents at the date of his birth being on Clark street between Washington and Madison, now one of the principal city thoroughfares. He first attended a private German school connected with the German Lutheran church on Twelfth street, near May, and next attended the Christian Brothers' academy connected with St. Patrick's church, and then attended a similar school at the corner of Van Buren street and Fourth avenue. His first employment was in 1869 as an entry clerk in the great drygoods house of Field & Leiter. In 1871 he engaged with J. V. Farwell, and after filling various positions, took charge of a set of books in the business office of the latter firm. July 6, 1885, Mr. Hoyne accepted an appointment as Superintendent of the money order division of the Chicago postoffice. Mr. Hoyne for many years has taken an active interest in politics. His first vote was for Samuel J. Tilden. In 1880 he was identified with Hans Haerting in the organization of the original Young Democracy, being Treasurer of the Fifteenth ward branch. In 1884, when the present Young Democracy organization came into existence, Mr. Hoyne was elected Vice- President of the organization. He has frequently been a delegate to the regular party conventions ; is a member of the Cook County Club, and was one of the incorporators of the Algonquin Club, now a strong organization of active young Democrats. Mr. Hoyne is universally popular, and is considered to have a promising future in public affairs.
Daniel W. Ryan
Daniel W. Ryan, Alderman of the Fourteenth ward, has resided in Chicago since boyhood, and has been for several years prominently identified with the politics of the city.
Mr. Ryan was born in County Tipperary, Ireland, in 1843. In 1856 he emigrated to the United States, coming alone to Waterford, Saratoga county, New York, where an elder brother resided. He remained in Waterford three years, during which time he learned the cooper's trade. In 1859 he removed with a sister to Mt. Sterling, Brown county, Illinois. The following year he went to Peoria, and 1861 came to Chicago, which city has ever since been his home.
Chicago, Cook County, And Illinois. 52 I.
In August, 1862, he entered the service of his country, enlisting in Company V, First Illinois Artillery. He participated in the I ennessee campaign and was engaged in the battles of Chickamauga, Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. After the latter engagement he followed the fortunes of General Sherman in his march through Georgia, participating in all the battles of the Atlanta campaign as far as Jonesborough.
July 24, 1865, he was mustered out of the service at Chicago aid at once resumed his old occupation of a cooper. In 1874 he engaged in the coopering business in a small way on his own account in the Fourteenth ward. He was eight years on Rawson street and for one year has been located at numbers 19 to 27 Coventry street. Here Mr. Ryan does a large and prosperous business in the manufacture of barrels for distillers and rectifiers, employing about fifty hands.
After leaving the army he regularly attended night schools in Chicago where he learned bookkeeping and acquired an education which has made him successful in all the later undertakings of his life. He was married in Chicago in May, 1881, to Miss Agnes E. Donovan. They have four children, Mamie, Agnes, Daniel W. Jr., and Cornelius.
Mr. Ryan has always been a staunch Republican, and takes an active part in political matters, particularly in the'Fourteenth ward, where he has resided for nearly twenty years. In 1884 he was the Republican candidate for Alderman in his ward, but was defeated. In 1886 he was again the candidate of his party and was elected by a plurality of 1,200 votes.
Mr. Ryan is widely known, and has hosts of friends among the veterans of Chicago, with whom he has always sustained the closest relations. He is a prominent member of the Grand Army of the Republic, the Veteran Union League, the Veteran Union Club, and the Irish-American Club.
Harry A. Varnell, Warden of the Cook County Hospital for the Insane, is one of the youngest men filling an official position in the county institutions. He was born in Franklin - ville, Winnishiek county, Iowa, February 13, 1852, and removed with his parents to Chicago in 1854. He first attended the old Dearborn school on Madison street near Dearborn, and subsequently the Jones school at Harrison and Clark streets. He next took a course at that old, and in its day, well-known instic22 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, tution, Hathaway's Business College. Upon arriving at his majority he engaged with a partner in the galvanized cornice manufacturing business, and subsequently, the venture not proving sufficiently profitable, he took the agency of a safe and lock company. In 1881 he took an active part in the municipal campaign, and again in the fall election of 1882. He was appointed Warden of the Insane Asylum September 1, 1884, and has been re-appointed annually since that date. Mr. Varnell is of a genial disposition and popular among his friends, who predict for him a public career of much usefulness. Like all public institutions subject to the control of semi-political bodies the Insane Asylum is frequently the bone of partisan contention and the subject of public discussion, but throughout many such controversies and several investigations Warden Varnell has never been found lacking in attention to duty, and has maintained the affairs of the institution under his charge at a high grade of serviceability, and no charge reflecting upon his administration of the office of Warden has been justly made or sustained. Mr. Varnell was married in 187 1 to Miss Lillie Favor, and is the father of four children.
John A. Bell
John A. Bell, Assessor of the Town of West Chicago, and Record Writer of the Criminal Court of Cook county, has for the past eight years been prominently identified with the political history of Chicago, which has been his home for twenty years.
Mr. Bell is the son of Amedee Bell and was born in Troy, New York, May 13, 1850. He received his education in the public schools of his native city, and at St. Mary's Academy. In 1866 he came alone to Chicago and began life for himself as a clerk in a hotel. In 1868 he went to Portage Lake, Michigan, as general timekeeper and properly clerk for the Portage Lake and Lake Superior ship canal, where he remained until February, 1 87 1, when he returned to Chicago and entered Porter's Business College. After the fire of 1S71 he worked for some years as a painter, which trade he had learned while in the city of Troy.
In 1878 he entered the office of the clerk of the Criminal Court as office clerk. He was promoted to minute clerk, and for two years has filled the responsible position of Record Writer.
In 1885 Mr. Bell received the Republican nomination for Assessor of the Town of West Chicago, and was elected by a majority of 1,700 over Timothy E. Ryan, Democrat. In 1886 he was re-elected by a majority of 4,200 over the same opponent, running largely ahead of his ticket. This was the first election under the Crawford law, and Mr. Bell carried seven out of the nine wards in the West Town. He is Republican in politics, but has friends in all parties.
Mr. Bell is President of the Stephen A. Douglas Council, President of the St. Vincent de Paul Society, and a prominent member of the Benevolent Legion.
Mr. Bell was married in Chicago in 1873 to Miss Adel Perrier. They have five children living; John A., Jr., Frank A., Maud A., Mae R., and Theodore A.
Timothy Ryan
Timothy Ryan, of the Fourteenth ward, one of the most prominent, active and popular men in politics in his division of the city, was born in Tipperary, Ireland, March 20, 1842, his parents being farmers. He arrived in the United States with his parents in 1848, settling in Utica, where he attended the public schools for a time. In 1856 the family moved to Detroit, and after one year's residence there settled in Chicago. Here he attended night schools and at sixteen years of age engaged in the tanning and wool business with Christian Cassellman, remaining eight years. He then went to San Francisco and engaged in the same business there for himself, remaining nearly six years, when he returned to Chicago. In 1868 he became foreman for Reed & Sherwin in the packing house and wool business, and after acting in this capacity for sixteen months he established a glove and mitten manufactory, and conducted it nine years. He then became a wool-buyer, and has conducted a wool-buying and grading business until the present time. Mr. Ryan has a fine family and a pleasant home, and is an extensive propertyowner in the Fourteenth ward, where he has lived since his return from San Francisco. In politics Mr. Ryan has always been a Democrat and has frequently been a member of important political committees, serving now as a member of the Co®k County Democratic Central Committee. He is highly respected and esteemed by his neighbors, and his friends are legion. Although often urged to become a candidate for the City Council, the Board of County Commissioners, the Legislature and other offices of honor and trust, Mr. Ryan has invariably declined. While an uncompromising Democrat, Mr. Ryan has independent tendencies in local matters, and is an outspoken advocate ot political reforms.
Provenance
Text from Politics and Politicians of Chicago, Cook County, and Illinois : Memorial Volume, 1787-1887; a Complete Record of Municipal, County, State and National Politics from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, published 1887, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive. The settlements listed against this township are matched by point-in-polygon test of each Geographic Names Information System coordinate against the Census Bureau's county subdivision boundary, not by name.